LIFE  AND  VOYAGES 


or 


CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS. 


HISTORY 

0&  THE,  .  _       .  /  ^^  ^ 

LIFE    AND    VOYAGfES 


,v,     ^CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS. 


.^J^, 


BY  WASHINGTON  IRVING. 


Venient  annis 
Ssecula  seris,  quibus  Oceanus 
Vincula  rerura  laxet,  et  ingens 
Pateat  tellus,  Typhisque  novos 
Detegat  Orbes,  nee  sit  terris 
Ultima  Thule. 

Seneca  Medea, 


A    NEW    EDITION    REVISED    AND    CORRECTED    BY    THE    AUTHOR. 


IN  TWO  VOLUMES. 


PHILADELPHIA: 
LEA    &    BLANCHARD. 

FOR 

GEORGE   W.    GORTON. 
1841. 


^'S 


Entered  according  to  the  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  One  Thousand  Eight  Hun- 
dred  and  Thirty-one,  by  Washinston  Irving,  in  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  bouthern 
District  of  New  York.    ' 


»  '  %  i  >    * 


PREFACE. 


Being  at  Bordeaux,  in  the  winter  of  1826-6, 1  received  a  letter 
from  my  friend  Mr.  Alexander  Everett,  Minister  Plenipotentiary 
of  the  United  States  at  Madrid,  inviting  me  to  visit  that  capital,  and 
informing  me,  as  an  inducement  to  do  so  at  an  early  period,  that 
there  was  a  work  then  in  the  press,  edited  by  Don  Martin  Fernandez 
de  Navarrete,  Secretary  of  the  Royal  Academy  of  History,  &c.  &c. 
containing  a  collection  of  documents  relative  to  the  voyages  of  Co- 
lumbus, among  which  were  many  of  a  highly  important  nature, 
recently  discovered.  Mr.  Everett  expressed  an  opinion  that  a  version 
of  the  work  into  English,  by  one  of  our  country,  would  be  peculiarly 
desirable,  and  thought  that  it  might  furnish  me  with  an  interesting 
and  agreeable  occupation  during  my  sojourn  in  the  Spanish  capital* 
I  concurred  with  him  in  the  opinion,  and  having  for  some  time  con- 
templated a  visit  to  Madrid,  I  shortly  after  set  off  for  that  capital, 
with  an  idea  of  undertaking,  while  there,  the  translation  of  the 
work. 

Soon  after  my  arrival,  the  publication  of  Mr.  Navarrete  made  its 
appearance.  I  found  it  to  contain  many  documents  hitherto  un- 
known, which  threw  additional  lights  on  the  discovery  of  the  new 
world,  and  which  reflected  great  credit  on  the  researches  of  the 
learned  editor.  Still  the  whole  presented  rather  a  mass  of  rich 
materials  for  history,  than  a  history  itself  There  were  precious 
tracts  for  the  mere  man  of  research,  but  the  sight  of  disjointed 
papers  and  official  documents  is  apt  to  be  repulsive  to  the  general 
reader,  who  seeks  for  clear  and  connected  narrative.     These  circum- 


PREFACE. 

stances  made  me  hesitate  in  my  proposed  undertaking;    yet  the 
subject  was  of  so  interesting  and  national  a  kind,  that  I  could  not 

willingly  abandon  it. 

On  considering  the  matter  more  maturely,  I  perceived  that, 
although  there  were  many  books,  in  various  languages,  relative  to 
Columbus,  they  all  contained  limited  and  incomplete  accounts  of  his 
life  and  voyages ;  while  numerous  valuable  tracts  on  the  subject, 
existed  only  in  manuscript,  or  in  the  form  of  letters,  journals  and 
public  acts.  It  appeared  to  me  that  a  history  faithfully  digested 
from  these  various  materials,  was  a  desideratum  in  literature,  and 
would  be  a  more  satisfactory  occupation  to  myself,  and  a  more 
acceptable   work  to  my  country,  than  the  translation  I  had  con- 

templated. 

I  was  encouraged  to  undertake  such  a  work  by  the  great  facUities 
which  I  found  within  my  reach  at  Madrid.  I  was  resident  under 
the  roof  of  the  American  Consul,  O.  Rich,  Esq.,  one  of  the  most 
indefatigable  bibliographers  in  Europe,  and  who  for  several  years 
had  made  particular  researches  after  every  document  relative  to  the 
early  history  of  America.  In  his  extensive  and  curious  library  I 
found  one  of  the  best  collections  extant  of  Spanish  colonial  history, 
containing  many  documents  for  which  I  might  search  elsewhere  m 
vain  This  he  put  at  my  absolute  command,  with  a  frankness  and 
unreserve  seldom  to  be  met  with  among  the  possessors  of  such  rare 
and  valuable  works;  and  his  library  has  been  my  main  resource 
throuo-hout  the  whole  course  of  my  labours. 

I  found  also  the  royal  library  of  Madrid,  and  the  library  of  the 
Jesuits'  college  of  San  Isidro,  two  noble  and  extftnsive^  coUections, 
open  to  access,  and  conducted  with  great  order  and  liberality. 
From  Don  Marfm  de  Navarrete  I  received  the  most  obliging 
assistance,  communicating  various  valuable  and  curious  p>ece3 
«f  information,  discovered  in  the  course  of  his  researches;  nor  can 
I  refrain  from  testifymg  my  admiration  of  the  self-sustained  zeal 
of  that  estimable  man,  one  of  the  last  veterans  of  Spanish  literature; 
who  U  almost  alone,  yet  indefatigable,  in  his  labours  in  a  country 


PREFACE.  vii 

where,  at   present,  literary  exertion  meets  but  little  excitement  or 
-eward. 

I  must  acknowledge  also  the  liberality  of  the  Duke  of  Veraguas, 
the  descendant  and  present  representative  of  Columbus,  who  sub- 
mitted the  archives  of  his  family  to  my  inspection,  and  took  a 
personal  interest  m  exhibiting  the  treasures  it  contains.  Nor  lastly, 
must  I  omit  my  deep  obligations  to  my  excellent  friend,  Don 
Antonio  de  Ugina,  treasurer  of  Prince  Francisco;  a  gentleman 
of  talents  and  erudition,  and  particularly  versed  in  the  history  of  his 
country  and  its  dependencies.  To  his  unwearied  investigations  and 
silent  and  unavowed  contributions,  the  world  is  indebted  for  much 
of  the  accurate  information  recently  imparted  on  points  of  early 
colonial  history.  In  the  possession  of  this  gentleman  are  most  of  the 
paperg  of  his  deceased  friend,  the  late  historian  Munoz,  who  was 
cut  off  in  the  midst  of  his  valuable  labours.  These,  and  various 
other  documents,  have  been  imparted  to  me  by  Don  Antonio,  with 
a  kindness  and  urbanity  which  greatly  increased,  yet  lightened  the 
obhgation. 

With  these  and  other  aids  incidentally  afforded  me  by  my  local 
situation,  I  have  endeavoured,  to  the  best  of  my  abiUties,  and  the 
time  I  could  allow  myself,  during  a  sojourn  in  a  foreign  country,  to 
construct  this  history.  I  have  diligently  collated  all  the  works  that 
I  could  find  relative  to  my  subject,  in  print  and  manuscript,  com- 
paring them,  as  far  as  in  my  power,  with  original  documents,  those 
sure  lights  of  historic  research,  endeavouring  to  ascertain  the  truth 
amid  those  contradictions  which  will  inevitably  occur,  where  several 
persons  have  recorded  the  same  facts,  viewing  them  from  different 
points,  and  under  the  influence  of  different  interests  and  feelings. 

In  the  execution  of  this  work  I  have  avoided  indulging  in  mere 
speculations  or  general  reflections,  except  such  as  rose  naturally  out 
ef  the  nature  of  the  subject,  preferring  to  give  a  minute  and  circum- 
etantial  narrative,  omitting  no  particular  that  was  characteristie 
of  the  persons,  the  events,  or  the  times,  and  endeavouring  to  place 


viii  PREFACE. 

every  fact  in  such  a  point  of  view,  that  the  reader  might  perceive  its 
merits,  and  draw  his  own  maxims  and  conclusions. 

As  many  points  of  the  history  required  explanations  drawn  from 
contemporary  events,  and  the  literature  of  the  times,  I  have  prefer- 
red, instead  of  encumbering  the  narrative,  to  give  detached  illustra- 
tions at  the  end  of  the  work.  This  also  enabled  me  to  indulge  in 
greater  latitude  of  detail,  where  the  subject  was  of  a  curious  or 
interesting  nature,  and  the  sources  of  information  such  as  not  to  be 
met  with  in  the  common  course  of  reading. 

After  all,  the  work  is  presented  to  the  public  with  extreme 
diffidence.  All  that  I  can  safely  claim  is  an  earnest  desire  to  state 
the  truth,  an  absence  from  prejudices  respecting  the  nations  men- 
tioned in  my  history,  a  strong  interest  m  my  subject,  and  a  zeal  to 
make  up  by  assiduity  for  the  many  deficiencies  of  which  I  was 

conscious. 

W.  I. 
Madrid,  October  ISth,  1827. 


CON TE^ITS  OF  VOL.  L 


BOOK  I.  # 

Page 

Chap.      I.  Birth,  Parentage,  and  Education  of  Columbus        ...       3 

II.  Early  Life  of  Colsmbus 7 

II.  Progress  of  Discovery  under  prince  Henry  of  Portugal  .         .     12 

IV.  Residence  of  Columbus  at  Lisbon — Ideas  concerning  islands 

in  the  ocean  ........     17 

V.  Grounds  on  which  Columbus  founded  his  belief  of  the  existence 

of  undiscovered  lands  in  the  west     .         .         .         .         .22 

VI.  Correspondence  of  Columbus  with  Paulo  Toscanelli— Events 

in  Portugal  relative  to  discoveries  .  .  .  .  .27 
VII.  Propositions  of  Columbus  to  the  Court  of  Portugal  .  .  32 
VIII.  Departure  of  Columbus  from  Portugal,  and  application  to 

other  Courts 36 

BOOK  II. 

Ohap.      I.  First  arrival  of  Columbus  in  Spain       *.         •     ir  •         •  ,39 

II.  Characters  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  ....  .42 

III.  Propositions  of  Columbus  to  the  Court  of  Castile  .         .     46 

IV.  Columbus  before  the  council  at  Salamanca  ....     51^ 
V.  Further  applications  at  the  Court  of  Castile — Columbtfs  follows 

the  Court  in  its  campaigns       ......  57 

VI.  Applications  to  the  Dukes  of  Medina  Sidonia  and  Medina 

Cell — Return  to  the  convent  of  La  Rabida         .         .         .  63 
Vn.  Application  to  the  Court  at  the  time  of  the  surrender  of  Gra- 
nada   ..........  67 

VIII.  Arrangement  with  the  Spanish  Sovereigns    .         .         .         .72 

IX.  Preparations  for  the  expedition  at  the  port  of  Palos          .         .  76 

BOOK  III. 

Chap.      I.  Departure  of  Columbus  on  his  first  voyage    .         .         .          .81 
II.  Continuation  of  the  voyage — First  notice  of  the  variation  of  the 

needle  .........     85 

III.  Continuation  of  the  voyage — Various  terrors  of  the  seamen     .     88 
IV    Continuation  of  the  voyage-  Discovery  of  land      .         »  93 


J 


X  CONTENTS. 

BOOK  IV. 

Chap.      I.  First  landing  of  Columbus  in  the  New  "World        •         .         .102 

II.  Cruise  among  the  Bahama  Islands       .....   108 

III.  Discovery  and  Coasting  of  Cuba 114 

IV.  Further  coasting  of  Cuba 120 

V.  Search  after  the  supposed  island  of  Babeque — Desertion  of  the 

Pinta 125 

VI.  Discovery  of  Hispaniola     .......  129 

VII.  Coasting  of  Hispaniola 134 

VIII.  Shipwreck .         .         .137 

IX.  Transactions  with  the  natives 140 

X.  Building  of  the  fortress  of  La  Navidad           .         .         .         .145 
XI.  Regulation  of  the  fortress  of  La  Navidad— Departure  of  Co- 
lumbus for  Spain 148 

BOOK  V. 

Chap.      I.  Coasting  towards  the  eastern  end  of  Hispaniola — ^Meeting 

with  Pinzon — Affair  with  the  natives  at  the  Gulf  of  Samana.  152 
n.  Return   voyage — Violent  storms — Arrival  at  the  Azores  .  159 

III.  Transactions  at  the  Island  of  St.  Mary's      .         .         .         .164 
rV.  Arrival  at  Portugal— Visit  to  the  Court         .         .         .         .167 

V.  Reception  of  Columbus  at  Palos 173 

VI.  Reception  of  Columbus  by  the  Spanish  Court  at  Barcelona     .  177 
VII.  Sojourn  of  Columbus  at  Barcelona — Attentions  paid  him  by 

the  sovereigns  and  courtiers    .         .         .         .         .         .181 

Vm.  Papal  bull  of  partition — Preparations  for  a  second  voyage  of 

Columbus    .........    185 

IX.  Diplomatic  negotiations  between  the  courts  of  Spain  and  Por- 
tugal, with  respect  to  the  new  discoveries  .         .  ,191 
X.  Further  preparations  for  the   second  voyage— Character  of 
Alonzo  de  Ojeda — Differences  of  Columbus  with  Soria  and  #' 
Foifteca       .        .        .        .         .        v        .        .        .195 

^  BOOK  VI. 

Chap.      I.  Departure  of  Columbus  on  his  second  voyage — Discovery  of 

the  Caribbee  Islands 201 

II.  Transactions  at  the  island  of  Gaudaloupe      ....  205 
ni.  Cruise  among  the  Caribbee  islands      .         .         .         .         .211 

IV.  Arrival  at  the  harbour  of  La  Navidad — Disaster  of  the  fortress    216 
V.  Transactions  with  the  natives — Suspicious  conduct  of  Gua- 

canagari        .........  224 

VI.  Founding  of  the  city  of  Isabella — Maladies  of  the  Spaniards    .  229 

VII.  Expedition  of  Alonzo  de  Ojeda  to  explore  the  interior  of  the 

island — Dispatchof  the  ships  to  Spain       ....  232 

VIII.  Discontents  at  Isabella — Mutiny  of  Bernal  Diaz  de  Pisa        .  237 
IX.  Expedition  of  Columbus  to  the  mountains  of  Cibao         .         .  240 

X.  Excursion  of  Juan  de  Luxan  among  the  mountains — Customs 
and  characteristics  of  the  natives — Return  of  Columbus  to 
Isabella 246 


CONTENTS.  M 

Chap.    XI.  Arrival  of  Columbus  at  Isabella— sickness  of  the  coiony         .255 

XII.  Distribution  of  the  Spanish  forces  in  the  interior— Preparations 

for  a  voyage  to  Cuba      .         .         .     »    .         .         .         .  259 

BOOK  VII. 

Chap.      I.  Voyage  to  the  east  end  of  Cuba          .         .         .         •        •  263 
II.  Discovery  of  Jamaica  267  < 

III.  Return  to  Cuba— Navigation  among  the  islands  called  the 

Clueen's  Garden   .....•••  270 

IV.  Coasting  of  the  southern  side  of  Cuba  ....  274 
V.  Return  of  Columbus  along  the  southern  coast  of  Cuba  .         .  281 

VL  Coasting  voyage  along  the  south  side  of  Jamaica  .         .         .  286 
VII.  Voyage  along  the  south  side  of  Hispaniola,  and  return  ttf 

Isabella 289 

BOOK  VIII. 

Chap.      I.  Amval  of  the  admiral  at  Isabella — Character  of  Bartholomew 

Columbus 293 

II.  Misconduct  of  Don  Pedro  Margarite,  and  his  departure  from 

-     the  island 297 

m.  Troubles    witli  the  natives — ^Alonzo  de  Ojeda  besieged  by 

Caonabo 301 

IV.  Measures  of  Columbus  to  restore  the  quiet  of  the  island— Ex- 
pedition of  Ojeda  to  surprise  Caonabo      ....  306 
V.  Arrival  of  Antonio  de  Torres,  with  four  ships  from  Spain — 

His  return  with  Indian  slaves         .....  312 
VI.  Expedition  of  Columbus  against  the  Indians  of  the  Vega — 

Battle 315 

VII.  Subjugation  of  the  natives — Imposition  of  tribute  .         .         .  319 
^ .     VIII.  Intrigues  against  Columbus  in  the  Court  of  Spain— Aguado 

sent  to  investigate  the  affairs  of  Hispaniola       .         .         .   324 
IX.  Arrival  of  Aguado  at  Isabella — ^His  arrogant  conduct— Tem- 
pest in  the  harbour         .......   529 

X.  Discovery  of  the  mines  of  Hayna 333 

BOOK  IX. 

Chap.      I.  Return  of  Columbus  to  Spain  with  Aguado  .         .         .  337 

II.  Declineof  the  popularity  of  Columbus  in  Spain— His  reception 

by  the  sovereigns  at  Burgos — He  proposes  a  third  voyage  .   342 
III.  Preparations  for  a  third  voyage — Disappointments  and  delays    347 

BOOK  X. 

Chap.      I.  Departure  of  Columbus  from  Spain  on  his  third  voyage— Dis- 
covery of  Trinidad         .......  355 

II.  Voyage  through  the  gulf  of  Paria 360 

III.  Continuation  of  the  voyage  through  the  gulf  of  Paria — Return 

to  Hispaniola"        ........  368 

IV.  Speculations  of  Columbus  concerning  the  coast  of  Paria        .  373 


xll  CONTENTS. 

BOOK  XL 

Pact 
Chap.      I.  Adminiatration  of  the  Adelantado— Expedition  to  the  province 

ofXaragua      .         .         .         .         .         .         ,         .         379 

II.  Establisliment  of  a  chain  of  military  posts — Insurrection  of 

Guarionex,  the  cacique  of  the  Vega  ....  385 

III.  The  Adelantado  repairs  to  Xaragua  to  receive  tribute     .         .  39 1 

IV.  Conspiracy  of  Roldan 394 

V.  The  Adelantado  repairs  to  the  Vega  in  relief  of  Fort  Concep- 
tion— His  interview  with  Roldan 399 

VI.  Second  insurrection  of  Guarionex,  and  flight  to  the  mountains 

ofCiguay 403 

VII.  Campaign  of  the  Adelantado  in  the  mountains  of  Ciguay      .  406 


LIFE   AND  VOYAGES 


OF 


CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS 


BOOK  I. 


Whether  in  old  times,  beyond  the  reach  of  history  or  tradition, 
and  in  some  remote  period  of  civilization,  when,  as  some  imagine, 
the  arts  may  have  flourished  to  a  degree  unknown  to  those  whom 
we  term  the  Ancients,  there  existed  an  intercourse  between  the  op- 
posite shores  of  the  Atlantic ;  whether  the  Egyptian  legend,  narrated 
by  Plato,  respecting  the  island  of  Atalantis,  was  indeed  no  fable, 
but  the  obscure  tradition  of  some  vast  country,  engulphed  by  one  of 
those  mighty  convulsions  of  our  globe,  which  have  left  traces  of 
the  ocean  on  the  summits  of  lofty  mountains,  must  ever  remain  mat- 
ters of  vague  and  visionary  speculation. 

As  far  as  authenticated  history  extends,  nothing  was  known  of 
Terra  Firma,  and  the  islands  of  the  western  hemisphere,  until  their 
discovery  towards  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century.  A  wandering 
bark  may  occasionally  have  lost  sight  of  the  land-marks  of  the  old 
continents,  and  been  driven  by  tempests  across  the  wilderness  of 
waters,  long  before  the  invention  of  the  compass,  but  never  returned 
to  reveal  the  secrets  of  the  ocean.  And  though,  from  time  to  time, 
some  document  has  floated  to  the  shores  of  the  old  world,  giving  to 
its  wondering  inhabitants  evidences  of  land  far  beyond  their  watery 
horizon,  yet  no  one  ventared  to  spread  a  sail,  and  seek  that  land  en- 
veloped in  mystery  and  peril.  Or  if  the  legends  of  the  Scandinavian 
voyagers  be  correct,  and  their  mysterious  Vinland  was  the  coast  of 
Labrador  or  the  shore  of  Newfoundland,  they  had  but  transient 
glimpses  of  the  new  world,  leading  to  no  certain  or  permanent 
knowledge,   and  in  a  little  time  lost  again  to  mankind.* 

Certain  it  is  that  at  the  beginning  of  the  fifteenth  century,  when 

*  See  Illustrations  at  the  end  of  this  work,  article,  "  Scandinavian  Discoveries.^* 
Vol  I.  1  A 


2  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  L 

the  most  intelligent  minds  were  seeking  in  every  direction  for  the 
scattered  lights  of  geographical  knowledge,  a  profound  ignorance 
prevailed  among  the  learned  as  to  the  western  regions  of  the  Atlan- 
tic; its  vast  waters  were  regarded  with  awe  and  wonder;  seeming 
to  bound  the  world  as  with  a  chaos,  into  which  conjecture  could  not 
penetrate,  and  enterprise  feared  to  adventure.  We  need  no  greater 
proof  of  this  than  the  description  given  of  the  Atlantic  hy  Xerif  al 
Edris,  surnamed  the  Nubian,  an  eminent  Arabian  writer,  whose  coun- 
trymen were  the  boldest  navigators  of  the  middle  ages,  and  possessed 
all  that  was  then  known  of  geography.  "The  ocean,"  he  observes, 
"encircles  the  ultimate  bounds  of  the  inhabited  earth,  and  all  beyond 
it  is  unknown.  No  one  has  been  able  to  verify  any  thing  concern- 
ing it,  pn  account  of  its  difficult  and  perilous  navigation,  its  great 
obscurity,  its  profound  depth  and  frequent  tempests,  through  fear  of 
its  mighty  fishes,  and  its  haughty  winds;  yet  there  are  many  islands 
in  it,  some  peopled,  others  uninhabited.  There  is  no  mariner  who 
dares  to  enter  into  its  deep  waters;  or  if  any  have  done  so,  they 
have  merely  kept  along  its  coasts,  fearful  of  departing  from  them. 
The  waves  of  this  ocean,  although  they  roll  as  high  as  mountains, 
yet  maintain  themselves  without  breaking;  for  if  they  broke  it  would 
be  impossible  for  ship  to  plough  them."* 

It  is  the  object  of  the  following  work,  to  relate  the  deeds  and 
fortunes  of  the  mariner,  who  first  had  the  judgment  to  divine,  and 
the  intrepidity  to  brave,  the  mysteries  of  this  perilous  deep;  and  who, 
by  his  hardy  genius,  his  inflexible  constancy,  and  his  heroic  courage, 
brought  the  ends  of  the  earth  into  communication  with  each  other. 
The  narrative  of  his  troubled  life  is  the  link  which  connects  the 
history  of  the  old  world  with  that  of  the  new. 


*  Descript.  of  Spain,  by  Xerif  al  Edris :  Conde's  Spanish  translation,    Ma- 
drid, 1799. 


Chap.  I.J  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

BIRTH,    PARENTAGE,    AND    EDUCATION    OF    COLUMBUS. 

Of  the  earlj  days  of  Christopher  Columbus  nothing  certain  is  known, 
his  very  origin  is  Involved  in  obscurity ;  and  such  has  been  the  per- 
plexing ingenuity  of  commentators,  that  it  is  difficult  to  extricate  the 
truth  from  the  web  of  conjectures  with  which  it  is  interwoven.  Judg- 
ing from  the  testimony  of  one  of  his  contemporaries  and  intimates,* 
who  is  entitled  to  perfect  faith,  he  must  have  been  born  about  the 
year  1435  or  1436.  Several  places  contend  for  the  honour  of  having 
given  him  birth,  but  it  seems  satisfactorily  established  that  he  was 
a  native  of  the  ancient  city  of  Genoa.  A  like  contention  has  arisen 
with  respect  to  his  lineage.  More  than  one  noble  family  has  laid 
claim  to  him,  since  his  name  has  become  so  illustrious  as  to  confer 
rather  than  receive  distinction.  It  is  probable  that  all  these  families, 
together  with  that  of  Columbus,  may  be  branches  from  one  common 
stock,  though  shaken  asunder,  and  some  of  them  cast  down  by  the  civil 
wars  of  Italy.  It  does  not  appear  that  there  had  been  any  nobility  in  his 
family,  within  the  knowledge  of  himself  or  his  contemporaries;  nor 
is  the  fact  material  to  his  fame.  It  is  certainly  more  honourable  to 
his  memory  to  be  the  object  of  contention  among  various  noble 
families,  than  to  be  able  to  designate  the  most  illustrious  descent. 
His  son  Fernando,  who  wrote  his  history,  and  who  made  a  journey 
to  investigate  his  claims  to  ancestry,  tacitly  relinquishes  all  preten- 
sions of  the  kind ;  pronouncing  it  better  that  his  family  should  date 
its  glory  from  the  Admiral,  than  look  beyond  him,  to  ascertain 
whether  his  predecessors  had  been  ennobled,  and  had  kept  hawk 
and  hound;  "for  I  am  of  opinion,"  he  adds,  "that  1  should  derive 
less  dignity  from  any  nobility  of  ancestry,  than  from  being  the  son 
of  such  a  father."! 

The  immediate  parentage  of  Columbus  was  poor,  though  reput- 
able and  meritorious,  his  father  being  a  wool-comber,  long  resident  in 
the  city  of  Grenoa.     He  was  the  eldest  of  four  children,  having  two 


*  Andres  Bernaldes,  commonly  known  as  the  Curate  of  Los  Palacios.  For 
remarks  on  the  age,  birth,  birth-place,  and  parentage  of  Columbus,  see  the  Illustra- 
tions at  the  end  of  this  work. 

t  Hist,  del  Almirante,  Cap.  II. 


4  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  I. 

brothers,  Bartholomew  and  Giacomo,  or,  as  his  name  was  translated 
into  Spanish,  Diego,  and  one  sister,  of  whom  nothing  is  known,  ex- 
cepting that  she  was  married  to  a  person  in  obscure  life,  called 
Giacomo  Baverello. 

The  family  name  in  Italian  is  Colombo :  it  was  latinized  into 
Columbus  by  himself  in  his  earlier  letters,  and  by  others  in  their 
writings  concerning  him,  in  compliancy  with  the  usage  of  the  times, 
when  Latin  was  the  general  language  of  correspondence,  and  that 
in  which  every  name  of  historical  importance  was  written.  The 
discoverer,  however,  is  better  known  in  Spanish  history  as  Cristoval 
Colon,  having  altered  his  name  when  he  removed  to  Spain.  The 
principal  reason  given  by  his  son  for  this  alteration,  was,  that  his 
descendants  might  be  distinguished  from  collateral  branches  of  the 
family.  For  this  purpose,  he  recurred  to  what  was  supposed  to  be  tht 
Roman  origin  of  the  name,  Colonus,  which  he  abbreviated  to  Colon, 
to  adapt  it  to  the  Castilian  tongue.  From  his  variety  of  appellations, 
the  name  of  Columbus  is  retained  in  the  present  history,  as  that  by 
which  he  has  been  most  generally  known  throughout  the  world. 

His  education  was  limited,  though  as  extensive  probably  as  the 
indigent  circumstances  of  his  parents  would  permit.  When  quite  a 
child  he  was  taught  to  read  and  write,  and  wrote  so  good  a  hand, 
says  Las  Casas,  who  possessed  many  of  his  manuscripts,  that  with  it 
he  might  have  earned  his  bread.*  He  made  equal  proiiciency  in 
arithmetic,  drawing  and  design,  and  afterwards  became  well  ac- 
quainted with  grammar  and  the  Latin  tongue.  He  had  at  a  very  early 
.age  evinced  a  strong  passion  for  geographical  knowledge,  and  an 
irresistible  inclination  for  the  sea ;  his  education,  therefore,  was  princi- 
pally directed  to  those  studies  proper  to  fit  him  for  maritime  life.  To 
give  him  an  insight  into  the  requisite  sciences,  he  was  sent  for  a  short 
time  to  Pavia,  the  great  school  of  learning  in  Lombardy,  where  he 
was  instructed  in  geometry,  geography,  astronomy,  or  as  it  was  at 
that  time  termed,  astrology,  and  navigation.!  These  studies,  so 
congenial  to  his  taste  and  wishes,  were  pursued  with  characteristic 
ardour,  and  laid  the  foundation  in  his  mind  for  all  his  future  great- 
ness. In  the  latter  part  of  his  life,  when  impressed  with  the  sublime 
events  which  had  been  brought  about  through  his  agency,  he  looked 
back  upon  his  career  with  a  solemn  and  superstitious  feeling,  he 
mentions  this  early  determination  of  his  mind  as  a  secret  impulse 
from  the  Deity,  guiding  him  to  the  studies,  and  inspiring  him  with 

*  Las  Casas'  Hist.  Ind.  L.  1.  C.  3.  MS. 

i  Hist,  del  Almirante,  C.  2k  ^ 


Chap.  L]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  5 

the  inclinations,  which  should  fit  him  for  the  high  decrees  he  was 
chosen  to  accomplish.* 

In  tracing  the  early  history  of  a  man  like  Columbus,  whose 
actions  have  had  so  vast  an  effect  on  human  affairs,  it  is  interesting 
to  notice  how  much  has  been  owing  to  the  influence  of  events,  and 
how  much  to  an  inborn  propensity  of  the  mind.  The  most  original 
and  inventive  genius  grows  more  or  less  out  of  the  times;  and  that 
strong  impulse,  which  Columbus  considered  as  supernatural,  is  un- 
consciously produced  by  the  operation  of  external  circumstances. 
Every  now  and  then,  thought  takes  some  sudden  and  general  direc- 
tion; either  revisiting  some  long  neglected  region  of  knowledge, 
and  exploring  and  reopening  its  forgotten  paths,  or  breaking  with 
wonder  and  delight  into  some  fresh  and  untrodden  field  of  discovery. 
It  is  then  that  an  ardent  and  imaginative  genius,  catching  the  im- 
pulse of  the  day,  outstrips  all  less  gifted  contemporaries,  takes  the 
lead  of  the  throng  by  which  it  was  first  put  in  motion,  and  presses 
forward  ta  achievements,  which  feebler  spirits  would  never  have 
adventured  to  attempt.  We  find  an  illustration  of  this  remark  in 
Columbus.  The  strong  passion  for  geographical  knowledge,  which 
he  so  early  felt,  and  which  gave  rise  to  his  after  actions,  was  incident 
to  the  age  in  which  he  lived.  Geographical  discovery  was  the 
brilliant  path  of  light,  which  was  for  ever  to  distinguish  the  fifteenth 
century ;  the  most  splendid  era  of  invention  in  the  annals  of  the  world. 
During  the  long  night  of  monkish  bigotry  and  false  learning.  Geogra- 
phy, with  the  other  sciences,  had  been  lost  to  the  European  natioi^ 
Fortunately  it  had  not  been  lost  to  mankind ;  it  had  taken  refuge 
in  the  bosom  of  Africa.  While  the  pedantic  schoolmen  of  the 
cloisters  were  wasting  time  and  talent,  and  confounding  erudition 
by  idle  reveries,  and  sophistical  dialectics,  the  Arabian  sages,  assem- 
bled at  Senaar,  were  taking  the  measurement  of  a  degree  of  latitude, 
and  calculating  the  circumference  of  the  earth  on  the  vast  plains  of 
Mesopotamia. 

True  knowledge,  thus  happily  preserved,  was  now  making  its 
way  back  to  Europe.  The  revival  of  science  accompanied  the  re- 
vival of  letters.  Among  the  various  authors  which  the  awakening 
zeal  for  ancient  literature  had  once  more  brought  into  notice,  were 
Pliny,  Pomponius  Mela,  and  Strabo.  From  these  was  regained  a 
fund  of  geographical  knowledge  which  had  long  faded  from  the 
public  mind.  Curiosity  was  aroused  to  pursue  this  forgotten  path, 
thus  suddenly  reopened.     A  translation  of  the  work  of  Ptolemy 


Letter  to  the  Castilian  sovereigns,     1501.  ^2 


B  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  I 

had  been  made  into  Latin,  at  the  commencement  of  the  century,  by 
Emanuel  Chrysoloras,  a  noble  and  learned  Greek,  and  had  thus 
been  rendered  more  familiar  to  the  Italian  students.  Another 
translation  had  foUov/ed,  by  James  Ang-el  de  Scarpiaria,  of  which 
fair  and  beautiful  copies  became  common  in  the  Italian  libraries.* 
The  writings  also  began  to  be  sought  after,  of  Averroes,  Alfraganus, 
and  other  Arabian  sages,  who  had  kept  the  sacred  fire  of  science 
alive  during  the  interval  of  European  darkness. 

The  knowledge  thus  reviving  was  but  limited  and  imperfect ;  yet, 
like  the  return  of  morning  light,  it  was  full  of  interest  and  beauty. 
It  seemed  to  call  a  new  creation  into  existence,  and  broke  with  all 
the  charm  of  wonder  upon  imaginative  minds.  They  were  surprised 
at  their  own  ignorance  of  the  world  around  them.  Every  step 
seemed  discovery,  for  every  region  beyond  their  native  country  was 
in  a  manner  terra  incognita. 

Such  was  the  state  of  information  and  feeling  with  respect  to 
this  interesting  science,  in  the  early  part  of  the  fifteenth  century. 
An  interest  still  more  intense  was  awakening,  from  the  discoveries 
that  began  to  be  made  along  the  Atlantic  coasts  of  Africa;  and  must 
have  been  particularly  felt  among  a  maritime  and  commercial 
people  like  the  Genoese.  To  these  circumstances  may  we  ascribe 
the  enthusiastic  devotion  which  Columbus  imbibed  in  his  childhood 
forcosmographical  studies,  and  which  influenced  all  his  after  fortunes. 

In  considering  his  scanty  education,  it  is  worthy  of  notice  how 
little  he  owed,  from  the  very  first,  to  adventitious  aid ;  how  much  to 
the  native  energy  of  his  character,  and  the  fertility  of  his  mind. 
The  short  time  that  he  remained  at  Pavia  was  barely  sufficient 
to  give  him  the  rudiments  of  the  necessary  sciences;  the  familiar 
acquaintance  with  them,  which  he  evinced  in  after  life,  must  have 
been  the  result  of  diligent  self-schooling,  and  casual  hours  of  study, 
amidst  the  cares  and  vicissitudes  of  a  rugged  and  wandering  life. 
He  was  one  of  those  men  of  strong  natural  genius,  who  appear  to  form 
themselves ;  who  from  having  to  contend  at  their  very  outset,  with 
privations  and  impediments,  acquire  an  intrepidity  to  encounter, 
and  a  facility  to  vanquish  difficulties,  throughout  their  career. 
Such  men  learn  to  effect  great  purposes  with  small  means,  supply- 
ing this  deficiency  by  the  resources  of  their  own  energy  and  inven- 
tion. This,  from  his  earliest  commencement,  throughout  the  whole 
of  his  life,  was  one  of  the  remarkable  features  in  the  history  of 
Columbus.  In  everj''  undertaking,  the  scantiness  and  apparent  in- 
sufficiency of  his  means  enhance  the  grandeur  of  his  achievements. 


Andres  Hist.  B.  Let.  1.  3.  c.  2. 


Chap.  H.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS. 


CHAPTER  11. 

EARLY    LIFE    OF    COLUMBUS. 

Columbus  left  the  university  of  Pavia  while  he  was  yet  extremely 
young  and  returned  to  his  father's  house  in  Genoa.  Here,  accord- 
ing to  a  contemporary  historian,  he  remained  for  some  time,  assist- 
ing his  father  in  his  trade  of  wool-combing.*  The  assertion  is 
indignantly  contradicted  by  his  son  Fernando,  who,  however,  gives 
us  no  information  to  supply  its  place.  He  could  not,  at  any  rate, 
have  continued  long  in  this  employment,  for  according  to  his  own 
account  he  entered  upon  a  nautical  life  at  the  age  of  fourteen  ,, 
years,  t  For  this  he  had  been  educated,  and  to  this  he  was  prompted  ^ 
by  a  roving  and  enterprising  disposition,  and  by  the  peculiar  circum- 
stances of  his  native  place. 

In  a  maritime  city  the  sea  has  irresistible  attractions  for  a  youth 
of  ardent  curiosity,  and  his  imagination  pictures  forth  every  thing 
fair  and  desirable  beyond  its  waters.  Genoa,  also,  walled  and 
straitened  on  the  land  side  by  rugged  mountains,  yielded  but  little 
scope  for  enterprise  on  shore,  while  an  opulent  and  widely  extended 
commerce,  visiting  every  country,  and  a  roving  marine,  battling  in 
every  sea,  naturally  led  forth  her  children  upon  the  wares,  as  their 
propitious  element.  The  violent  factions,  also  which  raged  within 
the  bosom  of  that  splendid  city,  and  often  dyed  her  streets  with  the 
blood  of  the  inhabitants,  contributed  to  promote  this  disposition  to 
emigrate.  A  historian  of  Genoa  laments  this  proneness  of  its  youth  to 
wander  abroad  in  quest  of  fortune.  "They  go,"  said  he,  "with  the 
intention  of  returning  when  they  shall  have  acquired  the  means  of 
living  comfortably  and  honourably  in  their  native  place ;  but  we 
know  from  long  experience,  that  of  twenty  who  thus  depart  scarce 
two  return;  either  dying  abroad,  or  taking  to  themselves  foreign 
wives,  or  being  loth  to  expose  themselves  to  the  tempest  of  civil  dis- 
cords which  distract  the  republic."  J 

About  the  time  that  Columbus  entered  upon  his  nautical  career 

*  Agostino  Giustiniani.  Ann.  de  Genova.  His  assertion  has  been  echoed  by 
other  historians,  viz.  Anton.  Gallo  de  Navigatione  Columbi,  &c.  Muratori,  T.  23. 
Barta  Senarega,  de  rebus  Genuensibus,  Muratori,  T.  24. 

♦  Hist,  del  Almirante,  C.  4. 

t  Foglieta,  Istoria  de  Genoa,  L.  2. 


8  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book.  I. 

there  was  a  hardy  sea  captain  of  the  name  of  Colombo,  a  distant 
^  relation,  who  had  acquired  considerable  celebrity  by  his  daring 
cruises,  and  who  appears  at  times  to  have  enjoyed  the  rank  of 
admiral  in  the  service  of  Genoa.  With  this  veteran  Columbus 
sailed  on  several  occasions  and  for  a  considerable  length  of  time,* 
and  it  is  probable,  under  his  rough  schooling,  was  first  initiated  into 
the  toils  and  perils  of  the  seas. 

The  seafaring  life  of  the  Mediterranean,  in  those  days,  was  made 
up  of  hazardous  voyages  and  daring  enterprises.  Even  a  commer- 
cial expedition  resembled  a  warlike  cruise,  and  the  maritime  mer- 
chant had  often  to  fight  his  way  from  port  to  port.  Piracy  was 
'^  almost  legitimatized.  The  frequent  feuds  between  the  Italian  states, 
the  cruisings  of  the  Catalonians;  the  armadas  fitted  out  by  private 
noblemen,  who  exercised  a  kind  of  sovereignty  in  their  own  domains, 
and  kept  petty  armies  and  navies  in  their  pay ;  the  roving  ships 
and  squadrons  of  private  adventurers,  a  kind  of  naval  Condottieri, 
sometimes  employed  by  hostile  governments,  sometimes  scouring  the 
seas  in  search  of  lawless  booty;  these,  with  the  holy  wars  con- 
tinually waged  against  the  Mahometan  powers,  rendered  the  narrow 
seas,  to  which  navigation  was  principally  confined,  scenes  of  the 
most  hardy  encounters  and  trying  reverses. 

Such  was  the  rugged  school  in  which  Columbus  was  reared,  and 
it  would  have  been  deeply  interesting  to  have  marked  the  early 
development  of  his  genius  amidst  its  stern  adversities.  Surrounded 
by  the  hardships  and  humilities  which  beset  a  poor  adventurer  in  a 
seafaring  life,  he  still  seems  ever  to  have  cherished  a  lofty  tone  of 
thought,  and  to  have  fed  his  imagination  with  schemes  of  glorious 
enterprise.  The  severe  and  varied  lessons  of  his  youth  gave  him 
that  practical  knowledge,  that  fertility  of  resource,  that  undaunted 
resolution,  and  vigilant  self-command,  for  which  he  was  afterwards 
remarkable.  In  this  way,  the  fruits  of  bitter  experience  are  turned 
to  healthful  aliment,  by  a  vigorous  genius  and  an  aspiring  mind. 

All  this  instructive  era  of  his  history,  however,  is  covered  with 
darkness.  His  son  Fernando,  who  could  have  best  elucidated  it, 
has  left  it  in  obscurity,  or  has  now  and  then  perplexed  us  with  cros 
lights;  perhaps  unwilling,  from  a  principle  of  mistaken  pride,  to 
reveal  the  indigence  and  obscurity  from  which  his  father  so  gloriously 
emerged.  A  few  vague  and  scattered  anecdotes  are  all  that  exist; 
but  they  are  interesting,  as  giving  glimpses  of  the  chequered  and 
adventurous  life  he  must  have  led. 

The  first  voyage  in  which  we  have  any  account  of  his  being 


*  Hist,  del  Almirante,  C.  5. 


Chap.  II.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  ^ 

engaged  was  a  naval  expedition,  having  for  its  object  the  recovery  of 
a  crown.  An  Armament  was  fitted  out  in  Genoa  in  1459  by  John  of 
Anjou,  Duke  of  Calabria,  to  make  a  descent  upon  Naples,  in 
the  hope  of  recovering  that  kingdom  for  his  father  king  Reinicr, 
or  Renato,  otherwise  called  Rene,  Count  of  Provence.  The  repub- 
lic of  Genoa  aided  him  with  ships  and  money.  The  brilliant 
nature  of  the  enterprise  attracted  the  attention  of  the  daring  and 
restless  spirits  of  the  times.  The  chivalrous  nobleman,  the  soldier 
of  fortune,  the  hardy  corsair,  the  desperate  adventurer,  the  merce- 
nary partizan,  all  hastened  to  enlist  under  the  banner  of  Anjou. 
The  veteran  Colombo  took  a  part  in  this  expedition,  either  with 
galleys  of  his  own,  or  as  a  commander  of  the  Genoese  squadron,  and 
with  him  embarked  his  youthful  relative,  the  future  discoverer. 
There  is  no  mention  of  this  fact  among  the  biographers  of  Columbus 
who  were  his  contemporaries,  none  of  whom  indeed  give  any  anec- 
dotes of  this  period  of  his  life;  but  it  has  been  repeatedly  affirmed  by 
later  writers,  who  have  made  research  into  the  subject,  and  circum- 
stances concur  to  give  weight  to  the  assertion. 

'The  struggle  of  John  of  Anjou  for  the  crown  of  Naples  lasted 
about  four  years,  with  varied  fortune,  but  was  finally  unsuccessful. 
The  naval  part  of  the  expedition,  in  which  Columbus  was  engaged, 
signalized  itself  by  acts  of  intrepidity ;  and  at  one  time,  when  the 
Duke  was  reduced  to  take  refuge  in  the  island  of  Ischia,  a  hand- 
ful of  galleys  scoured  and  controlled  the  bay  of  Naples.* 

That  Columbus  distinguished  himself.in  the  course  of  this  gallant 
but  ill-fated  enterprise,  is  apparent  from  the  circumstance  of  his  being 
appointed  at  one  time  to  a  separate  command,  and  despatched  on  a  peril- 
ous cruise,  to  cut  out  a  galley  from  the  harbour  of  Tunis.  This  is  in- 
cidentally mentioned  by  himself  in  a  letter  written  many  years  after- 
wards. It  happened  to  me,  he  says,  that  king  Reinier  (whom  God  has 
taken  to  himself)  sent  me  to  Tunis,  to  capture  the  galley  Fernandina, 
and  when  I  arrived  off  the  island  of  St.  Pedro,  in  Sardinia,  I  was 
informed  that  there  were  two  ships  and  a  carrack  with  the  galley  by 
which  intelligence  my  crew  were  so  troubled  that  they  determined  to 
proceed  no  further,  but  to  return  to  Marseilles  for  another  vessel  and 
more  people;  as  T  could  not  by  any  means  compel  them,  I  assented 
apparently  to  their  wishes,  altering  the  point  of  the  compass  and 
spreading  all  sail.  It  was  then  evening,  and  next  morning  we  were 
within  the  Cape  of  Carthagena,  while  all  were  firmly  of  opinion 
that  they  were  sailing  towards  Marseilles.* 


*  Colenuccio,  Istoria  de  Nap.  L.  7.  C.  17. 

t  Letter  of  Columb.  to  the  Catholic  sovereigns,  vide  Hist,  del  Almirante,  Cap.  4. 

Vol.  I.  2 


10  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  I. 

We  have  no  further  record  of  this  bold  cruise  into  the  harbour  of 
Tunis;  but  in  the  foregoing  particulars  we  behold  early  indications 
of  that  resolute  and  persevering  spirit  which  ensured  him  success  in 
his  more  important  undertakings.  His  expedient  to  beguile  3,  dis- 
contented crew  into  a  continuation  of  the  enterprise,  by  deceiving 
them  with  respect  to  the  ship's  course,  will  be  found  in  unison  with 
a  stratagem  of  altering  the  reckoning,  to  which  he  had  recourse 
in  his  first  voyage  of  discovery. 
~y  There  is  an  interval  of  many  years,  during  which  we  have  but 
one  or  two  shadowy  traces  of  Columbus.  He  is  supposed  to  have 
been  principally  engaged  in  the  Mediterranean  and  up  the  Levant, 
sometimes  in  voyages  of  commerce,  sometimes  in  warlike  contests 
between  the  Italian  States,  sometimes  in  pious  and  predatory  expe- 
ditions against  the  infidels.  Part  of  the  time  he  was  in  the  danger- 
ous service  of  his  relation,  the  old  Genoese  commander,  who  appears 
to  have  been  one  of  those  boisterous  captains  of  the  seas,  who  are 
fond  of  rough  encounters,  and  not  very  scrupulous  as  to  the  mode  of 
bringing  them  about.  The  Mediterranean  has  always  been  mor^ 
or  less  subject  to  nautical  dictators  of  the  kind,  who  carry  maritime. 
law  at  the  mouths  of  their  cannons.  -At  one  time  we  find  tha 
veteran,  when  in  the  service  of  France,  undertaking  on  his  own 
responsibility,  to  revenge  a  casual  irruption  into  its  territories,  and 
endangering  the  peace  between  that  country  and  Spain  by  running 
down  and  capturing  Spanish  vessels  upon  the  high  seas.*  At 
another  time,  when  commanding  a  Genoese  squadron,  we  find  him 
brushing,  in  ruffling  bravado,  by  a  Venetian  fleet,  stationed  off  tha 
island  of  Cyprus,  and  shouting  "Viva  San  Giorgio!"  endeavouring 
by  this  old  war  cry  of  Genoa  topique  the  jealous  pride  of  the  Venetians, 
and  rouse  them  to  a  combat,  though  an  interval  of  peace  existed 
between  the  rival  republics.! 

These  several  occurrences  have  been  attributed  to  Columbus, 
through  mistake,  arising  out  of  similarity  of  name,  but  as  he  often 
sailed  under  the  flag  of  his  belligerent  relation,  it  is  very  possible  he 
may  have  been  with  him  on  these  occasions. 

The  last  dubious  trace  of  Columbus  during  this  obscure  part  of  his 
life,  is  given  by  his  son  Fernando,  who  assigns  him  a  distinguished 
share  in  a  naval  exploit  of  Colombo  the  younger,  nephew  to  the  old 
Genoese  admiral  just  mentioned,  and  who  appears  to  have  been 
brought  up  in  his  school  and  to  have  inherited  his  spirit.  He  was 
a  famous  corsair,  says  Fernando,  so  terrible  for  his  deeds  against  the 


•  Chaufepie,  Supp.  to  Bayle,  V.  2.  article,  Columbus, 
t  Bossi,  Hist.  Colomb.    Illust.  No.  7. 


Chap.  II.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  11 

infidels,  that  the  Moorish  mothers  used  to  frighten  their  unruly  child- 
ren with  his  name. 

This  bold  rover  having  heard  of  four  Venetian  galleys  richly 
laden,  on  their  return  voyage  from  Flanders,  intercepted  them  with 
his  squadron  on  the  Portuguese  coast,  between  Lisbon  and  Cape  SS;. 
Vincent.  A  desperate  engagement  took  place ;  the  vessels  grappled 
each  other,  and  the  crews  fought  hand  to  hand,  and  from  ship 
to  ship.  The  battle  lasted  from  morning  until  evening  with  great 
carnage  on  both  sides.  The  vessel  commanded  by  Columbus  was 
engaged  with  a  huge  Venetian  galleY.  They  threw  hand  grenades 
and  other  fiery  missiles,  and  the  galley  was  wrapped  in  flames. 
Th6  vessels  were  fastened  together  by  chains  and  grappling  irons, 
and  could  not  be  separated ;  both  were  involved  in  one  conflagration, 
and  soon  became  a  mere  blazing  mass.  The  crews  threw  them- 
selves into  the  sea;  Columbus  seized  an  oar,  which  was  floating 
within  reach,  and  being  an  expert  swimmer,  attained  the  shore, 
though  full  two  leagues  distant.  It  pleased  God,  says  his  son 
Fernando,  to  give  him  strength,  that  he  might  preserve  him  for  . 
greater  things.  After  recovering  from  his  exhaustion  he  repaired  to  ■'' 
Lisbon,  where  he  found  many  of  his  Genoese  countrymen,  and  was 
induced  to  take  up  his  residence.* 

Such  is  the  account  given  by  Fernando  of  his  father's  first  arrival 
in  Portugal ;  and  it  has  been  currently  adopted  by  modern  historians. 
That  Columbus  may  have  been  in  this  sea-fight  is  not  impossible; 
but  it  took  place  many  years  after  this  period  of  his  life.  It  is  men- 
tioned by  several  historians  as  having  occurred  in  the  summer  of  1485, 
which  was  nearly  a  year  after  he  had  departed  from  Portugal. 
The  only  way  of  accounting  for  the  error,  without  impeaching  the 
veracity  of  the  historian,  is  to  presume  that  Fernando  may  have 
confounded  some  other  action,  in  which  his  father  was  concerned, 
with  this,  which  he  found  recorded,  without  date,  by  Sabellicus. 

Waving,  therefore,  as  somewhat  apocryphal,  this  romantic  and 
heroical  arrival  of  Columbus  on  the  shores  of  Portugal,  we  shall 
find,  in  the  great  nautical  enterprises  in  which  that  kingdom  was 
engaged  at  the  time,  ample  attractions  for  a  person  of  his  character 
and  pursuits.  For  this  purpose,  however,  it  is  necessary  to  cast  a  glance 
over  certain  historical  events  connected  with  maritime  discovery,  which 
rendered  Lisbon,  at  that  moment,  the  great  resort  of  men  skilled  in 
geographical  and  nautical  science,  from  all  parts  of  the  world. 

Hist,  del  Almirante,  Cap.  5.    See  Illustrations  at  the  end  of  this  work,  article 
"  Capture  of  the  Venetian  Galleys." 


12  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  L 


CHAPTER  III. 

PROGRESS    OF    DISCOVERY    UNDER    PRINCE    HENRY    OF 
PORTUGAL. 

The  career  of  modern  discovery  had  commenced  shortly  before  the 
time  of  Columbus,  and  the  Atlantic  coasts  of  Africa  were  at  that 
period  the  scenes  of  nautical  enterprise.  Some  have  attributed  its 
origin  to  an  incident  said  to  have  occurred  in  the  fourteenth  century. 
An  Englishman  of  the  name  of  Macham,  flying  to  France  with  a 
lady  of  whom  he  was  enamoured,  was  driven  far  out  of  sight  of  land 
by  stress  of  weather,  and  after  wandering  about  the  high  seas,  arrived 
at  an  unknown  and  uninhabited  island,  covered  with  beautiful 
forests,  which  was  afterwards  called  Madeira.*  Others  have 
treated  this  account  as  a  fable,  and  have  pronounced  the  Cana- 
ries to  be  the  first  fruits  of  modern  discovery.  This  famous  group, 
the  Fortunate  islands  of  the  ancients,  in  which  they  placed  their 
Garden  of  the  Hesperides,  and  from  whence  Ptolemy  commenced 
to  count  the  longitude,  had  been  long  lost  to  the  world. 

There  are  vague  accounts,  it  is  true,  of  their  having  received 
casual  visits  at  wide  intervals  during  the  obscure  ages,  from  the 
wandering  bark  of  some  Arabian,  Norman,  or  Genoese  adventurer, 
but  all  this  was  involved  in  uncertainty,  and  led  to  no  beneficial 
result.  It  was  not  until  the  fourteenth  century,  that  they  were 
effectually  rediscovered,  and  restored  to  mankind.  From  that  time 
they  were  occasionally  visited  by  the  hardy  navigators  of  various 
countries.  The  greatest  benefit  produced  by  their  discovery  was, 
that  the  frequent  expeditions  made  to  them  emboldened  mariners '  to 
venture  far  upon  the  Atlantic,  and  familiarized  them,  in  some  de- 
gree, to  its  dangers. 

The  grand  impulse  to  discovery  was  not  given  by  chance,  but  was 
the  deeply  meditated  effort  of  one  master  mind.  This  was  Prince 
Henry  of  Portugal,  son  of  John  the  first,  surnamed  the  Avenger, 
and  Philippa  of  Lancaster,  sister  of  Henry  the  fourth  of  England. 
The  character  of  this  illustrious  man,  from  whose  enterprises  the 
genius  of  Columbus  took  excitement,  deserves  particular  mention. 

At  an  early  age.  Prince  Henry  accompanied  his  father  into 
Africa,  in  an  expedition  against  the  Moors,  in  which  this  monarch 
planted  his  victorious  banners  on  the  walls  of  Ceuta.  Henry  signal 


See  Illustrations,  article,  "  Discovery  of  Madeira." 


Chap.  III.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  13 

ized  himself  repeatedly  in  this  campaign.  His  passion,  however, 
was  more  for  arts  than  arms,  and  he  pursued,  even  amidst  the  din  of 
war,  those  inquiries  most  worthy  of  a  prince. 

While  at  Ceuta,  he  received  much  information  from  the  Moors 
concerning  the  coast  of  Guinea,  and  other  regions  in  the  interior 
of  Africa,  hitherto  unknown  to  Europeans.  He  conceived  an  idea 
that  important  discoveries  were  to  be  made,  by  navigating  along  the 
western  coast  of  Africa,  On  returning  to  Portugal,  this  idea 
became  his  ruling  thought.  Withdrawing  himself  from  the  tumult 
of  a  court,  he  buried  himself  in  retirement,  in  a  country  retreat,  in 
the  Algarves,  near  to  Sagres,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Cape  St. 
Vincent,  and  in  full  view  of  the  ocean.  Here  he  drew  around  him 
men  eminent  in  science ;  and  prosecuted  the  study  of  those  branches 
of  knowledge  connected  with  the  maritime  arts.  He  was  an  able 
mathematician,  and  made  himself  master  of  all  the  astronomy 
known  to  the  Arabians  of  Spain. 

On  studying  the  works  of  the  ancients.  Prince  Henry  had  found 
what  he  considered  abundant  proofs  that  Africa  was  circumnaviga- 
ble ;  so  that  it  was  possible,  by  keeping  along  its  shores,  to  arrive  at 
India.  He  had  been  struck  with  the  account  given  of  the  voyage 
of  Eudoxus  of  Cyzicus,  who  was  said  to  have  sailed  from  the  Red 
Sea  into  the  ocean,  and  to  have  continued  on  to  Gibraltar ;  which 
appeared  to  be  corroborated  by  the  expedition  of  Hanno  the  Cartha- 
ginian, who,  sailing  from  Gibraltar  with  a  fleet  of  sixty  ships,  and 
following  the  African  coast,  was  said  to  have  reached  the  shores  of 
Arabia.*  It  is  true  these  voyages  had  been  discredited  by  several 
ancient  writers,  and  the  possibility  of  circumnavigating  Africa,  after 
being  for  a  long  time  admitted  by  geographers,  had  been  denied  by 
Hipparchus,  and  since  his  time  had  continued  to  be  disbelieved.  He 
considered  each  sea  as  shut  up  and  land-bound  in  its  particular 
basin,  and  that  Africa  was  a  continent  continuing  onward  to  the 
south  pole,  and  surrounding  the  Indian  sea,  so  as  to  join  Asia  beyond 
the  Ganges.  This  opinion  had  been  adopted  and  perpetuated  by 
Ptolemy,  whose  works,  in  the  time  of  Prince  Henry,  were  the 
highest  authority  in  geography.  Still  the  Prince  reverted  to  the 
ancient  belief  that  Africa  was  circumnavigable,  and  he  found  his 
opinion  sanctioned  by  various  learned  men  of  more  modem  date. 
To  settle  this  question,  and  to  achieve  the  circumnavigation  of 
Africa,  was  an  object  worthy  the  ambition  of  a  prince,  and  his 
mind  was  fired  with  the  idea  of  the  vast  benefits  that  would  arise  to 
his  country,  should  it  be  accomplished  by  Portuguese  enterprise. 


*  See  Illustrations,  article,  "  Circumnavigation  of  Africa  by  the  Ancients." 

B 


14  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  I. 

The  Italians,  or,  as  they  were  called  in  the  north  of  Europe,  the 
Lombards,  had  long  monopolized  the  opulent  trade  of  Asia.  They 
had  formed  establishments  at  Constantinople,  and  in  the  Black  seei, 
where  they  received  the  rich  produce  of  the  spice  islands,  which  lie 
near  the  equator,  and  the  silks,  the  gums,  the  perfumes,  the  precious 
stones,  and  the  other  luxurious  commodities  of  Egjrpt  and  Southern 
Asia,  and  distributed  them  over  the  whole  of  Europe.  The  Repub- 
lics of  Venice  and  Genoa  rose  to  power  and  opulence  in  conse- 
quence of  this  trade.  They  had  factories  in  the  most  remote  parts, 
even  in  the  frozen  regions  of  Moscovy  and  Norway,  and  their 
merchants  emulated  the  magnificence  of  princes.  All  Europe  was 
tributary  to  their  commerce.  Yet  this  trade  had  to  be  carried  on 
with  the  distant  countries  of  the  east  by  the  most  circuitous  and 
expensive  routes.  It  passed  through  various  intermediate  hands, 
and  was  subjected  to  the  delays  and  charges  of  internal  navigation, 
and  the  tedious  and  uncertain  journeys  of  the  caravan.  For  a 
long  time,  the  merchandise  of  India  had  to  be  conveyed  by  the 
Gulf  of  Persia,  the  Euphrates,  the  Indus,  and  the  Oxus,  to  the 
Caspian  and  the  Mediterranean  seas ;  thence  to  take  a  new-  desti- 
nation for  the  various  marts  of  Europe.  After  the  Soldan  of  Egypt 
had  conquered  the  Arabs,  and  restored  trade  to  its  ancient  channel, 
it  was  still  attended  with  great  cost  and  delay.  Its  precious  com 
modities  had  to  be  conveyed  by  the  Red  Sea,  thence  on  the  backs 
of  camels  to  the  banks  of  the  Nile,  whence  they  were  transported 
to  Egypt,  to  meet  the  Italian  merchants.  Thus,  while  the  opulent 
traffic  of  the  east  was  engrossed  by  these  adventurous  monopolists, 
the  price  of  every  article  was  enhanced  by  the  great  expense  of 
transportation. 

It  was  the  grand  idea  of  Prince  Henry,  by  circumnavigating 
Africa,  to  open  a  direct  and  easy  route  to  the  source  of  this  com- 
merce ;  to  turn  it  suddenly  into  a  new  and  simple  channel,  and  to 
pour  it  out  in  a  golden  tide  upon  his  country.  Henry,  however, 
was  before  the  age  in  thought.  He  had  to  counteract  the  igno- 
rance and  prejudices  of  mankind:  and  to  endure  the  delays  to 
which  vivid  and  penetrating  minds  are  subjected,  from  the  tardy  co- 
operations of  the  dull  and  the  doubtful. 

The  navigation  of  the  Atlantic  was  yet  in  its  infancy;  and, 
however  some  might  have  ventured  a  little  way  upon  it,  still 
mariners  looked  with  distrust  upon  a  boisterous  expanse,  which 
appeared  to  have  no  opposite  shore.  In  their  voyages  they  still 
kept  close  to  the  coast,  fearful  of  venturing  out  of  sight  of  those 
land-marks  which  guided  their  timid  navigation.  Every  bold  head- 
land and  far-stretching  promontory,  was  a  wall  to  bar  their  pro- 


Chap.  III.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  Ij^, 

gress.  They  crept  timorously  along  the  Barbary  shores,  and 
thought  they  had  accomplished  a  wonderful  expedition,  when  they 
had  ventured  a  few  degrees  beyond  the  straits  of  Gibraltar.  Cape 
Non,  the  termination  of  ancient  enterprise,  was  long  the  limit  of  their 
daring;  they  hesitated  to  double  its  rocky  point,  beaten  by  winds  and 
waves,  and  threatening  to  thrust  them  forth  upon  the  raging  deep. 

Independent  of  these  vague  fears,  they  had  others,  sanctioned  by 
philosophy  itself.  The  ancient  theory  of  the  Zones  was  currently 
believed.  They  still  thought  that  the  earth,  at  the  equator,  was 
girdled  by  a  torrid  zone,  over  which  the  sun  held  his  vertical  and 
fiery  course,  separating  the  hemispheres  by  a  region  of  impassive 
heat.  The  credulous  seamen  fancied  Cape  Bojador  the  utmost  boun- 
dary of  secure  enterprise.  They  had  a  superstitious  belief  that 
whoever  doubled  it  would  never  return.*  They  looked  with  dismay 
upon  the  rapid  currents  of  its  neighbourhood,  and  the  furious  surf 
which  beats  upon  its  arid  coast.  They  imagined  that  beyond  it  lay 
the  frightful  region  of  the  torrid  zone,  scorched  by  a  blazing  sun;  a 
region  of  fire,  where  the  very  waves,  which  beat  upon  the  shores, 
boiled  under  the  intolerable  fervour  of  the  heavens. 

To  dispel  these  errors,  and  to  give  a  scope  to  navigation,  equal  to 
the  grandeur  of  his  designs.  Prince  Henry  called  in  the  aid  of  sci- 
ence. He  established  a  naval  college  and  erected  an  observatory  at 
Sagres,  and  invited  thither  the  most  eminent  professors  of  the  nauti- 
cal faculties;  appointing  as  president  James  of  Mallorca,  a  man 
learned  in  navigation,  and  skilful  in  making  charts  and  instruments. 

The  effects  of  this  establishment  were  soon  apparent.  All  that 
was  known  relative  to  geography  and  navigation  was  gathered  to- 
gether and  reduced  to  system.  A  vast  improvement  took  place  in 
maps.  The  compass  was  also  brought  into  more  general  use,  espe- 
cially among  the  Portuguese,  rendering  the  mariner  more  bold  and 
venturous,  by  enabling  him  to  navigate  in  the  most  gloomy  day,  and 
in  the  darkest  night.  Encouraged  by  these  advantages,  and  stimu- 
lated by  the  munificence  of  Prince  Henry,  the  Portuguese  marine 
became  signalized  for  the  hardihood  of  its  enterprises,  and  the  extent 
of  its  discoveries.  Cape  Bojador  was  doubled;  the  region  of  the 
tropics  penetrated,  and  divested  of  its  fancied  terrors ;  the  greater 
part  of  the  African  coiast,  from  Cape  Blanco  to  Cape  de  Verd,  ex- 
plored, and  the  Cape  de  Verd  and  Azore  Islands,  which  lay  three 
hundred  leagues  distant  from  the  continent,  were  rescued  from  the 
oblivious  empire  of  the  ocean. 

*  Mariana.  Hist.  Esp.  Lib.  2,  Cap.  22. 


16  UFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Boox  I. 

To  secure  the  quiet  prosecution  and  full  enjoyment  of  his  disco- 
veries, Henry  obtained  the  protection  of  a  papal  bull,  granting'  to 
the  crown  of  Portugal  sovereign  authority  over  all  the  lands  it 
might  discover  in  the  Atlantic,  to  India  inclusive,  with  plenary  in- 
dulgence to  all  who  should  die  in  these  expeditions;  at  the  same 
time  menacing  with  the  terrors  of  the  church,  all  who  should  inter- 
fere in  these  Christian  conquests.* 

Henry  died  on  the  13th  of  November,  1473,  without  accomplish- 
ing the  great  object  of  his  ambition.  It  was  not  until  many  years 
afterwards,  that  Vasco  de  Gama,  pursuing  with  a  Portuguese  fleet 
the  track  he  had  pointed  out,  realized  his  anticipations,  by  doubling 
the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  sailing  along  the  southern  coast  of  India, 
and  thus  opening  a  highway  for  commerce  to  the  opulent  regions 
of  the  east.  Henry,  however,  lived  long  enough  to  reap  some  of 
the  richest  rewards  of  a  great  and  good  mind.  He  beheld,  through 
his  means,  his  native  country  in  a  grand  and  active  career  of  pros- 
perity. The  discoveries  of  the  Portuguese  were  the  theme  of  won- 
der and  admiration  of  the  fifteenth  century;  and  Portugal,  from 
being  one  of  the  least  among  nations,  suddenly  rose  to  be  one  of  the 
most  important. 

All  this  was  eflfected,  not  by  arms,  but  by  arts;  not  by  the  strata- 
gems of  a  cabinet,  but  by  the  wisdom  of  a  college.  It  was  the 
great  achievement  of  a,  prince  who  has  well  been  described,  "  full 
of  thoughts  of  lofty  enterprise  and  acts  of  generous  spirit."  One 
who  bore  for  his  device  the  magnanimous  motto,  '^  The  talent  to  do 
good," — the  only  talent  worthy  the  ambition  of  princes.f 

Henry,  at  his  death,  left  it  in  charge  to  his  country  to  prosecute 
the  route  to  India.  He  had  formed  companies  and  associations,  by 
which  commercial  zeal  was  enlisted  in  the  cause,  and  it  was  made 
a  matter  of  interest  and  competition  to  enterprising  individuals.! 
From  time  to  time,  Lisbon  was  thrown  into  a  tumult  of  excitement 
by  the  launching  forth  of  some  new  expedition,  or  the  return  of  a 
squadron  with  accounts  of  new  tracts  explored,  and  new  kingdoms 
visited.  Every  thing  was  confident  promise,  and  sanguine  anticipa- 
tion. The  miserable  hordes  of  the  African  coast  were  magnified 
into  powerful  nations ;  and  the  voyagers  continually  heard  of  opu- 
lent countries  farther  on.  It  was  as  yet  the  twilight  of  geographic 
knowledge;  imagination  went  hand  in  hand  with  discovery ;  and 
as  the  latter  groped  its  slow  and  cautious  way,  the  former  peopled 

•  Vasconcelos,  Hist,  de  Jiian  II. 

i  Joam  de  Barros,  Asia,  Decad.  1. 

i  Lafitau,  CwMjuetes  des  Portugais,  T.  K  L.  1 


Chap.  IV.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  17 

all  beyond  with  wonders.  The  fame  of  the  Portuguese  discoveries, 
and  of  the  expeditions  continually  fitting  out,  drew  the  attention  of 
the  world.  Strangers  from  all  parts,  the  learned,  the  curious,  and 
the  adventurous,  resorted  to  Lisbon  to  inquire  into  the  particulars  or 
to  participate  in  the  advantages  of  these  enterprises.  Among  these 
was  Christopher  Columbus,  whether  thrown  there  as  has  been  assert- 
ed by  the  fortuitous  result  of  a  desperate  adventure,  or  drawn  thither 
by  liberal  curiosity,  and  the  pursuit  of  honourable  fortune.* 


CHAPTER  IV. 

RESIDENCE  OF  COLUMBUS  AT  LISBON IDEAS  CONCERNING  ISLANDS 

IN  THE  OCEAN. 

Columbus  arrived  at  Lisbon  about  the  year  1470.  He  was  at 
that  time  in  the  full  vigour  of  manhood,  and  of  an  engaging  pre- 
sence. Minute  descriptions  are  given  of  his  person  by  his  son  Fer- 
nando, by  Las  Casas,  and  others  of  his  contemporaries.!  According 
to  these  accounts  he  was  tall,  well  formed,  muscular,  and  of  an  ele- 
vated and  dignified  demeanour.  His  visage  was  long,  and  neither 
full  nor  meagre;  his  complexion  fair  and  freckled,  and  inclined  to 
ruddy;  his  nose  aquiline;  his  cheek  bones  were  rather  high;  his 
eyes  light  grey,  and  apt  to  enkindle ;  his  whole  countenance  had  an 
air  of  authority.  His  hair,  in  his  youthful  days,  was  of  a  light 
colour ;  but  care  and  trouble,  according  to  Las  Casas,  soon  turned  it 
grey,  and  at  thirty  years  of  age  it  was  quite  white.  He  was  mode- 
rate and  simple  in  diet  and  apparel,  eloquent  in  discourse,  engaging 
and  affable  with  strangers,  and  of  an  amiableness  and  suavity  jn  do- 
mestic life  that  strongly  attached  his  household  to  his  person.  His 
temper  was  naturally  irritable,  J  but  he  subdued  it  by  the  magna- 
nimity of  his  spirit ;  comporting  himself  with  a  courteous  and  gentle 
gravity,  and  never  indulging  in  any  intemperance  of  language. 
Throughout  his  life  he  was  noted  for  a  strict  attention  to  the  oflices 
of  religion,  observing  rigorously  the  fasts  and  ceremonies  of  the 
church ;  nor  did  his  piety  consist  in  mere  forms ;  but  partook  of  that 

*  Herrera,  Decad.  1,  lib.l. 

t  Hist,  del  Almirante,  Cap,  3.    Las  Cas?is,  Hist.  Ind.  L.  1,  C.  2.  MS. 
t  Illescas,  Hist.  Pontifical,  L.  6.  t>  o 

Vol.  I.  2  ^  ^ 


V9  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  I. 

lofty  and  solemn  enthusiasm  with  which  his  whole  character  wa» 

strongly  tinctured. 

While  at  Lisbon,  he  was  accustomed  to  attend  religious  service  at 
the  chapel  of  the  convent  of  All  Saints.  In  this  convent  there  were 
certain  ladies  of  rank,  either  resident  as  boarders  or  in  some  religious 
capacity.  With  one  of  these.  Dona  Felipa  Monis  de  Perestrello^ 
Columbus  became  acquainted.  She  was  the  daughter  of  Bartolomeo 
Mollis  de  Perestrello,  an  Italian  cavalier,  who  had  been  one  of  the 
most  distinguished  navigators  under  Prince  Henry,  and  had  colo- 
nized and  governed  the  island  of  Porto  Santo.*  The  acquaintance 
soon  ripened  into  strong  attachment,  and  ended  in  marriage.  It 
appears  to  have  been  a  match  of  mere  affection,  as  the  lady  was  des- 
titute of  fortune. 

This  union  fixed  Columbus  in  Lisbon.  The  father  of  his  wife 
being  dead,  the  newly  married  couple  went  to  reside  with  the 
mother.  The  latter,  perceiving  the  interest  which  her  son-in-law 
took  in  all  matters  concerning  the  sea,  related  to  him  all  she  knew 
of  the  voyages  and  expeditions  of  her  late  husband,  and  brought  him 
all  his  papers,  charts,  journals  and  memorandums.  These  were 
treasures  to  Columbus.  He  acquainted  himself  with  all  the  routes 
of  the  Portuguese,  their  plans  and  conceptions;  and  having,  by  his 
marriage  and  residence,  become  naturalized  in  Portugal,  he  sailed 
occasionally  in  the  expeditions  to  the  coast  of  Guinea.  When  on 
shore,  his  time  was  occupied  in  making  maps  and  charts,  for  the 
support  of  his  family.  His  circumstances  were  limited,  and  he  had 
to  observe  a  strict  economy;  yet  we  are  told  that  he  appropriated  a 
part  of  his  scanty  means  to  the  succour  of  his  aged  father  at  Genoa,! 
and  to  the  education  of  his  younger  brothers.^ 

The  construction  of  a  correct  map  or  chart,  in  those  days,  required 
a  degree  of  knowledge  and  experience  sufficient  to  entitle  the 
possessor  to  distinction.  Geography  was  but  just  emerging  from  the 
darkness  which  had  enveloped  it  for  ages.  Ptolemy  was  still  a 
standard  authority.  The  maps  of  the  fifteenth  century  display  a 
mixture  of  truth  and  error,  in  which  facts  handed  down  from  an- 
tiquity, and  others  revealed  by  recent  discoveries,  are  confused  with 
popular  fables  and  extravagant  conjectures.  At  such  a  period,  when 
the  passion  for  maritime  discovery  was  seeking  every  aid  to  facilitate 
its  enterprises,  the  knowledge  and  skill  of  an  able  cosmographer,  like 
Columbus,  would  be  properly  appreciated,  and  the  superior  correct- 


*  Hist,  del  Almirante,  Cap.  5.    Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.  L.  1,  C  4^ 
t  Oviedo,  Cronica  de  las  Indias,  L.  2,  C.  2. 
t  Munoz  Hist,  del  N.  Mundo,  L.  2. 


Chap.  IV.]  (JEOIISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  Ift 

ness  of  his  maps  and  charts,  would  give  him  notoriety  among  men  of 
science*.  We  accordingly  find  him,  at  an  early  period  of  his  resi- 
dence in  Lisbon,  in  correspondence  with  Paulo  Toscanelli  of  Florence, 
one  of  the  most  scientific  men  of  the  day,  whose  communications 
had  great  influence  in  inspiriting  him  to  his  subsequent  under- 
takings. 

While  his  geographical  labours  thus  elevated  him  to  a  communion 
with  the  learned,  they  were  peculiarly  calculated  to  foster  a  train  ol 
thought  favourable  to  nautical  enterprise.  From  constantly  com- 
paring maps  and  charts,  and  noting  the  progress  and  direction  of 
discovery,  he  was  led  to  perceive  how  much  of  the  world  remained 
yet  unknown,  and  to  meditate  on  the  means  of  exploring  it.  His 
domestic  concerns,  and  the  connexions  he  had  formed  by  marriage, 
were  all  in  unison  with  this  vein  of  speculation.  He  resided  for  some 
time  at  the  recently  discovered  island  of  Porto  Santo,  where  his  wife 
had  inherited  some  property;  and  during  his  residence  there  she  bore 
him  a  son,  whom  he  named  Diego.  This  residence  brought  him  as 
it  were  on  the  very  frontiers  of  discovery.  His  wife's  sister  was 
married  to  Pedro  Correo,  a  navigator  of  note,  who  had  at  one  time 
been  Governor  of  Porto  Santo.  Being  frequently  together  in  the 
familiar  intercourse  of  domestic  life,  their  conversation  naturally 
turned  upon  the  discoveries  prosecuting  in  their  vicinity  along  the 
African  coast;  upon  the  long  sought  for  route  to  India;  and  upon 
the  possibility  of  some  unknown  lands  existing  in  the  west. 

In  their  island  residence  too,  they  must  have  been  frequently  visited 
by  the  voyagers  going  to  and  from  Guinea.  Living  thus  surrounded 
by  the  stir  and  bustle  of  discovery,  communing  with  persons  who 
had  risen  by  it  to  fortune  and  honour,  and  voyaging  in  the  very 
tracks  of  its  recent  triumphs,  the  ardent  mind  of  Columbus  kindled 
up  to  enthusiasm  in  the  cause.  It  was  a  period  of  general  excite- 
ment to  all  who  were  connected  with  maritime  life,  or  who  resided 

*  The  importance  which  began  to  be  attached  to  cosmographical  knowledge,  is 
evident  from  the  distinction  which  Mauro,  an  Italian  Friar,  obtamed,  from  having 
projected  an  universal  map,  esteemed  the  most  accurate  of  the  time.  A  fac  simile 
of  this  Map,  upon  the  same  scale  as  the  original,  is  now  deposited  in  the  British 
Museum,  and  it  has  been  published,  with  a  geographical  commentary,  by  the 
learned  Zurla.  The  Venetians  struck  a  medal  in  honour  of  him,  on  which  they 
denominated  him  Cosmographus  incomparabilis,  (CoUine  dell  Bussol.  Naut.  P.  2, 
c.  5.)  Yet  Ramusio,  who  had  seen  this  map  in  the  Monastery  of  Santo  Michele  de 
Murano,  considers  it  merely  an  improved  copy  of  a  map  brought  from  Cathay  by 
Marco  Polo  (Ramusio  7,  2.  p.  17,  ed.  Venet.  1606.)  We  are  told  also  that 
Americus  Vespucius  paid  one  hundred  and  thirty  ducats,  equivalent  to  555  dollars 
in  our  time,  for  a  map  of  sea  and  land,  made  at  Mallorca,  in  1439,  by  Gabriel  de 
Valseca.     (Barros,  D.  1,  L.  1,  C.  15.)    Derroto  por  Tofino  Introd.  p.  25. 


20  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF   "^  [Book  I. 

in  the  vicinity  of  the  ocean.  The  recent  discoveries  had  inflamed 
their  imaginations,  and  had  filled  them  with  visions  of  other  islands, 
of  greater  wealth  and  beauty,  yet  to  be  discovered  in  the  boundless 
wastes  of  the  Atlantic.  The  opinions  and  fancies  of  the  ancients  on 
the  subject,  were  again  put  into  circulation.  The  story  of  Antilla,  a 
great  island  in  the  ocean  discovered  by  the  Carthaginians,  was  fre- 
quently cited;  and  Plato's  imaginary  Atalantis  once  more  found  firm 
believers.  Many  thought  that  the  Canaries  and  Azores  were  but 
wrecks  which  had  survived  its  submersion,  and  that  other  and  larger 
tracts  of  that  drowned  land  might  yet  exist,  in  remoter  parts  of  the 
Atlantic. 

One  of  the  strongest  symptoms  of  the  excited  state  of  the  popular 
mind  at  this  eventful  era,  was  the  prevalence  of  rumours  respecting 
unknown  islands  casually  seen  in  the  ocean.  Many  of  these  were 
mere  fables,  fabricated  to  feed  the  predominant  humour  of  the  public; 
many  had  their  origin  in  the  self-deception  of  voyagers,  whose  heated 
imaginations  beheld  islands  in  those  summer  clouds  which  lie  along 
the  horizon,  and  often  beguile  the  sailor  with  the  idea  of  distant 
land.  On  such  airy  basis  most  probably  was  founded  the  story  told 
to  Columbus  by  one  Antonio  Leone,  an  inhabitant  of  Madeira,  that 
sailing  westward  one  hundred  leagues  from  thence,  he  had  seen 
three  islands  at  a  distance.  But  the  tales  of  the  kind  most  positively 
advanced  and  zealously  maintained,  were  those  related  by  the  peo- 
ple of  the  Canaries,  who  were  long  under  a  singular  optical  delu- 
sion. They  imagined  that,  from  time  to  time,  they  beheld  a  vast 
island  to  the  westward,  with  lofty  mountains  and  deep  valleys. 
Nor  was  it  seen  in  cloudy  and  dubious  weather,  but  in  those  clear 
days  common  to  tropical  climates,  and  with  all  the  distinctness  with 
which  distant  objects  may  be  discerned,  in  their  pure,  transparent 
atmosphere.  The  island  it  is  true  was  only  seen  at  intervals,  while 
at  other  times,  and  in  the  clearest  weather,  not  a  vestige  of  it  was  to 
be  descried.  When  it  did  appear,  however,  it  was  always  in  the 
same  place  and  uflder  the  same  form.  So  persuaded  were  the 
inhabitants  of  the  Canaries  of  its  reality,  that  application  was  made 
to  the  king  of  Portugal  for  permission  to  discover  and  take  possession 
of  it;  and  it  actually  became  the  object  of  various  expeditions.  The 
island,  however,  was  never  to  be  found,  though  it  still  continued 
occasionally  to  cheat  the  eye. 

There  were  all  kinds  of  wild  and  fantastic  notions  concerning  this 
imaginary  land.  Some  supposed  it  to  be  the  Antilla  mentioned  by 
Aristotle;  others  the  island  of  Sevei^  Cities,  so  called  from  an  ancient 
legend  of  seveji  bishops,  who  with  a  multitude  of  followers  fled  from 


Chap.  IV.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  21 

Spain  at  the  time  of  its  conquest  by  the  Moors,  and,  ^ided  by 
heaven  to  some  unknown  island  in  the  ocean,  founded  on  it  seven 
splendid  cities;  while  some  considered  it  another  legendary  island, 
on  which  it  was  said  a  Scottish  priest  of  the  name  of  St.  Brandan 
had  landed  in  the  sixth  century.  This  last  leg-end  passed  into  current 
Delief  The  fancied  island  was  called  by  the  name  of  St.  Brandan 
or  St.  Borondon,  and  long  continued  to  be  actually  laid  down  m 
maps  far  to  the  west  of  the  Canaries.*  The  same  was  done  with  the 
fabulous  island  of  Antilla;  and  these  erroneous  maps  and  phantom 
islands  have  given  rise,  at  various  times,  to  assertions  that  the  new 
world  had  been  known  prior  to  the  period  of  its  generally  reputed 
discovery. 

Columbus,  however,  considers  all  these  appearances  of  land  as 
mere  illusions.  He  supposes  that  they  may  have  been  caused  by 
rocks  lying  in  the  ocean,  which,  seen  at  a  distance,  under  certain 
atmospherical  influences,  may  have  assumed  the  appearance  of 
islands;  or  that  they  may  have  been  floating  islands,  such  as  are 
mentioned  by  Pliny  and  Seneca  and  others,  formed  of  twisted  roots, 
or  of  light  and  porous  stone,  and  covered  with  trees,  and  which  may 
have  been  driven  about  the  ocean  by  the  winds. 

The  islands  of  St.  Brandan,  of  Antilla,  and  of  the  Seven  Cities, 
have  long  since  proved  to  be  fabulous  tales  or  atmospherical  delusions* 
yet  the  rumours  concerning  them  derive  interest  from  showing  the 
state  of  public  thought  with  respect  to  the  Atlantic,  while  its  western 
regions  were  yet  unknown.  They  were  all  noted  down  with  curious 
care  by  Columbus,  and  may  have  had  some  influence  over  his  ima- 
gination; still,  though  of  a  visionary  spirit,  his  penetrating  genius 
sought  in  deeper  sources  for  the  aliment  of  its  meditations.  Aroused 
by  the  impulse  of  passing  events,  he  turned  anew,  says  his  son 
Fernando,  to  study  the  geographical  authors  which  he  had  read 
before,  and  to  consider  the  astronomical  reasons  which  might 
corroborate  the  theory  gradually  forming  in  his  mind.  He  made 
himself  acquainted  with  all  that  had  been  written  by  the  ancients,  or 
discovered  by  the  moderns,  relative  to  geography.  His  own  voyages 
enabled  him  to  correct  many  of  their  errors,  and  appreciate  many  of 
their  theories.  His  genius  having  thus  taken  its  decided  beilt,  it  is 
interesting  to  notice  from  what  a  mass  of  acknowledged  facts, 
rational  hypotheses,  fanciful  narratives,  and  popular  rumours,  his 
grand  project  of  discovery  was  wrought  out  by  the  strong  workings 
of  his  vigorous  mind. 


See  Illustrations,  article,  "Island  of  St  Brandau.** 


Sm  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  I. 


CHAPTER  V. 

GROUNDS    ON    WHICH    COLUMBUS    FOUNDED    HIS    BELIEF    OF    THE 
EXISTENCE    OF    UNDISCOVERED    LANDS    IN    THE    WEST. 

It  has  been  attempted,  in  the  preceding  chapters,  to  show  how 
Columbus  was  gradually  kindled  up  to  his  grand  design  by  the  spirit 
and  events  of  the  times  in  which  he  lived.  His  son  Fernando,  how- 
ever, undertakes  to  furnish  the  precise  data  on  which  his  father's 
plan  of  discovery  was  founded.  He  does  this,  he  observes,  "to  show 
from  what  slender  argument  so  great  a  scheme  was  fabricated  and 
brought  to  light,  and  for  the  purpose  of  satisfying  those  who  may 
desire  to  know  distinctly  the  circumstances  and  motives  which  led 
his  father  to  undertake  this  enterprise." 

As  this  statement  was  formed  from  notes  and  documents  found 
among  his  father's  papers,  it  is  too  curious  and.  interesting  not  to 
deserve  particular  mention.  In  this  memorandum  he  arranged  the 
foundation  of  his  father's  theory  under  three  heads.  1.  The  nature 
of  things.  2.  The  authority  of  learned  writers.  3.  The  reports  of 
navigators. 

Under  the  first  head  he  set  down,  as  a  fundamental  and  established 
principle,  that  the  earth  was  a  terraqueous  sphere  or  globe,  which 
might  be  travelled  round  jrom  east  to  west,  and  that  men  stood  foot 
to  foot  when  on  opposite  points.  The  circumference  from  east  to 
west,  at  the  equator,  Columbus  divided  according  to  Ptolemy,  into 
twenty-four  hours,  of  fifteen  degrees  each,  making  three  hundred  and 
sixty  degrees.  Of  these  he  imagined,  comparing  the  globe  of  Ptolemy 
with  the  earlier  map  of  Marinus  of  Tyre,  that  fifteen  hours  had  been 
known  to  the  ancients,  extending  from  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar,  or 
rather  from  the  Canary  islands,  to  the  city  of  Thinse  in  Asia,  a  place 
set  down  as  at  the  eastern  limits  of  the  known  world.  The  Portu- 
guese had  advanced  the  western  frontier  by  the  discovery  of  the 
Azores  and  Cape  de  Verd  islands,  equal  to  one  hour  more.  There 
remained,  according  to  the  estimation  of  Columbus,  eight  hours,  or 
one  third  of  the  circumference  of  the  earth,  unknown  and  unexplored. 
This  space  might,  in  a  great  measure,  be  filled  up  by  the  eastern 
regions  of  Asia,  which  might  extend  so  far  as  nearly  to  surround  the 
globe,  and  to  approach  the  western  shores  of  Europe  and  Africa. 
The  tract  of  ocean  intervening  between  these  continents,  he  observes, 


Chap. v.]  ^CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  23 

would  be  less  than  might  at  first  be  supposed,  if  the  opinion  of  Alfra- 
ganus  the  Arabian  were  admitted,  who  gave  to  the  earth  a  smaller 
circumference,  by  diminishing  the  size  of  the  degrees,  than  did  other 
cosmographers;  a  theory  to  which  Columbus  seems  at  times  to  have 
given. faith.  Granting  these  premises,  it  was  manifest  that  by 
pursuing  a  direct  course,  from  east  to  west,  a  navigator  would  arrive 
at  the  extremitj'-  of  Asia,  and  discover  any  intervening  land. 

Under  the  second  head  are  named  the  authors  whose  writings  had 
weight  in  convincing  him  that  the  intervening  space  of  ocean  could 
be  but  moderate,  and  easy  to  be  traversed.  Among  these  he  cites 
the  opinions  of  Aristotle,  Seneca  and  Pliny,  that  one  might  pass 
from  Cadiz  to  the  Indias  in  a  few  days.  Of  Strabo  also,  who 
observes  that  the  ocean  surrounds  the  earth,  bathing  on  the  east  the 
shores  of  India,  on  the  west  the  coasts  of  Spain  and  Mauritania;  so 
that  it  is  easy  to  navigate  from  one'  to  the  other  on  the  same  parallel.* 

In  corroboration  of  the  idea  that  Asia,  or  as  he  always  terms  it, 
India,  stretched  far  to  the  east,  so  as  to  occupy  the  greater  part  of  the 
unexplored  space,  the  narratives  are  cited  of  Marco  Polo  and  John 
Mandeville.  These  travellers  had  visited,  in  the  thirteenth  and  four- 
teenth centuries,  the  remote  parts  of  Asia,  far  beyond  the  regions  laid 
down  by  Ptolemy,  and  their  accounts  of  the  extent  of  that  continent 
to  the  eastward,  had  a  great  effect  in  convincing  Cohimbus,  that  a 
moderate  voyage  to  the  west  would  bring  him  to  its  shores,  or  to  the 
extensive  and  wealthy  islands  which  lie  adjacent.  The  information 
concerning  Marco  Polo  is  probably  derived  from  Paulo  Toscanelli,  a 
celebrated  Doctor  of  Florence,  already  mentioned,  with  whom  Co- 
lumbus corresponded  in  1474,  and  who  transmitted  to  him  a  copy  of 
a  letter,  which  he  had  previously  written  to  Fernando  Martinez,  a 
learned  canon  of  Lisbon.  This  letter  maintains  the  facility  of  ar- 
riving at  India  by  a  western  course,  asserting  the  distance  to  be  but 
four  thousand  miles,  in  a  direct  line  from  Lisbon  to  tlie  province  of 
Mangi  near  Cathay,  since  determined  to  be  the  northern  coast  of 
China.  Of  this  country  he  gives  a  magnificent  description,  drawn 
from  the  work  of  Marco  Polo.  He  adds,  that  in  the  route  lay  the 
islands  of  Antilla  and  Cipango,  distant  from  each  other  only  two 
hundred  and  twenty-five  leagues,  abounding  in  riches,  and  offering 
convenient  places  for  ships  to  touch  at,  and  obtain  supplies,  on  the 
voyage. 

Under  the  third  head  are  enumerated  various  indications  of  land 
in  the  west,  which  had  floated  to  the  shores  of  the  known  world. 

It  is  curious  to  observe,  how,  when  once  the  mind  of  Columbus  had 

**  Strab.  Cos.  lib.  1,  2. 


84  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP      ^  [Book  I. 

become  heated  in  the  inquiry,  it  attracted  to  it  every  corroborating 
circumstance,  however  vague  and  trivial.  He  appears  to  have  been 
particularly  attentive  to  the  gleams  of  information  derived  from  veteran 
mariners,  who  had  been  employed  in  recent  voyages  to  the  African 
coast;  and  also  from  the  inhabitants  of  lately  discovered  islands,  placed 
m  a  manner  on  the  frontier  posts  of  geographical  knowledge.  All 
these  are  carefully  noted  down  among  his  memorandums,  to  be  col- 
located with  the  facts  and  opinions  already  stored  up  in  his  mind. 

Such,  for  instance,  is  the  circumstance  related  to  him  by  Martin 
Vicenti,  a  pilot  in  the  service  of  the  king  of  Portugal;  that  after 
sailing  four  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  to  the  west  of  Cape  St.  Vin- 
cent, he  had  taken  from  the  water  a  piece  of  carved  wood,  which 
evidently  had  not  been  laboured  with  an  iron  instrument.  As  the 
winds  had  drifted  it  from  the  west,  it  might  have  come  from  some 
unknown  land  in  that  direction. 

Pedro  Correa,  brother-in-law  of  Columbus,  is  likewise  cited,  as 
havmg  seen  on  the  island  of  Porto  Santo  a  similar  piece  of  wood, 
which  had  drifted  from  the  same  quarter.  He  had  heard  also  from 
the  king  of  Portugal,  that  reeds  of  an  immense  size  had  floated  to 
some  of  those  islands  from  the  west,  in  the  description  of  which  Co- 
lumbus thought  he  recognized  the  immense  reeds,  said  bv  Ptolemy  to 
grow  in  India, 

Information  is  likewise  noted,  given  him  by  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Azores,  of  trunks  of  huge  pine  trees,  of  a  kind  that  did  not  grow 
upon  any  of  those  islands,  wafted  to  their  shores  by  the  westerly 
winds;  but  especially  of  the  bodies  of  two  dead  men,  cast  upon  the 
island  of  Flores,  whose  features  diflfered  from  those  of  any  known 
race  of  people. 

To  these  is  added  the  report  of  a  mariner  of  Port  St.  Mary,  who 
asserted  that  in  the  course  of  a  voyage  to  Ireland,  he  hatd  seen  land 
to  the  west,  which  the  ship's  company  took  for  some  extreme  part  of 
Tartary.  Other  stories  of  a  similar  kind  are  no^ed,  as  well  as  rumors 
concerning  the  fancied  Islands  of  St.  Brandan,and  of  the  Seven  Cities, 
to  which  last,  as  has  been  already  observed,  Columbus  have  but  little 
faith. 

Such  is  an  abstract  of  the  grounds  on  which,  according  to  Fer- 
nando, his  father  proceeded  from  one  position  to  another,  until  he 
came  to  the  conclusion  that  there  was  undiscovered  land  in  the  west- 
ern part  of  the  ocean;  that  it  was  attainable;  that  it  was  fertile;  and 
finally  that  it  was  inhabited. 

It  is  evident  that  several  of  the  facts  herein  enumerated,  must 
have  become  known  to  Columbus  after  he  had  formed  his  opinion,  and 


Chap.  V.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  25 

merely  served  to  strengthen  it;  still  every  thing  that  throws  any  light 
upon  the  progress  of  thought  which  led  to  so  great  an  event,  is  of 
the  highest  interest;  and  the  chain  of  deductions  here  furnished,  though 
not  perhaps  the  most  logical  in  its  concatenation,  yet,  being  extract- 
ed from  the  papers  of  Columbus  himself,  remains  one  of  the  most 
interesting  documents  in  tlib  history  of  the  human  niind. 

On  considering  this  statement  attentively,  it  is  apparent  that  the 
grand  argument  which.'^mduced  Columbus  to  his  enterprise,  was  that 
placed  under  the  first  head ;  namely,  that  the  most  eastern  part  of 
Asia  known  to  the  ancients  could  not  be  separated  from  the  Azores 
by  more  than  a  third  of  the  circumference  of  the  globe;  that  the 
intervening  space  must,  in  a  great  measure,  be  filled  up  by  the  un- 
known residue  of  Asia,  and  that  if  the  circumference  of  the  world 
was,  as  he  believed,  less  than  was  generally  supposed,  the  Asiatic 
shores  could  easily  be  attained  by  a  moderate  voyage  to  the  west. 

It  is  singular  how  much  the  success  of  this  great  undertaking 
depended  upon  two  happy  errors,  the  imaginary  extent  of  Asia  to  the 
east,  and  the  supposed  smallness  of  the  earth;  both  errors  of  the 
most  learned  and  profound  philosophers,  but  without  which  Colum- 
bus would  hardly  have  ventured  upon  his  enterprise.  As  to  the  idea 
of  finding  land  by  sailing  directly  to  the  west,  it  is  at  present  so  fa- 
miliar to  our  minds  as  in  some  measure  to  diminish  the  merits  of  the 
first  conception,  and  the  hardihood  of  the  first  attempt;  but  in  those 
days,  as  has  well  been  observed,  the  circumference  of  the  earth  was 
yet  unknown;  no  one  could  tell  whether  the  ocean  were  not  of  im- 
mense extent,  impossible  to  be  traversed;  nor  were  the  laws  of  specific 
gravity  and  of  central  gravitation  ascertained,  by  which,  granting 
the  rotundity  of  the  earth,  the  possibility  of  making  the  tour  of  it 
would  be  manifest.*  The  practicability,  therefore,  of  finding  land 
by  sailing  to  the  west,  was  one  of  those  mysteries  of  nature  which 
are  considered  incredible  while  matters  of  mere  speculation,  but  the 
simplest  things  imaginable  when  they  have  once  been  ascertained. 

When  Columbus  had  formed  his  theory,  it  became  fixed  in  his 
mind  with  singular  firmness,  and  influenced  his  entire  character  and 
conduct.  He  never  spoke  in  doubt  or  hesitation,  but  with  as  much 
certainty  as  if  his  eyes  had  beheld  the  promised  land.  No  trial  or 
disappointment  could  divert  him  from  the  steady  pursuit  of  his  object. 
A  deep  religious  sentiment  mingled  with  his  meditations,  and  gave 
them  at  times  a  tinge  of  superstition,  but  it  was  of  a  sublime  and 
lofty  kind:  he  looked  upon  himself  as  standing  in  the  hand  of  heaven, 

*  Malte-Brun,  Geographic  Universelle,  T.  14.  Note  sur  la  d^couverte  de  1 
Amerique.  ^ 


^'  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OB* 


[Book  i. 


// 

{ 

/ 


) 


chosen  from  among  men  for  the  accompUshment  of  its  high  purpose; 
he  read,  as  he  supposed,  his  contemplated  discovery  foretold  in  Holy 
Writ,  and  shadowed  forth  darkly  in  the  mystic  revelations  of  the 
prophets.  The  ends  of  the  earth  were  to  be  brought  together,  and 
all  nations  and  tongues  and  languages  united  under  the  banners  of 
the  Redeemer.  This  was  to  be  the  triumphant  consummation  of  his 
enterprise,  bringing  the  remote  and  unknown  regions  of  the  earth 
into  communion  with  Christian  Europe;  carrying  the  light  of  the 
true  faith  into  benighted  and  pagan  lands,  and  gathering  their  count- 
less nations  under  the  holy  dominion  of  the  church. 

The  enthusiastic  nature  of  his  conceptions  gave  an  elevation  to 
his  spirit,  and  a  dignity  and  loftiness  to  his  whole  demeanour.  He 
conferred  with  sovereigns  almost  with  a  feeling  of  equality.  His 
views  were  princely  and  unbounded;  his  proposed  discovery  was  of 
empires;  his  conditions  were  proportionally  magnificent;  nor  would 
he  ever,  even  after  long  delays,  repeated  disappointments,  and  under 
the  pressure  of  actual  penury,  abate  what  appeared  to  be  extravagant 
demands  for  a  mere  possible  discovery. 

Those  who  could  not  conceive  how  an  ardent  and  comprehensive 
genius  could  arrive  by  presumptive  evidence  at  so  firm  a  conviction, 
sought  for  other  modes  of  accounting  for  it.  When  the  glorious 
result  had  established  the  correctness  of  the  opinion  of  Columbus, 
attempts  were  made  to  prove  that  he  had  previous  information  of  the 
lands  which  he  pretended  to  discover.  Among  these  was  an  idle 
tale  of  a  tempest-tost  pilot,  said  to  have  died  in  his  house,  bequeath- 
ing him  written  accounts  of  an  unknown  land  in  the  west,  upon 
which  he  had  been  driven  by  adverse  winds.  This  story,  according 
to  Fernando  Columbus,  had  no  other  foundation  than  one  of  the 
popular  tales  about  the  shadowy  island  of  St.  Brandan,  which  a 
Portuguese  captain,  returning  from  Guinea,  fancied  he  had  beheld 
beyond  Madeira.  It  circulated  for  a  time  in  idle  rumour,  altered  and 
shaped  to  suit  their  purpose,  by  such  as  sought  to  tarnish  the  glory 
of  Columbus.  At  length  it  found  its  way  into  print,  and  has  been 
echoed  by  various  historians,  varying  with  every  narration,  and  full 
of  contradictions  and  improbabilities.* 

An  assertion  has  also  been  made,  that  Columbus  was  preceded  in 
his  discoveries  by  Martin  Behem,  a  contemporary  cosmographer, 
who,  it  was  said,  had  landed  accidentally  on  the  coast  of  South 
America,  in  the  course  of  an  African  expedition,  and  that  it  was 
with  the  assistance  of  a  map  or  globe  projected  by  Behem,  on  which 


*  See  Illustrations,  article,  "  Rumour  concerning  the  Pilot  who  died  in  the  house 

of  Columbus." 


( 


Chap.  VI.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  2T 

was  laid  down  the  newly  discovered  country,  that  Columbus  made 
his  voyage.  This  rumour  originated  in  an  absurd  misconstruction 
of  a  Latin  manuscript,  and  was  unsupported  by  any  documents ;  yet 
it  has  had  its  circulation,  and  has  even  been  revived  not  many  years 
since,  with  more  zeal  than  discretion;  but  is  now  completely  refuted 
and  put  to  rest.  The  land  Behem  visited  was  the  coast  of  Africa 
beyond  the  equator;  the  globe  he  projected  was  finished  in  1492, 
while  Columbus  was  absent  on  his  first  voyage.  It  contains  no 
trace  of  the  New  World,  and  thus  furnishes  conclusive  proof  that  its 
existence  was  yet  unknown  to  Behem.* 

There  is  a  certain  meddlesome  spirit,  which,  in  the  garb  of  learned 
research,  goes  prying  about  the  traces  of  history,  casting  down  its 
monuments,  and  marring  and  mutilating  its  fairest  trophies.  Care 
should  be  taken  to  vindicate  great  names  from  such  pernicious 
erudition.  It  defeats  one  of  the  most  salutary  purposes  of  history — - 
that  of  furnishing  examples  of  what  human  genius  and  laudable 
enterprise  may  accomplisL  For  this  purpose,  some  pains  have  been 
taken  in  the  preceding  chapters,  to  trace  the  rise  and  progress  of  this 
grand  idea  in  the  mind  of  Columbus;  to  show  that  it  was  the  concep- 
tion of  his  genius,  quickened  by  the  impulse  of  the  age,  and  aided  by 
those  scattered  gleams  of  knowledge  which  fell  ineffectually  upon 
ordinary  minds. 


CHAPTER  VL 


CORRESPONDENCE    OF    COLUMBUS     WITH    PAULO    TOSCANELLL 
EVENTS  IN  PORTUGAL  RELATIVE  TO  DISCOVERIES. 

What  time  Columbus  first  conceived  the  design  of  seeking  a 
western  route  to  India,  it  is  impossible  to  determine ;  it  is  certain, 
nowever,  that  he  meditated  it  as  early  as  the  year  1474,  though  as 
yet  it  lay  crude  and  unmatured  in  his  mind.  This  fact,  which  is  of 
some  importance,  is  sufficiently  established  by  the  correspondence 
already  mentioned  with  the  learned  Paulo  Toscanelli,  of  Florence, 
which  took  place  in  the  summer  of  that  year.  The  letter  of  Tosca- 
nelli is  in  reply  to  one  from  Columbus,  and  applauds  the  design 


*  See  Illustrations,  article,  "  Behem." 


^  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  I. 

which  he  had  expressed  of  making  a  voyage  to  the  west.  To  de- 
monstrate  more  clearly  the  facility  of  arriving-  at  India  in  that  direc- 
tion, he  sent  him  a  map,  projected  partly  according  to  Ptolemy, 
and  partly  according  to  the  descriptions  of  Marco  Polo,  the  Venetian. 
The  eastern  coast  of  Asia  was  depicted  in  front  of  the  western  coasts 
of  Africa  and  Europe,  with  a  moderate  space  of  ocean  be:  ween  them, 
in  which  were  placed  at  convenient  distances,  Cipango,  Antilla,  and 
the  other  islands.*  Columbus  was  greatly  animated  by  the  letter 
and  chart  of  Toscanelli,  who  was  considered  one  of  the  ablest  cos- 
mographers  of  the  day.  He  appears  to  have  procured  the  work  of 
Marco  Polo,  which  had  been  translated  into  various  languages,  and 
existed  m  manuscript  in  most  libraries.  This  author  gives  mar- 
vellous accounts  of  the  riches  of  the  realms  of  Cathay  and  Mangi, 
(or  Mangu)  since  ascertained  to  be  northern  and  southern  China,  on 

*the  coast  of  which,  according  to  the  map  of  Toscanelli,  a  voyager 
sailing  directly  west,  would  be  sure  to  arrive.  He  describes  in  un- 
measured terms  the  power  and  grandeur  of  the  sovereign  of  these 
countries,  the  great  Khan  of  Tartary ;  and  the  splendour  and  mag- 
nitude of  his  capitals  of  Cambalu  and  Quinsai ;  and  the  wonders  of 
the  island  of  Cipango,  or  Zipangri,  supposed  to  be  Japan.  This 
island  he  places  opposite  Cathay,  five  hundred  leagues  in  the  ocean. 
He  represents  it  as  abounding  in  gold,  precious  stones,  and  other 
choice  objects  of  commerce,  with  a  monarch  whose  palace  was  co- 
vered with  plates  of  gold,  as  in  other  countries  palaces  are  covered 
with  lead.  The  narrations  of  this  traveller  were  l:)y  many  considere({ 
fabulous;  but  though  they  are  full  of  what  appear  to  be  splendid 
exaggerations,  they  have  since  been  found  to  be  substantially  cor- 
rect. They  are  thus  particularly  noted,  from  the  influence  they  ha<l 
over  the  imagination  of  Columbus.  The  work  of  Marco  Polo  is  a 
key  to  many  parts  of  his  history.  In  his  applications  to  the  various 
courts,  he  represented  the  countries  he  expected  to  discover,  as  those 
regions  of  inexhaustible  wea,lth  which  the  Venetian  had  described. 
The  territories  of  the  Grand  Khan  were  the  objects  of  research  in  all 
his  voyages;  and  in  his  cruisings  among  the  Antilles,  he  was  con- 

"  tinually  flattering  himself  with  the  hopes  of  arriving  at  the  opulent 
island  of  Cipango,  and  the  coasts  of  Mangi  and  Cathay,  f 

•  This  map,  by  which  Columbus  sailed  on  his  first  voyage  of  discoTery,  Las 
Caseis  (Lib.  1,  Cap.  12)  says  he  had  in  his  possession  at  tlie  time  of  writing  his 
history.  It  is  greatly  to  be  regretted  that  so  interesting  a  document  should  be 
lost :  it  may  yet  exist  amidst  the  chaotic  lumber  of  some  of  the  Spanish  archives. 
Few  documents,  of  mere  curiosity,  would  be  more  precious. 

t  A  more  particular  account  of  Marco  Polo  and  his  writings  is  given  amoBg 
the  Illustrations. 


Chap.  VI.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  ^  39 

While  the  design  of  attempting  the  discovery  in  the  west  was 
maturing  in  the  mind  of  Colurnbus,  he  made  a  voyage  to  the  north 
of  Europe.  Of  this  we  have  no  other  memorial  than  the  following 
passage,  extracted  by  his  son  from  one  of  his  letters.  '■  In  the  year 
1477,  in  February,  I  navigated  one  hundred  leagues  beyond  Thule, 
the  southern  part  of  which  is  seventy-three  degrees  distant  from  the 
Equator,  and  not  sixty-three,  as  some  pretend ;  neither  is  it  situated 
within  the  line  which  includes  the  west  of  Ptolemy,  but  is  much 
more  westerly.  The  English,  principally  those  of  Bristol,  go  with 
their  merchandize  to  this  island,  which  is  as  large  as  England. 
When  I  was  there  the  sea  was  not  frozen,  and  the  tides  were  so  great 
as  to  rise  and  fall  twenty-six  fathom."* 

The  island  thus  mentioned  as  Thule,  is  generally  supposed  to 
have  been  Iceland,  which  is  far  to  the  west  of  the  Ultima  Thule  of 
the  ancients,  as  laid  down  on  the  map  of  Ptolemy.  Nothing  more 
is  known  of  this  voyage,  in  which  we  discover  indications  of  his  ar- 
dent and  impatient  desire  to  break  away  from  the  limits  of  the  old 
world,  and  launch  into  the  unknown  regions  of  the  ocean. 

Several  more  years  elapsed,  without  any  decided  effort  on  the  part 
of  Columbus  to  carry  his  design  into  execution.  He  was  too  poor 
to  fit  out  the  armament  necessary  for  so  important  an  expedition. 
Indeed,  as  he  expected  to  find  vast  and  heathen  countries,  unsubject- 
ed  to  any  lav/ful  power,  he  considered  it  an  enterprise  only  to  be 
undertaken  in  the  employ  of  some  sovereign  state,  which  could  as- 
sume dominion  over  the  territories  he  might  discover,  and  reward 
him  with  dignities  and  privileges  commensurate  to  his  services. 

During  the  latter  part  of  the  reign  of  Alphonso  of  Portugal,  there 
was  too  little  ardour  in  the  cause  of  discovery,  to  make  it  probable 
that  a  proposition  of  the  kind  would  be  accepted.  The  monarch 
was  too  much  engrossed  with  the  wars  with  Spain,  for  the  succes- 
sion of  the  Princess  Juana  to  the  crown  of  Castile,  to  engage  in 
peaceful  enterprises  of  an  expensive  nature.  The  public  mind,  also, 
was  not  prepared  for  so  perilous  an  undertaking.  Notwithstandr 
ing  the  many  voyages  which  had  been  made  to  the  coast  of  Africa, 
and  the  adjacent  islands,  and  that  the  compass  had  been  introduced 
into  more  general  use,  navigation  was  still  shackled  with  impedi- 
ments, and  the  mariner  rarely  ventured  far  out  of  sight  of  land.  Dis- 
covery advanced  slowly  along  the  coasts  of  Africa,  and  the  mariners 
feared  to  cruise  far  into  the  southern  hemisphere,  with  the  stars  of 
which  they  were  totally  unacquainted.     To  such  men  the  project  of 

•  Hist,  del  Almirante,  C.  4.  q  n 


3d:  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  L 

a,  voyage  directly  westward,  into  the  midst  of  that  boundless  waste, 
to  seek  some  visionary  land,  appeared  as  extravagant,  as  it  would  at 
the  present  day,  to  launch  forth  in  a  balloon  into  the  regions  of 
space,  in  quest  of  some  distant  star. 

The  time,  however,  was  at  hand  that  was  to  extend  the  powers  of 
navigation.  The  era  was  propitious  to  the  quick  advancement  of 
knowledge.  The  recent  invention  of  the  art  of  printing  enabled 
men  to  communicate  rapidly  and  extensively  their  ideas  and  disco- 
veries. It  drew  forth  learning  from  libraries  and  convents,  and 
brought  it  familiarly  to  the  reading  desk  of  the  student.  Tracts  of 
information,  which  before  had  existed-  only  in  costly  manuscripts, 
carefully  treasured  up,  and  kept  out  of  the  reach  of  the  indigent 
scholar,  and  obscure  artist,  were  now  in  every  hand.  There  was 
thenceforth  to  be  no  retrogression  in  knowledge,  nor  any  pause  in 
its  career.  Every  step  in  advance  was  immediately,  and  simulta- 
neously, and  widely  promulgated,  recorded  in  a  thousand  forms,  and 
fixed  for  ever.  There  could  never  again  be  a  dark  age ;  nations 
might  shut  their  eyes  to  the  light,  and  sit  in  wilful  darkness,  but 
they  could  not  trample  it  out ;  it  would  still  shine  on,  dispensed  to 
iiappier  parts  of  the  world,  by  the  diffusive  powers  of  the  press. 

At  this  juncture,  a  monarch  ascended  the  throne  of  Portugal,  of 
different  ambition  from  Alphonso.  John  II.  had  imbibed  the  passion 
for  discovery  from  his  grand  uncle,  Prince  Henry,  and  with  his  reign 
all  its  activity  revived.  His  first  care  was  to  build  a  fort  at  St. 
George  de  la  Mina,  on  the  coast  of  Guinea,  to  protect  the  trade  car- 
ried on  in  that  neighbourhood  for  gold-dust,  ivory  and  slaves. 

The  African  discoveries  had  conferred  great  glory  upon  Portugal, 
but  as  yet  they  had  produced  more  expense  than  profit.  The  ac- 
complishment of  the  route  to  India,  however,  it  was  expected  would 
repay  all  their  cost  and  toil,  and  open  a  source  of  incalculable  wealth 
to  the  nation  The  project  of  Prince  Henry,  which  had  now  been 
tardily  prosecuted  for  half  a  century,  had  excited  an  eager  curiosity 
about  the  remote  parts  of  Asia,  and  had  revived  all  the  accounts, 
true  and  fabulous,  of  travellers. 

Beside  the  renowned  work  of  Marco  Polo,  already  mentioned, 
there  was  the  narrative  of  Rabbi  Benjamin  ben  Jonah,  of  Tudela,  a 
celebrated  Spanish  Jew,  who  had  set  out  from  Saragossa  in  1173, 
to  visit  the  scattered  remnants  of  the  Hebrew  tribes,  wherever 
dispersed  qver  the  face  of  the  earth.  Wandering  with  unwearied 
zeal,  on  this  pious  errand,  over  most  parts  of  the  known  world,  he 
penetrated  into  China,  and  passed  from  thence  into  the  southern 


Chap.  VI.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  81 

islands  of  Asia.*  There  were  also  the  narratives  of  Carpini  and 
Ascelin,  two  friars  despatched,  the  one  in  1246,  the  other  in  1247,  by 
Pope  Innocent  IV.  as  apostolic  ambassadors,  for  the  purpose  of  con- 
verting the  Grand  Khan  of  Tartary ;  and  the  journal  of  William 
Rubruquis,  (or  Ruysbrook, )  a  celebrated  cordelier,  sent  on  a  similar 
errand  in  1253,  by  Lewis  IX.  of  France,  then  on  his  unfortunate 
crusade  into  Palestine.  These  pious  but  chimerical  missions  had 
proved  abortive;  but  the  curious  narrations  of  them  which  remained, 
when  thus  revived  in  the  fifteenth  century,  served  to  inflame  the 
public  curiosity  respecting  the  remote  parts  of  Asia. 

In  these  narrations  we  first  find  mention  made  of  the  renowned 
Prester  John,  an  imaginary  Christian  king,  said  to  hold  sway  in  a 
remote  part  of  the  east;  who  was  long  an  object  of  curiosity  and 
research,  but  whose  kingdom  seemed  to  shift  its  situation  in  the  tale 
of  every  traveller,  and  to  vanish  from  the  search,  as  effectually  as  the 
unsubstantial  island  of  St.  Brandan.  All  the  fables  and  dreamy 
speculations  concerning  this  shadowy  potentate,  and  his  oriental 
realm,  were  again  put  in  circulation.  It  was  fancied  that  traces  of 
his  empire  were  discovered  in  the  interior  of  Africa,  to  the  east  of 
Benin,  where  there  was  a  powerful  prince,  who  used  a  cross  among 
his  insignia  of  royalty.  John  II.  partook  largely  of  the  popular 
excitement  produced  by  these  narrations.  In  the  early  part  of  his 
reign  he  actually  sent  visionary  missions  in  quest  of  the  visionary 
Prester  John,  to  visit  whose  dominions  became  the  romantic  desire  of 
many  a  religious  enthusiast.  The  magnificent  idea  he  had  formed 
of  the  remote  parts  of  the  east,  made  him  extremely  anxious  that  the 
splendid  project  of  Prince  Henry  should  be  realized,  and  that  th© 
Portuguese  flag  should  penetrate  to  the  Indian  seas.  Impatient  of 
the  slowness  with  which  his  discoverers  advanced  along  the  coast  of 
Africa,  and  of  the  impediments  which  every  cape  and  promontory 
presented  to  nautical  enterprise,  he  called  in  the  aid  of  science,  to 
devise  some  means  by  which  greater  scope  and  certainty  might  be 
given  to  navigation.  His  two  physicians,  Roderigo  and  Joseph,  the 
latter  a  Jew,  the  most  able  astronomers  and  cosmographers  of  lys 
kingdom,  together  with  the  celebrated  Martin  Behem,  entered  into 
a  learned  consultation  on  the  subject.  The  result  of  their  conferences 
and  labours  was  the  application  of  the  astrolabe  to  navigation, 
enabling  the  seaman,  by  the  altitude  of  the  sun,  to  ascertain  his  dis 

*  Bergeron,  Voyages  en  Asie,  Tom.  1.  The  work  of  Benjamin  of  Tudela, 
originally  written  in  Hebrew,  was  so  much  an  repute,  that  the  translation  went 
through  at  least  sixteen  editions.     Andres  Hist.  B.  Let.  L.  .3.  C.  6. 


3t:  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  I. 

tance  from  the  equator.*  This  instrument  has  since  been  improved 
and  modified  into  the  modern  quadrant,  of  which,  even  at  its  first 
introduction,  it  possessed  all  the  essential  advantages. 

It  is  impossible  to  describe  the  eflfect  produced  upon  navigation  by 
this  invention.  It  cast  it  loose  at  once  from  its  long  bondage  to  the 
land,  and  set  it  free  to  rove  the  deep.  Science  had  thus  prepared 
guides  for  discovery  across  the  trackless  ocean.  Instead  of  coasting 
the  shores  like  the  ancient  navigator,  and,  when  driven  from  the  land, 
groping  his  way  back,  in  doubt  and  apprehension,  by  the  uncertain 
guidance  of  the  stars,  the  modern  mariner  might  adventure  boldly 
into  unknown  seas,  confident  of  being  able  to  retrace  his  course,  by 
means  of  the  compass  and  the  astrolabe,  should  he  find  no  distant 
port. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

PROPOSITIONS  OF  COLUMBUS  TO  THE  COURT  OF  PORTUGAL. 

The  application  of  the  astrolabe  to  navigation  was  one  of  those 
timely  events,  which  seem  to  have  something  providential  in  them. 
It  was  the  one  thing  wanting  to  facilitate  an  intercourse  across  the 
deep,  and  it  divested  the  enterprise  of  Columbus  of  that  hazardous 
character  which  was  so  great  an  obstacle  to  its  accomplishment.  It 
was  immediately  after  this  event  that  he  proposed  his  voyage  of 
discovery  to  the  crown  of  Portugal. 

This  is  his  first  proposition  of  which  we  have  any  clear  and 
indisputable  record,  although  it  has  been  strongly  asserted  that  he 
made  one  at  an  earlier  period  to  his  native  country,  Genoa.  The 
court  of  Portugal  had  shown  extraordinary  liberality  in  rewarding 
nautical  enterprise.  Most  of  those  who  had  made  discoveries  in  her 
service  had  been  appointed  to  the  government  of  the  islands  and 
countries  which  they  had  discovered,  although  many  of  them  were 
foreigners  by  birth.  Encouraged  by  this  liberality,  and  by  the 
anxiety  evinced  by  king  John  II.  to  accomplish  a  passage  by  sea  to 
India,  Columbus  obtained  an  audience  of  that  monarch.  He  pro- 
posed, in  case  the  king  would  f'lrnish  him  with  ships  and  men,  to 


•  Barros,  Asia,  Decad.  1.  L.  4,  C.  2.    Maffei,  Lib.  1,  p.  6,  7. 


Chap.  VH.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  33 

'.mdertake  a  shorter  and  more  direct  route  to  India,  than  that  which 
they  were  seeking'.  His  plan  was  to  strike  directly  to  the  west, 
across  the  Atlantic.  He  then  unfolded  his  hypothesis  with  respect 
to  the  extent  of  Asia,  describing  also  the  immense  riches  of  the  island 
of  Cipango,  the  first  land  at  which  he  expected  to  arrive.  Of  this 
audience  we  have  two  accounts,  written  in  somewhat  of  an  opposite 
spirit;  one  by  his  son  Fernando,  the  other  by  Joam  de  Barros,  the 
Portuguese  historiographer.  It  is  curious  to  notice  the  different 
views  taken  of  the  same  transaction  by  the  enthusiastic  son,  and  by 
the  cool,  perhaps  prejudiced,  historian. 

The  king,  according  to  Fernando,  listened  to  his  father  with  great 
attention,  but  was  discouraged  from  engaging  in  any  new  scheme 
of  the  kind,  by  the  cost  and  trouble  already  sustained  in  exploring- 
the  route  by  the  African  coast,  which  as  yet  remained  unaccom- 
plished. His  father,  however,  supported  his  proposition  by  such 
excellent  reasons,  that  the  king  was  induced  to  give  his  consent. 
The  only  difficulty  that  remained  was  the  terms;  for  Columbus, 
being  a  man  of  lofty  and  noble  sentiments,  demanded  high  and 
honourable  titles  and  rewards;  to  the  end,  says  Fernando,  that  he 
might  leave  behind  him  a  name  and  family  worthy  of  his  deeds  and 
merits.* 

Barros,  on  the  other  hand,  attributes  the  seeming  acquiescence  of 
the  king,  merely  to  the  importunities  of  Columbus.  He  considered 
him,  says  the  historian,  a  vainglorious  man,  fond  of  displaying  his 
abilities,  and  given  to  fantastic  fancies,  such  as  that  respecting  the 
island  of  Cipango.  f  But  in  fact,  this  idea  of  Columbus  being  vain, 
was  taken  up  by  the  Portuguese  writers  in  after  years;  and  as  to  the 
island  of  Cipango,  it  was  far  from  being  considered  chimerical  by 
the  king,  who,  as  has  been  shown  by  his  mission  in  search  of  Prester 
John,  was  a  ready  believer  in  these  travellers'  tales  concerning'  the 
cast.  The  reasoning  of  Columbus  must  have  produced  an  effect  on 
the  mind  of  the  monarch,  since  it  is  certain  that  he  referred  the  pro- 
position to  a  learned  junto,  charged  with  all  matters  relating  to  mari- 
time discovery. 

This  junto  was  composed  of  two  able  cosmographers,  masters 
Roderigo  and  Joseph,  and  the  king's  confessor  Diego  Ortiz  de  Ca^ 
zadilla,  Bishop  of  Ceuta,  a  man  greatly  reputed  for  his  learning,  a 
Castilian  by  birth,  and  generally  called  Cazadilla,  from  the  name  of 
his  native  place.  This  scientific  body  treated  the  project  as  extra- 
vagant and  visionary. 

•  Hist,  del  Almirante,  Cap.  10. 
t  Barros,  Asia,  Decad.  1.  L.  3,  C.  2. 

Vol,  I  3 


84  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  "OF  [Book  L 

Still  the  king  does  not  appear  to  have  been  satisfied.  According 
to  his  historian  Vasconcelos,*  he  convoked  his  council,  composed  of 
the  prelates  and  persons  of  the  greatest  learning  in  the  kingdom,  and 
Eisked  their  advice,  whether  to  adopt  this  new  route  of  discovery,  or 
to  pursue  that  which  they  had  already  opened?  The  proposition  of 
Columbus  was  generally  condemned  by  the  council,  and  in  fact  a 
spirit  seemed  to  be  awakening  among  them  hostile  to  all  discovery. 

It  may  not  be  deemed  superfluous  to  notice  briefly  the  discussion  of 
the  council  on  this  great  question.  Vasconcelos  reports  a  speech  of 
the  Bishop  of  Ceuta,  in  which  he  not  only  objected  to  the  proposed 
enterprise,  as  destitute  of  reason,  but  even  discountenanced  any  fur- 
ther prosecution  of  the  African  discoveries.  "They  tended,"  he  said, 
"to  distract  the  attention,  drain  the  resources,  and  divide  the  power  of 
the  nation;  already  too  much  weakened  by  recent  war  and  pestilence. 
While  their  forces  were  thus  scattered  abr6ad  on  remote  and  un- 
profitable expeditions,  they  exposed  themselves  to  attack  from  their 
active  enemy,  the  king  of  Castile.  The  greatness  of  monarchs,"  he 
observed,  "did  not  arise  so  much  from  the  extent  of  their  dominions, 
as  from  the  wisdom  and  ability  with  which  they  governed.  Tn  the 
Portuguese  nation,  it  would  be  madness  to  launch  into  enterprises 
without  first  considering  them  in  connexion  with  its  means.  The 
king  had  already  sufficient  undertakings  in  hand  of  certain  advan- 
tage, without  engaging  in  others  of  a  wild,  chimerical  nature.  If 
he  wished  employment  for  the  active  valour  of  the  nation,  the  war  in 
which  he  was  engaged  against  the  Moors  of  Barbary  was  sufficient, 
wherein  his  triumphs  were  of  solid  advantage,  tending  to  cripple  and 
enfeeble  those  neighbouring  foes,  who  had  proved  themselves  so  dan- 
gerous when  possessed  of  power." 

This  cool  and  cautious  speech  of  the  Bishop  of  Ceuta,  directed 
against  those  enterprises  which  were  the  glory  of  the  Portuguese, 
touched  the  national  pride  of  Don  Pedro  de  Meneses,  Count  of  Villa 
Real,  and  drew  from  him  a  lofty  and  patriotic  reply.  It  has  been 
said  by  a  historian  that  this  reply  was  in  support  of  the  proposition 
of  Columbus;  but  that  does  not  clearly  appear.  He  may  have  treated 
the  proposal  with  respect,  but  his  eloquence  was  employed  for  those 
enterprises  in  which  the  Portuguese  were  already  engaged. 

"Portugal,"  he  observed,  "was  not  in  its  infancy,  nor  were  its 
princes  so  poor  as  to  lack  means  to  engage  in  discoveries.  Even 
granting  that  those  proposed  by  Columbus  were  conjectural,  why 
should  they  abandon  those  commenced  by  their  late  Prince  Henry, 

•  Vasconcelos,  Vida  dd  Rey  D.  Juan  II.  1.  4. 


Ghap.  VII.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  35 

Oil  such  solid  foundations,  and  prosecuted  with  such  happy  prospects  1 
Crowns,"  he  observed,  "  enriched  themselves  by  commerce,  fortified 
themselves  by  alliance,  and  acquired  empires  by  conquest.  The 
views  of  a  nation  could  not  always  be  the  same ;  they  extended  with 
its  opulence  and  prosperity.  Portugal  was  at  peace  with  all  the 
princes  of  Eilrope.  It  had  nothing  to  fear  firom  engaging  in  an  ex- 
tensive enterprise.  It  would  be  the  greatest  glory  for  Portuguese 
valour  to  penetrate  into  the  secrets  and  horrors  of  the  ocean  sea,  so 
formidable  to  the  other  nations  of  the  world.  Thus  occupied,  it 
would  escape  the  idleness  engendered  in  a  long  interval  of  peace,  that 
source  of  vice,  that  silent  file,  which  little  by  little,  wore  away  the 
strength  and  valour  of  a  nation.  It  was  an  affront,^'  he  adeed,  "  to 
the  Portuguese  name  to  menace  it  with  imaginary  perils,  when  it 
had  proved  itself  so  intrepid  in  encountering  those  which  -were  the 
most  certain  and  tremendous.  Great  souls  were  formed  for  great 
enterprises.  He  wondered  much  that  a  prelate,  so  religious  as  the 
Bishop  of  Ceuta,  should  oppose  this  undertaking ;  the  ultimate  object 
of  which  was  to  augment  the  Catholic  faith,  and  spread  it  from  pole 
to  pole  ;  reflecting  glory  on  the  Portuguese  nation,  and  yielding  em 
pire  and  lasting  fame  to  its  princes."  He  concluded  by  declaring, 
that  "  although  a  soldier,  he  dared  to  prognosticate  with  a  voice  and 
spirit  as  if  from  heaven,  to  whatever  prince  should  achieve  this  en- 
terprise, more  happy  success  and  durable  renown,  than  had  ever  been 
obtained  by  sovereign  the  most  valorous  and  fortunate."*  Such  was 
the  warm  and  generous  speech  of  the  Count  of  Villa  Real,  in  favour 
of  the  African  expeditions.  It  would  have  been  fortunate  for  Por- 
tugal had  his  eloquence  been  exerted  in  favour  of  Columbus  ;  for  it 
is  said  to  have  been  received  with  acclamations,  to  have  overpowered 
the  reasonings  of  the  cold  spirited  Cazadilla,  and  to  have  inspired 
the  king  and  council  with  renewed  ardour  for  the  attempt  to  circum- 
navigate the  extremity  of  Africa,  which  they  afterwards  completed 
with  such  brilliant  success. 


*  Vasconcelos,  L.  4,    La  Clede,  Hist.  Portugal  L.  13.  T.  3. 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  L 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

DEPARTURE  OF  COLUMBUS  FROM  PORTUGAL,  AND  APPLICATION 
TO  OTHER  COURTS. 

John  II.  of  Portugal,  is  generally  represented  as  a  wise  and  mag- 
nanimous prince,  and  as  one  little  apt  to  be  ruled  by  his  counsellors. 
In  this  memorable  negociation  with  Columbus,  however,  he  appears 
to  have  been  wanting  in  his  usual  magnanimity,  and  to  have  listened 
to  crafty  council ;  opposite  at  all  times  to  true  policy,  and  in  this  in 
stance  productive  of  much  mortification  and  regret.  Certain  of  his 
counsellors,  seeing  that  the  monarch  was  dissatisfied  with  theii 
decision,  and  still  retained  a  lurking  inclination  for  the  enterprise^ 
suggested  a  stratagem  bv  which  all  its  advantages  might  be  secured, 
without  committing  the  dignity  of  the  crown  by  entering  into  formal 
negociations  about  what  might  prove  a  mere  chimera.  It  was  pro- 
posed that  Columbus  should  be  kept  in  suspense,  while  a  vessel  should 
be  secretly  despatched  in  the  direction  he  had  pointed  out,  to  ascer- 
tain whether  there  were  any  foundation  for  his  theory. 

This  perfidious  advice  is  attributed  to  Cazadilla,  Bishop  of  Ceuta, 
and  agrees  with  the  narrow  policy  which  would  have  persuaded 
king  John  to  abandon  the  splendid  track  of  his  African  discoveries. 
The  king,  in  evil  hour,  departed  from  his  usual  justice  and  generosity, 
and  had  the  weakness  to  permit  the  stratagem.  Columbus  was  re- 
quired to  furnish  a  detailed  plan  6(  his  proposed  voyage,  with  the 
charts  or  other  documents  according  to  which  he  intended  to  shape 
his  course,  that  they  might  be  examined  by  the  council.  He  readily 
complied.  A  caravel  was  then  despatched,  with  the  ostensible  pre- 
text of  carrying  provisions  to  the  Cape  de  Verd  Islands,  but  with 
private  instructions  to  pursue  the  route  designated  in  the  papers  of 
Columbus.  Departing  from  those  islands,  the  caravel  stood  west- 
ward for  several  days.  The  weather  grew  stormy,  and  the  pilots 
having  no  zeal  to  stimulate  them,  and  seeing  nothing  but  an  immea- 
surable waste  of  wild  tumbling  waves  still  extending  before  them, 
lost  all  courage  to  proceed.  They  put  back  to  the  Cape  de  Verd 
islands,  and  thence  to  Lisbon,  excusing  their  own  want  of  resolution, 
by  ridiculing  the  project  of  Columbus  as  extravagant  and  irrational.* 

•  Hist,  del  Almirante,  Cap.  8.    Herrera,  Decad.  1.  L.  1,  c  7. 


ChIp.  VIII.  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  37 

This  unworthy  attempt  to  defraud  him  of  his  enterprise  aroused 
the  indignation  of  Columbus.  King  John,  it  is  said,  would  have 
renewed  the  negociation,  but  he  resolutely  declined.  His  wife  had 
been  for  some  time  dead :  the  domestic  tie  which  had  bound  him  to 
Portugal  was  broken;  he  determined,  therefore,  to  abandon  a  country 
where  he  had  been  treated  with  so  little  faith,  and  to  look  elsewhere 
for  patronage. 

Towards  the  end  of  1484,  he  departed  from  Lisbon,  taking  with 
tiim  his  son  Diego.  He  left  the  kingdom  secretly,  fearing,  it  is  said, 
that  his  departure  might  be  prevented  by  the  king ;  but  it  is  probable 
that  the  real  reason  for  this  privacj'-  was  his  impoverished  and  embar- 
rassed situation.  Like  many  other  great  projectors,  while  engrossed 
by  speculations  fraught  with  vast  advantage  to  mankind,  he  had 
neglected  his  private  affairs,  and  suffered  them  to  run  to  ruin.  It 
would  appear  that  the  terrors  of  the  law  were  impending  over  him, 
and  that  he  had  to  depart  clandestinely  to  avoid  being  arrested  for 
debt.  This  at  least  is  surmised,  from  the  purport  of  a  letter  written 
to  him  some  years  afterwards  by  the  king  of  Portugal,  and  but 
recently  discovered,  which,  after  inviting  his  return  to  that  country, 
insures  him  against  arrest  on  account  of  any  process,  civil  or  criminal, 
which  might  be  pending  against  him.*  When  about  to  leave 
Portugal  he  engaged  his  brother  Bartholomew  to  depart  likewise  to 
England  with  proposals  to  the  monarch  of  that  country.  He  does 
not  appear,  however,  to  have  entertained  any  great  hopes  from  this 
application ;  for  England  by  no  means '  possessed  at  the  time  the 
enterprising  spirit  in  navigation  which  has  since  proved  such  a 
source  of  power  and  prosperity. 

An  interval  now  occurs  of  about  a  year,  during  which  the  move- 
ments of  Columbus  are  involved  in  uncertainty.  A  modern  Spanish 
historian  of  great  investigation  and  accuracy  is  of  opinion  that  he 
departed  immediately  for  Genoa,  where  he  affrms  that  he  certainly 
was  in  1 485,  when  he  repeated,  in  person,  a  proposition  of  his  enter- 
prise which  he  had  formerly  made  to  the  government  by  letter,  but 
that  he  met  with  a  contemptuoup  refusal.! 

The  republic  of  Genoa,  in  fact,  was  not  in  a  situation  favourable 
to  such  an  undertaking.  She  was  languishing  under  a  long  decline 
and  embarrassed  by  a  foreign  war.  Caffa,  her  great  deposit  in  the 
Crimea,  had  recently  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Turks,  and  her 
flag  was  on  the  point  of  being  driven  from  the  Archipelago.  Her 
spirit  was  broken  with  her  fortunes;  for  with  nations,  ais  witk 
individuals,  enterprise  is  the  child  of  prosperity,   and  is  apt  to 

*  Navarrete,  CoUec.  T.  2,  Doc  III.        t  Munoz,  Hist.  N.  Mundo,  L,  t. 


38  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  I. 

languish  in  evil  days,  when  there  is  most  need  of  its  exertion.  Thus 
Genoa,  it  would  appear,  disheartened  by  her  reverses,  shut  her  ears 
to  a  proposition  which  would  have  elevated  her  to  ten-fold  splendour, 
and  might  have  perpetuated  the  golden  wand  of  commerce  in  the 
grasp  of  Italy. 

From  Genoa  it  is  suggested  that  Columbus  carried  his  proposal  to 
Venice.  No  documents  exist  to  support  this  opinion.  An  Italian 
writer  of  merit  and  research  says,  there  is  an  old  tradition  floating  in 
Venice  to  that  effect.  A  distinguished  magistrate  of  that  city,  he 
adds,  assured  him  that  he  had  formerly  seen  mention  in  the  public 
archives  of  this  offer  of  Columbus,  and  of  its  being  declined  in  con- 
sequence of  the  critical  state  of  national  affairs.*  The  long  and 
inveterate  wars,  however,  which  had  prevailed  between  Venice  and 
his  native  state  render  this  application  rather  improbable.  Different 
authors  agree  that,  about  this  time,  he  visited  his  aged  father,  made 
some  arrangements  for  his  comfort,  and  having  performed  the  duties 
of  a  pious  son,  departed  once  more  to  try  his  fortunes  in  foreign 
courts. 

It  will  be  observed  that  several  of  the  foregoing  circumstances,  by 
which  an  attempt  has  been  made  to  account  for  the  interval  between 
the  departure  of  Columbus  from  Portugal,  and  the  first  notice  we 
have  of  him  in  Spain,  are  conjectural.  Such,  however,  is  the 
embarrassment  in  developing  this  obscure  part  of  his  history,  before 
the  splendour  of  his  discovery  had  shed  a  light  about  his  path.  All 
that  can  be  done  is  to  grope  along,  from  one  isolated  fact  to  another. 
That  during  this  interval  he  struggled  hard  with  poverty,  would 
appear  from  the  destitute  situation  in  which  we  first  meet  with  him 
in  Spain;  nor  is  it  one  of  the  least  extraordinary  circumstances  in 
his  eventful  life,  that  he  had,  in  a  manner,  to  beg  his  way  from  court 
to  court,  to  offer  to  princes  the  discovery  of  a  world. 


*  Bossi,  Document  No.  XIV. 


LIFE   AND   VOYAGES 

OF 

CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS 


BOOK  11. 


CHAPTER  I. 

FIRST    ARRIVAL    OF    COLUMBUS    IN    SPAIN. 

It  is  interesting  to  notice  the  first  arrival  of  Columbus  in  that  country, 
which  was  to  become  the  scene  of  his  glory,  and  which  he  was  to 
render  so  powerful  and  illustrious  by  his  discoveries.  In  this  we 
meet  with  one  of  those  striking  and  instructive  contrasts  which  occur 
in  his  eventful  history.  The  first  trace  we  have  of  him  in  Spain,  is 
in  the  testimony  furnished  a  few  years  after  his  death,  in  the  cele- 
brated law-suit  between  his  son  Don  Diego  and  the  crown,  by  a  physi- 
cian named  Garcia  Fernandez,  from  whose  deposition  we  glean  the 
following  facts. 

About  half  a  league  from  the  little  seaport  of  Palos  de  Moguer 
in  Andalusia  there  stood,  and  continues  to  stand  at  the  present  day, 
an  ancient  convent  of  Franciscan  friars :  dedicated  to  Santa  Maria 
de  Rabida.  One  day  a  stranger  on  foot,  in  humble  guise,  but  of  a 
distinguished  air,  accompanied  by  a  small  boy,  stopped  at  the  gate  of 
the  convent,  and  asked  of  the  porter  a  little  bread  and  water  for  his 
child.  While  receiving  this  humble  refreshment,  the  prior  of  the 
convent.  Friar  Juan  Perez  de  Marchena,  happening  to  pass  by,  was 
struck  with  the  appearance  of  the  stranger,  and  observing  from  his 
air  and  accent  that  he  was  a  foreigner,  entered  into  conversation 
with  him,  and  soon  learnt  the  particulars  of  his  story.  That  stranger 
was  Columbus,  accompanied  by  his  young  son  Diego.  Where  he 
had  come  from  does  not  clearly  appear  ;*  that  he  was  in  destitute 
circumstances  is  evident  from  the  mode  of  his  wayfaring:  he  was  on 

*  "  Lo  dicho  Almirante  Colon  veniendo  k  la  Rabida,  que  es  un  monast^rio  de 
frailes  en  esta  villa,  el  qual  demand6  &  la  porteria  que  le  diesen  para  aquel  ninico, 
que  era  nine,  pan  i  agua  que  bebiese."    The  testimony  of  Garcia  Fernandez  ex- 


40  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  H. 

his  way  to  the  neighbouring  town  of  Huelva,  to  seek  his  brother-in- 
law,  who  had  married  a  sister  of  his  deceased  wife.* 

The  prior  was  a  man  of  extensive  information.  His  attention  had 
been  turned  in  some  measure  to  geographical  and  nautical  science, 
probably  from  his  vicinity  to  Palos>  the  inhabitants  of  which  were 
among  the  most  enterprising  navigators  of  Spain,  and  made  frequent 
voyages  to  the  recently  discovered  islands  and  countries  on  the  Afri- 
can coast.  He  was  greatly  interested  by  the  conversation  of  Colum- 
bus, and  struck  with  the  grandeur  of  his  views.  It  was  a  remark- 
able occurrence  in  the  monotonous  life  of  the  cloister,  to  have  a  man 
of  such  singular  character,  intent  on  so  extraordinary  an  enterprise, 
applying  for  bread  and  water  at  the  gate  of  his  convent.  He  detained 
him  as  his  guest,  and  diffident  of  his  own  judgment,  sent  for  a  scien- 
tific friend  to  converse  with  him.  That  friend  was  Garcia  Fernan- 
dez, a  physician  resident  in  Palos,  the  same  who  furnishes  this 
interesting  testimony.  Fernandez  was  equally  struck  with  the 
appearance  and  conversation  of  the  stranger.  Several  conferences 
took  place  at  the  old  convent,  and  the  project  of  Columbus  was  treated 
with  a  deference  in  the  quiet  cloisters  of  La  Rabida,  which  it  had  in 
vain  sought  amidst  the  bustle  and  pretension  of  court  sages  and 
philosophers.  Hints  too  were  gathered  among  the  veteran  mariners 
of  Palos,  which  seemed  to  corroborate  his  theory.  One  Pedro  de 
Velasco,  an  old  and  experienced  pilot  of  the  place,  affirmed  that 
nearly  thirty  years  before,  in  the  course  of  a  voyage,  he  was  carried 
by  stress  of  weather  so  far  to  the  northwest,  that  Cape  Clear  in 
Ireland  lay  to  the  east  of  him.  Here,  though  there  was  a  strong 
wind  blowing  from  the  west,  the  sea  was  perfectly  smooth;  a  re- 
markable circumstance,  which  he  supposed  to  be  produced  by  land 
lying  in  that  direction.  It  being  late  in  August,  however,  he  was 
fearful  of  the  approach  of  winter  and  did  not  venture  to  proceed  on 
the  discovery. t 

•Fray  Juan  Perez  possessed  that  hearty  zeal  in  friendship,  which 

ists  in  manuscript  among  the  multifarious  writings  of  the  Pleito  or  law-suit,  which 
are  preserved  at  Seville.  I  have  made  use  of  an  authenticated  extract,  copied  for 
the  late  historian,  Juan  Baut.  Muiioz.  There  is  a  little  obscurity  in  some  part  of 
the  evidence  of  Garcia  Fernandez.  It  was  given  many  years  after  the  event.  He 
states  Columbus  as  coming  with  his  infant  son  from  the  Castilian  court,  but  he 
evidently  confounds  two  visits  which  Columbus  made  to  the  convent  of  La  Ra- 
bida into  one.  In  making  use  of  his  testimony,  that  confusion  has  been  corrected 
by  comparing  it  with  other  well  ascertained  facts. 

♦  Probably  Pedro  Correa,  already  mentioned,  from  whom  he  had  received  infor- 
mation of  signs  of  land  in  the  west,  observed  near  Puerto  Santo. 

tHist.  del  Almirante,  Cap.  8, 


Chap.  I.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  4i- 

carries  good  wishes  into  good  deeds.  Being  fully  persuaded  that 
the  proposed  enterprise  would  be  of  the  utmost  importance  to  the 
country,  he  offered  to  give  Columbus  a  favourable  introduction  to 
court,  and  he  advised  him  by  all  means  to  repair  thither,  and  make 
his  propositions  to  the  Spanish  sovereigns.  Juan  Perez  was  on  in- 
timate terms  with  Fernando  de  Talavera  prior  of  the  monastery  of 
Prado  and  confessor  to  the  queen,  a  man  high  in  royal  confidence,  and 
possessing  great  weight  in  public  affairs.*  To  him  he  gave  Colum- 
bus a  letter,  strongly  recommending  himself  and  his  enterprise  to  the 
patronage  of  Talavera,  and  requesting  his  friendly  intercession  with 
the  king  and  queen.  As  the  influence  of  the  church  was  paramount 
in  the  court  of  Castile,  and  as  Talavera,  from  his  situation  as  con- 
fessor, had  the  most  direct  and  confidential  communication  with  the 
queen,  every  thing  was  expected  from  his  mediation.  In  the  mean- 
time Fray  Juan  Perez  took  charge  of  the  youthful  son  of  Columbus, 
to  maintain  and  educate  him  at  his  convent. 

The  zeal  of  this  worthy  man,  thus  early  enkindled,  never  cooled; 
and  many  years  afterwards,  in  the  day  of  his  success,  Columbus  looks 
back,  through  the  brilliant  crowd  of  courtiers,  prelates  and  philoso- 
phers, who  claimed  the  honour  of  having  patronized  his  enterprise, 
and  points  to  this  modest  friar  as  one  who  had  been  most  effectually 
its  friend.  He  remained  in  the  convent  until  the  spring  of  1486, 
when  the  court  arrived  in  the  ancient  city  of  Cordova,  where  the 
sovereigns  intended  to  assemble  their  troops,  and  make  preparations 
for  a  spring  campaign  against  the  Moorish  kingdom  of  Granada. 
Elated  then  with  fresh  hopes,  and  confident  of  a  speedy  audience, 
on  the  strength  of  the  letter  to  Fernando  de  Talavera,  Columbus 
bade  farewell  to  the  worthy  Prior  of  La  Rabida,  leaving  with  him 
his  child,  and  set  out,  full  of  spirits,  for  the  court  of  Castile. 


*  Salinas  Cron.  Franciscana  de  Peru.    L.  1,  C.  14.    Malendez  Tesoros  Verda- 
deros  de  las  Indias,  L.  1,  C.  1.  -p.  ^ 


4S  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  (»•  [Book  IL 


CHAPTER  II. 

CHARACTERS    OF    FERDINAND  AND  ISABELLA. 
1486. 

The  time  when  Columbus  first  sought  his  fortunes  in  Spain  coin- 
cided with  one  of  the  most  briUiant  periods  of  the  Spanish  monarchy, 
The  union  of  the  kingdoms  of  Arragon  and  Castile,  by  the  marriage 
of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  had  consolidated  the  Christian  power  in 
the  Peninsula,  and  put  an  end  to  those  internal  feuds  which  had  so 
long  distracted  the  country,  and  ensured  the  domination  of  the  Mos- 
lems. The  whole  force  of  united  Spain  was  now  exerted  in  the 
chivalrous  enterprise  of  the  Moorish  conquest.  The  Moors,  who 
had  once  spread  over  the  whole  country  like  an  inundation,  were 
now  dammed  up  within  the  mountain  boundaries  of  the  kingdom  of 
Granada.  The  victorious  armies  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  were 
continually  advancing,  and  pressing  this  fierce  people  within  nar- 
rower limits.  Under  these  sovereigns,  the  various  petty  kingdoms 
of  Spain  began  to  feel  and  act  as  one  nation,  and  to  rise  to  eminence 
in  arts  as  well  as  arms.  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  it  has  been  remark- 
ed, lived  together,  not  like  man  and  wife,  whose  estates  are  common, 
under  the  orders  of  the  husband ;  but  like  two  monarchs,  strictly  al- 
lied.* They  had  separate  claims  to  sovereignty,  in  virtue  of  their 
respective  kingdoms;  they  had  separate  councils,  and  were  often 
distant  from  each  other  in  different  parts  of  their  empire,  each  exer- 
cising the  royal  authority ;  yet  they  were  so  happily  united  by  com- 
mon views,  common  interests,  and  a  great  deference  for  each  other, 
that  this  double  administration  never  prevented  a  unity  of  purpose 
and  of  action.  All  acts  of  sovereignty  were  executed  in  both  their 
names ;  all  public  writings  were  subscribed  with  both  their  signa- 
tures ;  their  likenesses  were  stamped  together  on  the  public  coin ; 
and  the  royal  seal  displayed  the  united  arms  of  Castile  and  Arragon. 
Ferdinand  was  of  the  middle  stature,  well  proportioned,  and  hardy 
and  active  from  athletic  exercise.  His  carriage  was  free,  erect  and 
majestic.     He  had  a  clear  serene  forehead,  which  appeared  more 

•  Voltaire,  Essai  sur  les  mceurs,  &c. 


Chap.  U.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  43 

lofty  from  his  head  being  partly  bald.  His  eyebrows  were  large 
and  parted,  and  like  his  hair,  of  a  bright  chesnut;  his  eyes  were 
clear  and  animated;  his  complexion  was  somewhat  ruddy,  and 
scorched  by  the  toils  of  war ;  his  mouth  moderate,  well  formed  and 
gracious  in  its  expression ;  his  teeth  white,  though  small  and  irregu- 
lar. His  voice  sharp;  his  speech  quick  and  fkient.  His  genius  was 
clear  and  comprehensive;  his  judgment  grave  and  certain.  He 
was  simple  in  clress  and  diet,  equable  in  temper,  devout  in  religion, 
and  so  indefatigable  in  business,  that  it  was  said  he  seemed  to  re- 
pose himself  by  working.  He  was  a  great  observer  and  judge  of 
men,  and  unparalleled  in  the  science  of  the  cabinet.  Such  is  the 
picture  given  of  him  by  the  Spanish  historians  of  his  time.  It  has 
been  added,  however,  that  he  had  more  of  bigotry  than  rehgion; 
that  his  ambition  was  craving  rather  than  magnanimous ;  that  he 
made  war  less  like  a  paladin  than  a  prince,  less  for  glory  than  for 
mere  dominion;  and  that  his  policy  was  cold,  selfish,  and  artful. 
He  was  called  the  wise  and  prudent  in  Spain;  in  Italy,  the  pious; 
in  France  and  England,  the  ambitious  and  perfidious.*  He  certainly 
was  one  of  the  most  subtle  statesmen,  but  one  of  the  most  thorough 
egotists,  that  ever  sat  upon  a  throne. 

While  giving  his  picture,  it  may  not  be  deemed  impertinent  to 
sketch  the  fortunes  of  a  monarch,  whose  policy  had  such  an  effect 
upon  the  history  of  Columbus,  and  the  destinies  of  the  new  world. 
Success  attended  all  his  measures.  Though  a  younger  son,  he  had 
ascended  the  throne  of  Aragon  by  inheritance;  Castile  he  obtained 
by  marriage ;  Granada  and  Naples  by  conquest ;  and  he  seized  upon 
Navarre  as  appertaining  to  any  one  who  could  take  possession  of  it, 
when  Pope  Julius  II.  excommunicated  its  sovereigns,  Juan  and 
Catalina,  and  gave  their  throne  to  the  first  occupant.f  He  sent  his 
forces  into  Africa,  and  subjugated  or  reduced  to  vassalage,  Tunis 
and  Tripoli,  and  Algiers,  and  most  of  the  Barbary  powers.  A  new 
world  was  also  given  to  him  without  cost,  by  the  discoveries  of  Co- 
lumbus; for  the  expense  of  the  enterprise  was  borne  exclusively  by 
his  consort  Isabella.  He  had  three  objects  at  heart  from  the  com- 
mencement of  his  reign,  which  he  pursued  with  bigoted  and  perse- 
cuting zeal;  the  conquest  of  the  Moors,  the  expulsion  of  the  Jews, 
and  the  establishment  of  the  Inquisition  in  his  dominions.  He  ac- 
complished them  all,  and  was  rewarded  by  Pope  Innocent  VIII. 


*  Voltaire,  Essai  sur  les  mceurs,  Ch.  XIV. 

t  Pedro  Salazar  de  Mendoza,  Monarq.  de  Esp.  Lib.  3,  Cap.  5,  (Madrid,  1770^ 
torn.  1,  p.  402.)      Gonzalo  de  Illescas.    Hist.  Pontif.  Lib.  6.  Cap.  23,  §  3. 


ii  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  U. 

with  the  appellation  of  Most  Catholic  Majesty;  a  title  which  his 
successors  have  tenaciously  retained. 

Contemporary  writers  have  been  enthusiastic  in  their  descriptions 
of  Isabella,  but  time  has  sanctioned  their  eulogies.  She  is  one  of  the 
purest  and  most  beautiful  characters  in  the  pages  of  history.  She 
was  well  formed,  of  the  middle  size,  with  great  dignity  and  grace- 
fulness of  deportment,  and  a  mingled  gravity  ^dsweetness  of  de- 
meanour. Her  complexion  was  fair ;  her  hair  au^urnT  inclining  to 
red;  her  eyes  were  of  a  clear  blue,  with  a  benign  expression;  and 
there  was  a  singular  modesty  in  her  countenance,  gracing  as  it  did 
a  wonderful  firmness  of  purpose,  and  earnestness  of  spirit.  Though 
strongly  attached  to  her  husband,  and  studious  of  his  fame,  yet  she 
always  maintained  her  distinct  rights  as  an  allied  prince.  She  ex- 
ceeded him  in  beauty,  in  personal  dignity,  in  acuteness  of  genius,  and 
in  grandeur  of  soul.*  Combining  the  active  and  resolute  qualities  of 
man,  with  the  softer  charities  of  women,  she  mingled  in  the  warlike 
councils  of  her  husband ;  engaged  personally  in  his  enterprises;!  and 
in  some  instances  surpassed  him  in  the  firmness  and  intrepidity  of  her 
measures ;  while,  being  inspired  with  a  truer  idea  of  glory,  she  in- 
fused a  more  lofty  and  generous  temper  into  his  subtle  and  calculat- 
ing policy. 

It  is  in  the  civil  history  of  their  reign,  however,  that  the  character 
of  Isabella  shines  most  illustrious.  Her  fostering  and  maternal  care 
was  continually  directed  to  reform  the  laws,  and  heal  the  ills 
engendered  by  a  long  course  of  internal  wars.  She  loved  her  people, 
and  while  diligently  seeking  their  good,  she  mitigated,  as  much  as 
possible,  the  harsh  measures  of  her  husband,  directed  to  the  same 
end,  but  inflamed  by  a  mistaken  zeal.  Thus,  though  almost  bigoted 
in  her  piety,  and  perhaps  too  much  under  the  influence  of  ghostly 
advisers,  still  she  was  hostile  to  every  measure  calculated  to  advance 
religion  at  the  expense  of  humanity.  She  strenuously  opposed  the 
expulsion  of  the  Jews,  and  the  establishment  of  the  Inquisition, 
though  unfortunately  for  Spain,  her  repugnance  was  slowly 
vanquished  by  her  confessors.  She  was  always  an  advocate  for 
clemency  to  the  Moors,  although  she  was  the  soul  of  the  war  against 
Granada.  She  considered  that  war  essential  to  protect  the  Christian 
faith,  and  to  relieve  her  subjects  from  fierce  and  formidable  enemies. 


•  Garibay,  Hist,  de  Espana,  T.  11,  L.  XVIH.  C.  1. 

t  Several  suits  of  armour  cap-a-pie^  worn  by  Isabella,  and  still  preserved  in  the 
royal  arsenal  at  Madrid,  show  that  she  was  exposed  to  personal  danger  in  lier 
campaigns. 


Chaf.  m.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  4* 

While  all  ber  public  thoughts  and  acts  were  princely  and  august, 
her  private  habits  were  simple,  frugal  and  unostentatious.  In  the 
intervals  of  state  business,  she  assembled  round  her  the  ablest  men  in 
literature  and  science,  and  directed  herself  by  their  counsels,  in  pro- 
moting letters  and  arts.  Through  her  patronage,  Salamanca  rose  to 
that  height  which  it  assumed  among  the  learned  institutions  of  the 
age.  She  promoted  the  distribution  of  honours  and  rewards  for 
the  promulgation  of  knowledge;  she  fostered  the  art  of  printing, 
recently  invented,  and  encouraged  the  establishment  of  presses  in 
every  part  of  the  kingdom;  books  were  admitted  free  of  all  duty,  and 
more,  we  are  told,  were  printed  in  Spain,  at  that  early  period  of  the 
art,  than  in  the  present  literary  age.* 

It  is  wonderful,  how  much  the  destinies  of  countries  depend  at 
times  upon  the  virtues  of  individuals,  and  how  it  is  given  to  great 
spirits,  by  combining,  exciting,  and  directing  the  latent  powers  of  a 
nation,  to  stamp  it,  as  it  were,  with  their  own  greatness.  Such 
beings  realize  the  idea  of  guardian  angels,  appointed  by  heaven  to 
watch  over  the  destinies  of  empires.  Such  had  been  prince  Henry 
for  the  kingdom  of  Portugal,  and  such  was  now  for  Spain  the 
illustrious  Isabella. 


CHAPTER  III. 

PROPOSITIONS    OF    COLUMBUS    TO    THE    COURT    OF    CASTILE. 
[  1486.  ] 

When  Columbus  arrived  at  Cordova  he  found  that  ancient  and 
warlike  city  filled  with  the  glitter  and  the  din  of  arms  and  in  all  the 
bustle  of  military  preparation.  The  rival  kings  of  Granada,  Muley 
Boabdel  the  uncle,  surnamed  El  Zagal,  and  Mohammed  Boabdel, 
the  nephew,  surnamed  El  Chico,  had  just  formed  a  coalition,  and 
their  league  called  for  prompt  and  vigorous  measures.  All  the 
chivalry  of  Spain  bad  been  summoned  to  the  field;  the  streets  of 
Cordova  echoed  to  the  tramp  of  steed  and  sound  of  trumpet,  as  day 
by  day  the  chivalrous  nobles  arrived,  leading  their  feudal  retainers. 


Elogio  de  la  Reina  Catolica :   por  Diego  Clemencin.    Madrid,  1821. 


46  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  H. 

and  vying  with  each  other  in  the  number  of  their  troops  and  the 
splendour  of  their  appointments.  The  court  was  like  a  military 
camp;  the  king  and  queen  were  surrounded  by  the  flower  of  Spanish 
chivalry;  by  those  veteran  cavaliers  who  had  distinguished  them- 
selves in  so  many  hardy  conflicts  with  the  Moors;  and  by  the 
prelates  and  friars  who  mingled  in  martial  council,  and  took  deep 
interest  and  agency  in  this  war  of  the  Faith. 

This  was  an  unpropitious  time  for  an  humble  stranger  like 
Columbus,  to  propose  an  enterprise,  of  strange  and  perplexing  nature, 
requiring  deep  consideration,  and  being  totally  foreign  to  the 
engrossing  business  of  the  moment.  Still  he  felt  a  confidence  in  the 
great  influence  at  court  of  Fernando  de  Talavera,  who  had  constant 
access  to  the  sovereigns,  and  he  lost  no  time  in  presenting  the  letter 
of  recommendation  that  was  to  secure  him  the  warm  patronage  ol 
the  prior.  Here  he  was  doomed  to  meet  with  one  of  his  many  disap- 
pointments. -  Fernando  de  Talavera  read  the  letter  of  the  warm- 
hearted Juan  Perez  de  Marchena  without  being  animated  by  his 
zeal;  he  listened  coldly  and  distrustfully  to  the  explications  of 
Columbus,  and  quietly  made  up  his  opinion  that  the  plan  was 
extravagant  and  impossible.* 

The  Prior  of  Prado  was  fully  occupied  with  the  councils  and 
concerns  of  the  war,  accompanying  the  court  in  most  of  its  cam- 
paigns; he  had  but  little  time  or  inclination  therefore  to  investigate 
what  he  considered  a  mere  chimera,  and  still  less  disposition  to  in- 
trude it  upon  the  attention  of  the  sovereigns  in  this  hurried  moment. 
It  is  questionable,  therefore,  whether  at  the  time  he  ever  mentioned  it 
to  the  sovereigns;  if  he  did  it  must  have  been  in  such  lukewarm  if 
not  disparaging  terms  as  not  to  awaken  their  attention. 

Instead,  therefore,  of  meeting  that  immediate  countenance  from 
the  throne,  which  he  had  expected,  Columbus  found  it  impossible  to 
obtain  even  an  audience.  As  he  mingled  in  lowly  guise  among  the 
brilliant  and  bustling  crowd  that  thronged  every  avenue  to  the  throne, 
he  had  to  endure  the  ridicule  of  the  light  and  the  supercilious;  one  of 
the  greatest  obstacles  that  modest  merit  can  encounter  in  a  court. 
The  slender  interest  on  which  he  had  founded  his  hopes  of  royal 
patronage,  and  the  humble  garb  in  which  his  poverty  compelled  him 
to  appear,  formed  a  preposterous  contrast,  in  the  eyes  of  the  courtiers, 
with  the  magnitude  of  his  project  and  the  magnificence  of  his  specu- 
lations. "Because  he  was  a  stranger,"  says  Oviedo,  "and  went 
but  in  simple  apparel,  nor  otherwise  credited  than  by  the  letter  of  a 


*  Salajjar,  Chron.  del  Gran  Cardinal,  L.  1,  C.  62. 


Ghap.  m.]  '  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  -fl^ 

gray  friar,  tney  believed  him  not,  neither  gave  ear  to  his  words, 
whereby  he  was  greatly  tormented  in  his  imagination.* 

The  time  consumed  by  Columbus  in  lingering  attendance  on  the 
Spanish  court,  has  been  a  subject  of  much  animadversion;  it  is  but 
candid,  however,  to  take  into  consideration  the  situation  of  the  sove- 
reigns at  the  time;  being  personally  engaged  in  most  of  the  cam- 
paigns of  a  rough  and  adventurous  war,  which  left  them  scarce  a 
moment  of  repose. 

Early  in  the  spring  the  king  marched  off  to  lay  siege  to  the 
Moorish  city  of  Loxa:  and  though  the  queen  remained  at  Cordova, 
she  was  continually  employed  in  forwarding  troops  and  supplies  to 
the  army,  and  at  the  same  time  attending  to  the  multiplied  exigencies 
of  civil  government.  On  the  12th  of  June  she  repaired  to  the  camp, 
then  engaged  in  the  siege  of  Moclin,  and  both  sovereigns  remained 
for  some  time  in  the  Vega  of  Granada,  prosecuting  the  war  with 
unremitting  vigour.  They  had  barely  returned  to  Cordova  to  cele- 
brate their  victories  by  public  rejoicings,  when  they  were  obliged  to 
set  out  for  Galicia,  to  suppress  a  rebellion  of  the  Count  of  Lemos. 
From  thence  they  repaired  to  Salamanca  for  the  winter.i 

This  brief  picture  of  the  occupation,  and  the  bustling  life,  of  the 
Spanish  sovereigns,  during  the  first  year  after  the  arrival  of  Colum- 
bus, may  give  an  idea  of  their  reign  throughout  the  term  of  his 
negociation,  which  precisely  coincided  with  their  war  with  the 
Moors.  The  court  was  continually  shifting  from  place  to  place,  ac- 
cording to  the  exigency  of  the  moment.  The  sovereigns  were  either 
on  journeys  or  in  the  field;  and  when  they  had  an  interval  of  repose 
from  the  rugged  toils  of  war,  they  had  a  thousand  claims  on  their 
time  and  attention,  from  the  modifications  and  reforms  which  they 
were  enforcing  throughout  their  dominions. 

Amidst  such  pressing  concerns  of  domestic  and  immediate  import- 
ance, and  so  exhausting  to  the  treasury,  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at, 
that  the  monarchs  should  find  little  time  to  attend  to  a  scheme  of 
foreign  discovery,  which  required  much  consideration,  called  for 
great  expense,  and  was  generally  esteemed  the  wild  dream  of  an 
enthusiast. 

During  the  summer  and  autumn  of  1486,  the  period  of  the  cam- 
paign and  the  other  transactions  just  alluded  to,  Columbus  remained 
at  Cordova,  being  too  poor  to  follow  the  court  in  its  changes  from 
place  to  place.  While  lingering  in  Cordova  he  became  attached  to 
a  lady  of  that  city  named  Beatrix  Enriquez,  who  was  of  a  noble 

•  Oviedo,  L.  ii.  C.  5.    English  translation.        t  Pulgar,  Zurito,  Garibay,  &c. 


48  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  II. 

family,  though,  it  is  probable,  in  impoverished  circumstances.  Like 
most  of  the  particulars  of  this  part  of  his  life,  the  circumstances  of  his 
connexion  with  this  lady  are  wrapped  in  obscurity.  It  was  not 
sanctioned  by  marriage,  yet  he  retained  a  tender  and  respectful 
sentiment  for  Dona  Beatrix  even  to  his  dying  day.  She  was  the 
mother  of  his  second  son  Fernando,  born  in  the  following  year  ot 
1487,  who  became  his  historian,  and  whom  he  always  treated  on 
terms  of  perfect  equality  with  his  legitimate  son  Diego. 

While  wailing  the  slow  growth  of  court  patronage,  Columbus  was 
obliged  to  have  recourse  to  his  former  occupation  for  support,  and 
gained  a  scanty  subsistence  by  designing  maps  and  charts.*  He 
had  a  sanguine  temperament,  which  bore  him  up  against  every 
discouragement,  and  he  trusted  to  time  and  perseverance  to  gain  him 
converts  and  friends  of  influence.  In  this  he  was  not  disappointed: 
the  singularity  and  importance  of  his  scheme  gradually  attracted  the 
notice  of  thinking  men;  who  became  curious  to  know  something  of 
this  solitary  stranger,  thus  endeavouring,  almost  unaided,  to  make  his 
way  with  so  grand  a  proposition,  to  the  foot  of  the  throne. 

Whenever  Columbus  had  an  opportunity  of  being  heard  by  candid 
and  judicious  men,  he  never  failed  to  make  a  strong  impression. 
There  was  a  dignity  in  his  manners,  an  earnest  sincerity  in  his  con- 
versation, an  elevation  in  his  views,  and  a  practical  shrewdness  in  his 
arguments,  that  commanded  respect  even  where  they  did  not  produce 
conviction.  Among  the  valuable  friends  he  thus  created  about  court 
were  Antonio  Geraldini,  the  Pope's  nuncio,  and  his  brother  Alexander 
Geraldini,  preceptor  to  the  younger  children  of  Ferdinand  and  Isa- 
bella: the  countenance  of  such  men  could  not  but  be  of  great  avail  in 
gaining  him  respect  from  others. f  His  most  efficient  friend  however, 
in  this  stage  of  his  application,  was  Alonzo  de  Gluintanilla,  comp- 
troller of  the  finances  of  Castile,  who  became  a  warm  advocate  of 
his  theory,  and  received  him  as  a  guest  into  his  house.  As  a  means 
of  effectually  promoting  his  interests,  he  endeavoured  to  procure  for 
him  the  patronage  of  the  celebrated  Pedro  Gonzalez  de  Mendoza, 
Archbishop  of  Toledo  and  grand  cardinal  of  Spain. 

This  was  the  most  important  personage  about  court.  The  king 
and  queen  had  him  always  at  their  side,  in  peace  and  war.  He 
accompanied  them  in  their  campaigns,  and  they  never  took  any 
measure  of  consequence  without  consulting  him.  He  was  face- 
tiously called  by  Peter  Martyr,  "the  third  king  of  Spain."  He  was 
a  man  of  a  clear  understanding,  eloquent,  judicious,  and  of  great 
quickness  and  capacity  in  business.     Simple  yet  curiously  nice  in 


*  Cura  de  los  Palacios,  C.  1 18.        t  Spotomo^  page  46.  English  translation. 


Chap,  III.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS. 

his  apparel;  lofty  and  venerable,  yet  gracious  and  gentle  111%^ 
deportment  Though  an  elegant  scholar,  the  grand  cardinal^  ^jk^ 
many  learned  men  of  his  day,  was  but  little  skilled  in  cosmography] 
and  was  tenacious  in  his  religious  scruples.  When  the  theorj^( 
Columbus  was  first  mentioned  to  him,  it  struck  him  as  inv- 
heterodox  opinions,  incompatible  with  the  form  of  the  earth,  as 
described  in  the  sacred  scriptures.  Further  explanations  had  their 
force  with  a  man  of  his  quick  apprehension  and  sound  sense.  He 
perceived  that  at  any  rate  there  could  be  nothing  irreligious  in 
attempting  to  extend  the  bounds  of  human  knowledge,  and  to 
ascertain  the  works  of  creation:  his  scruples  once  removed  he  per 
mitted  Columbus  to  be  introduced  to  him,  and  gave  him  a  courteous 
reception.  The  latter  knew  the  importance  of  his  auditor,  and  that 
a  conference  with  the  grand  cardinal  was  almost  equivaxent  to  a 
communication  with  the  throne;  he  exerted  himself  to  the  utmost 
therefore,  to  explain  and  demonstrate  his  proposition.  The  clear 
headed  cardinal  listened  with  profound  attention.  He  was  pleased 
with  the  noble  and  earnest  manner  of  Columbus,  which  showed  him 
to  bo  no  common  schemer;  he  felt  the  grandeur,  and,  at  the  same 
time,  the  simplicity  of  his  theory,  and  the  force  of  many  of  the 
arguments  by  which  it  was  supported.  He  determined  that  it  was 
a  matter  highly  worthy  of  the  consideration  of  the  sovereigns,  and 
through  his  representations  Columbus  at  length  obtained  admission 
to  the  royal  presence.* 

We  have  but  scanty  particulars  of  this  audience,  so  long  sought 
and  anxiously  desired,  nor  can  we  ascertain  whether  Q,ueen  Isabella 
was  present  on  the  occasion;  the  contrary  seems  to  be  most  probably 
the  case.  Columbus  appeared  in  the  royal  presence  with  modesty, 
yet  self-possession,  neither  dazzled  nor  daunted  by  the  splendour  of 
the  court  or  the  awful  majesty  of  the  throne.  He  unfolded  his  plan 
with  eloquence  and  zeal,  for  he  felt  himself,  as  he  afterwards  de- 
clared, kindled  as  with  a  fire  from  on  high,  and  considered  himself 
the  agent  chosen  by  heaven  to  accomplish  its  grand  designs,  f 

Ferdinand  was  too  keen  a  judge  of  men  not  to  appreciate  the 
character  of  Columbus.  He  perceived  that,  however  soaring  might 
be  his  imagination,  and  vast  and  visionary  his  views,  his  scheme 
had  scientific  and  practical  foundation.  His  ambition  was  excited 
by  the  possibility  of  discoveries  far  more  important  than  those  which 
had  shed  such  glory  upon  Portugal ;  and  perhaps  it  was  not  the  least 
recommendation  of    the   enterprise    to  this  subtle  and   grasping 

*  Oviedo,  L.  2,  C.  4.     Salazar,  Cron.  G.  Cardinal,  L.  1,  C.  63. 
t  Letter  to  the  Sovereigns  in  1501.  ^ 

Vol.  L  4  E 


50  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  II. 

monarch,  that,  if  successful,  it  would  enable  him  to  forestal  that  rival 
nation  in  the  fruits  of  their  long  and  arduous  struggle,  and  by 
opening  a  direct  course  to  India  across  the  ooean,  to  bear  off  from 
them  the  monopoly  of  oriental  commerce. 

Still,  as  usual,  Ferdinand  was  cool  and  wary,  and  would  not  trust 
nis  own  judgment  in  a  matter  that  involved  so  many  principles  of 
science.  He  determined  to  take  the  opinion  of  the  most  learned 
men  in  the  kingdom,  and  to  be  guided  by  their  decision.  Fernando 
de  Talavera,  the  prior  of  Prado,  had  been  the  person  to  whom 
Columbus  had  been  first  recommended,  and  who  had  made  the  first 
mention  of  him  to  the  sovereigns;  he  was  therefore,  though  with  but 
little  reason,  considered  as  his  regular  patron;  and  as  he  was  one  of 
the  most  erudite  men  of  the  kingdom,  he  could  not,  it  was  supposed, 
but  take  a  deep  interest  in  a  question  of  the  kind.  To  his  superin- 
tendence, therefore,  the  matter  was  especially  consigned,  he  was 
commanded  to  assemble  the  most  learned  astronomers  and  cosmo- 
graphers  for  the  purpose  of  holding  a  conference  with  Columbus,  and 
examining  him,  as  to  the  grounds  on  which  he  founded  his  proposi- 
tion. After  they  had  informed  themselves  fully  on  the  subject,  they 
were  to  consult  together,  and  to  make  a  report  to  the  sovereign  of 
their  collective  opinion.* 

When  Columbus  heard  of  this  arrangement  he  considered  the  end 
of  his  probation  as  at  hand.  He  had  hitherto  been  impeded  by 
ignorance,  and  prejudice,  and  pride,  and  levity ;  obstacles  which  too 
often  beset  the  path  of  enlightened  enterprise  in  the  labyrinths  of  a 
court.  He  was  now,  however,  to  come  before  the  assembled  learning 
of  the  kingdom,  before  men  competent  to  judge,  elevated  above  all 
vulgar  prejudices,  and  devoted  entirely  to  the  promotion  of  useful 
knowledge.  From  such  men,  he  flattered  himself,  he  should  at 
length  receive  an  impartial  and  attentive  hearing,  and  he  trusted  to 
their  intelligence  and  to  the  conclusive  nature  of  his  own  demonstra- 
tions, to  ensure  triumphant  conviction. 


•  Hist,  del  Almirante,  C.  XI. 


CHAr.  IV.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  51- 


CHAPTER  IV. 

COLUMBUS    BEFORE    THE    COUNCIL    AT    SALAMANCA. 

The  interesting  conference  relative  to  the  proposition  of  Columbus 
took  place  in  Salamanca,  the  great  seat  of  learning  in  Spain.  It 
was  held  in  the  Dominican  Convent  of  St.  Stephen,  in  which 
Columbus  was  lodged  and  entertained  with  great  hospitahty  during 
the  course  of  the  examination.* 

Religion  and  science  were  at  that  time,  and  more  especially  in  that 
country,  closely  associated.  The  treasures  of  learning  were  immured 
in  monasteries,  and  the  professors'  chairs  were  exclusively  filled  from 
the  cloister.  The  domination  of  the  clergy  extended  over  the  state 
as  well  as  the  church,  and  posts  of  honour  and  influence  at  court, 
with  the  exception  of  hereditary  nobles,  were  almost  entirely  con- 
fided to  ecclesiastics.  It  was  even  common  to  find  cardinals  and 
bishops  in  helm  and  corslet  at  the  head  of  armies;  for  the  crosier  had 
been  occasionally  thrown  by  for  the  lance,  during  the  holy  war 
against  the  Moors.  The  era  was  distinguished  for  the  revival  of 
learning,  but  still  more  for  the  prevalence  of  religious  zeal,  and  Spain 
surpassed  all  other  countries  of  Christendom  in  the  fervour  of  her 
devotion.  The  Inquisition  had  just  been  established  in  that  king- 
dom, and  every  opinion  that  savoured  of  heresy  made  its  owner 
obnoxious  to  odium  and  persecution. 

Such  was  the  peF^d  when  a  council  of  clerical  sages  was  con- 
vened in  the  collegiate  convent  of  St.  Stephen,  to  investigate  the 
new  theory  of  Columbus.  It  was  composed  of  professors  of  astrono- 
my, geography,  mathematics,  and  other  branches  of  science,  to- 
gether with  various  dignitaries  of  the  church,  and  learned  friars. 
Before  this  erudite  assembly,  Columbus  presented  himself  to  pro- 
pound and  defend  his  conclusions.  He  had  been  scoffed  at  as  a 
visionary  by  the  vulgar  and  the  ignorant;  but  he  was  convinced 
that  he  only  required  a  body  of  enlightened  men  to  listen  dispassion- 
ately to  his  reasonings,  to  ensure  trmmphant  conviction. 

The  greater  part  of  this  learned  junto,  it  is  very  probable,  came 
prepossessed  against  him,  as  men  in  place  and  dignity  are  apt  to  be 
against  poor  applicants.     There  is  always  a  proneness  to  consider  a 

•  Hist,  de  Chiapa  por  Remesal,  Lib.  2,  C.  J7. 


SSI  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  II. 

man  under  examination  as  a  kind  of  delinquent,  or  impostor,  whose 
faults  and  errors  are  to  be  detected  and  exposed.  Columbu^  too, 
appeared  in  a  most  unfavourable  light  before  a  scholastic  body:  an 
obscure  navigator,  member  of  no  learned  institution,  destitute  of  all 
the  trappings  and  circumstances  which  sometimes  give  oracular 
authority  to  dulness,.  and  depending  upon  the  mere  force  of  natural 
genius.  Some  of  the  junto  entertained  the  popular  notion  that  he 
was  an  adventurer,  or  at  best  a  visionary;  and  others  had  that  morbid 
impatience  of  any  innovation  upon  established  doctrine,  which  is  apt 
to  grow  upon  dull  and  pedantic  men  in  cloistered  life. 

What  a  striking  spectacle  must  the  hall  of  the  old  convent  have 
presented  at  this  memorable  conference!  A  simple  mariner,  stand- 
ing forth  in  the  midst  of  an  imposing  array  o-f  professors,  friars  and 
dignitaries  of  the  church;  maintaining  his  theory  with  natural 
eloquence,  and  as  it  were,  pleading  th«  cause  of  the  new  world. 
We  are  told  that  when  he  began  to  state  the  grounds  of  his  belief 
the  friars  of  St.  Stephen  alone  paid  attention  to  him;*  that  convent 
being  more  learned  in  the  sciences  than  the  rest  of  the  university. 
The  others  appear  to  have  entrenched  themselves  behind  one  dogged 
position;  that,  after  so  many  profound  philosophers  and  cosmogra- 
phers  had  been  studying  the  form  of  the  world,  and  so  many  able 
navigators  had  been  sailing  about  it  for  several  thousand'  yearsj  it 
was  great  presumption  in  an  ordinary  man  to  suppose  that  there 
remained  such  a  vast  discovery  for  him  to  make. 

Several  of  the  objections  opposed  by  this  learned  body  have  been 
handed  down  to  us,  and  have  provoked  many  a  sneer  at  the  expense 
of  the  university  of  Salamanca,  but  they  are  proofs,  not  so  much  of 
the  peculiar  deficiency  of  that  institution,  as  of  the  imperfect  state 
of  science  at  the  time,  and  the  manner  in  whiaii  knowledge,  though 
rapidly  extending,  was  still  impeded  in  its  progress  by  monas- 
tic bigotry.  All  subjects  were  still  contemplated  through  the  ob- 
scure medium  of  those  ages  when  the  lights  of  antiquity  were  tram- 
pled out  and  faith  was  left  to  fill  the  place  of  inquiry.  Bewildered 
in  a  maze  of  religious  controversy,  mankind  had  retraced  their  steps, 
and  receded  from  the  boundary  line  of  ancient  knowledge.  Thus, 
at  the  very  threshold  of  the  discussion,  instead  of  geographical  ob- 
jections, Columbus  was  assailed  with  citations  from  the  bible  and  the 
testament:  the  book  af  Genesis,  the  psalms  of  David,  the  Prophets, 
the  epistles,  and  the  gospels.  To  these  were  added  the  expositions 
of  various  saints  and  reverend  commentators:  SL  ChrysosiQm.e  and 


»  Remesal,  Hist,  de  Chiap.  L.  11^  C.  7. 


Chap.  IV.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  53 

St.  Augustine,  St.  Jerome  and  St.  Gregory,  St.  Basil  and  St.  Am- 
brose, and  Lactantius  Firmianus,  a  redoubted  champion  of  the  faith. 
Doctrinal  points  were  mixed  up  with  philosophical  discussions,  and 
a  mathematical  demonstration  was  allowed  no  weight,  if  it  appeared 
to  clash  with  a  text  of  scripture,  or  a  commentary  of  one  of  the 
fathers.  Thus  the  possibility  of  antipodes,  in  the  southern  hemi- 
sphere, an  opinion  so  generally  maintained  by  the  wisest  of  the  an- 
cients, as  to  be  pronounced  by  Pliny  the  great  contest  between  the 
learned  and  the  ignorant,  became  a  stumbling  block  with  some  of 
the  sages  of  Salamanca.  Several  of  them  stoutly  contradicted  this 
fundamental  position  of  Columbus,  supporting  themselves  by  quota- 
tions from  Lactantius  and  St.  Augustine,  who  were  considered  in 
those  days  as  almost  evangelical  authority.  But,  though  these 
writers  were  men  of  consummate  erudition,  and  two  of  the  greatest 
luminaries  of  what  has  been  called  the  golden  age  of  ecclesiastical 
learning,  yet  their  writings  were  calculated  to  perpetuate  darkness 
in  respect  to  the  sciences. 

The  passage  cited  from  Lactantius  to  confute  Columbus,  is  in  a 
strain  of  gross  ridicule,  unworthy  of  so  grave  a  theologian.  "  Is 
there  any  one  so  foolish,"  he  asks,  "as  to  believe  that  there  are  an- 
tipodes with  their  feet  opposite  to  ours;  people  who  walk  with  their 
heels  upward,  and  their  heads  hanging  down?  That  there  is  a 
part  of  the  world  in  which  all  things  are  topsyturvy:  where  the 
trees  grow  with  their  branches  downward,  and  where  it  rains,  hails 
and  snows  upward?  The  idea  of  the  roundness  of  the  earth,"  he 
adds,  "  was  the  cause  of  inventing  this  fable  of  the  antipodes,  with 
their  heels  in  the  air;  for  these  philosophers,  having  once  erred,  go 
on  in  their  absurdities,  defending  one  with  another." 

Objections  of  a  graver  nature  were  advanced  on  the  authority  of 
St.  Augustine.  He  pronounces  the  doctrine  of  antipodes  to  be  in- 
compatible with  the  historical  foundations  of  our  faith;  since,  to 
assert  that  there  were  inhabited  lands  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
globe,  would  be  to  maintain  that  there  were  nations  not  descended 
from  Adam,  it  being  impossible  for  them  to  have  passed  the  interven- 
ing ocean.  This  v^^ould  be,  therefore,  to  discredit  the  bible,  which 
expressly  declares,  that  all  men  are  descended  from  one  common 
parent. 

Such  were  the  unlooked  for  prejudices  which  Columbus  had  to 

encounter  at  the  very  outset  of  his  conference,  and  which  certainly 

relish  more  of  the  convent  than  the  university.     To  his  simplest 

proposition,  the  spherical  form  of  the  earth,  were  opposed  figurative 

texts  of  scripture.     They  observed  that  in  the  Psalms  the  heavens 

E2 


54  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  IL 

are  said  tobe  extended  like  a  hide,*  that  is,  according  to  commentators, 
the  curtain  or  covering  of  a  tent,  which  among  the  ancient  pastoral 
nations,  was  formed  of  the  hides  of  animals;  and  that  St.  Paul,  in 
his  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  compares  the  heavens  to  a  tabernacle,  or 
tent,  extended  over  the  earth,  which  they  thence  inferred  must  be  flat. 

Columbus^  who  was  a  devoutly  religious  man,  found  that  he  was 
in  danger  of  being  convicted  not  merely  of  error,  but  of  heterodoxy. 
Others  more  versed  in  science  admitted  the  globular  form  of  the  earth, 
and  the  possibility  of  an  opposite  and  habitable  hemisphere;  but  they 
brought  up  the  chimera  of  the  ancients,  and  maintained  that  it 
would  be  impossible  to  arrive  there,  in  consequence  of  the  insupport- 
able heat  of  the  torrid  zone.  Even  granting  this  could  be  passed, 
they  observed  that  the  circumference  of  the  earth  must  be  so  great  as 
to  require  at  least  three  years  to  the  voyage,  and  those  who  should 
undertake  it  must  perish  of  hunger  and  thirst,  from  the  impossibility 
of  carrying  provisions  for  so  long  a  period.  He  was  told,  on  the 
authority  of  Epicurus,  that  admitting  the  earth  to  be  spherical,  it  was 
only  inhabitable  in  the  northern  hemisphere,  and  in  that  section  only 
was  canopied  by  the  heavens ;  that  the  opposite  half  was  a  chaos,  a 
gulf,  or  a  mere  waste  of  water.  Not  the  least  absurd  objection 
advanced  was,  that  should  a  ship  even  succeed  in  reaching,  in  this 
way,  the  extremity  of  India,  she  could  never  get  back  again;  for  the 
rotundity  of  the  globe  would  present  a  kind  of  mountain,  up  which 
it  would  be  impossible  for  her  to  sail  with  the  most  favourable  wind.f 

Such  are  specimens  of  the  errors  and  prejudices,  the  mingled 
ignorance  and  erudition,  and  the  pedantic  bigotry,  with  which  Colum- 
bus had  to  contend  throughout  the  examination  of  his  theory.  Can 
we  wonder  at  the  difficulties  and  delays  which  "he  experienced  at 
courts,  when  such  vague  and  crude  notions  were  entertained  by  the 
learned  men  of  a  university?  We  must  not  suppose,  however,  be- 
cause the  objections  here  cited  are  all  which  remain  on  record,  that 
they  are  all  which  were  advanced;  these  only  have  been  perpetuated 
on  account  of  their  superior  absurdity.  They  were  probably  advanced 
by  but  few,  and  those  persons  immersed  in  theological  studies,  in 
cloistered  retirement;  where  the  erroneous  opinions  derived  from 
books,  had  little  opportunity  of  being  corrected  by  the  experience  of 
the  day. 

There  were  no  doubt  objections  advanced  more  cogent  in  their 
nature,  and  more  worthy  of  that  distinguished  university.     It  is  but 

*  Extendens  cerium  sicut  pellem.    Psal.  103.    In  the  English  translation  it  hi 
Psal.  104,  V.  3. 
rHist.  del  Alniirante,  Cap.  11. 


Crap.  IV.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  ^ 

justice  to  add,  also,  that  the  replies  of  Columbus  had  great  weight 
with  many  of  his  learned  examiners.  In  answer  to  the  scriptural 
objections,  he  submitted  that  the  inspired  writers  were  not  speaking 
technically  as  cosmographers,  but  figuratively,  in  language  addressed 
to  all  comprehensions.  The  commentaries  of  the  fathers  he  treated 
with  deference  as  pious  homilies,  but  not  as  philosophical  propo- 
sitions which  it  was  necessary  either  to  admit  or  refute.  The 
objections  drawn  from  ancient  philosophers  he  met  boldly  and  ably 
upon  equal  terms;  for  he  was  deeply  studied  on  all  points  of  cosmo- 
graph3^  He  showed  that  the  most  illustrious  of  these  sages  believed 
both  hemispheres  to  be  inhabitable,  though  they  imagined  that  the 
torrid  zone  precluded  communication;  and  he  obviated  conclusively 
that  difficulty  J  for  he  had  voyaged  to  St.  George  la  Mina  in  Guinea, 
almost  under  the  equinoctial  line,  and  had  found  that  region  not 
merely  traversable,  but  abounding  in  population,  in  fruits  and 
pasturage. 

When  Columbus  took  his  stand  before  this  learned  body,  he  had 
appeared  the  plain  and  simple  navigator;  somewhat  daunted,  per- 
haps, by  the  greatness  of  his  task,  and  the  august  nature  of  his 
auditory.  But  he  had  a  degree  of  religious  feeling  which  gave  him 
a  confidence  in  the  execution  of  what  he  conceived  his  great  errand, 
and  he  was  of  an  ardent  temperament  that  became  heated  in  action 
by  its  own  generous  fires.  Las  Casas,  and  others  of  his  contem- 
poraries, have  spoken  of  his  commanding  person,  his  elevated  demean- 
our, his  air  of  authority,  his  kindling  eye,  and  the  persuasive 
intonations  of  his  voice.  How  must  they  have  given  majesty  and 
force  to  his  words,  as,  casting  aside  his  maps  and  charts,  and  discard- 
ing for  a  time  his  practical  and  scientific  lore,  his  visionary  spirit  took 
fire  at  the  doctrinal  objections  of  his  opponents,  and  he  met  them  upon 
their  own  ground,  pouring  forth  those  magnificent  texts  of  scripture, 
and  those  mysterious  predictions  of  the  prophets,  which,  in  his 
enthusiastic  moments,  he  considered  as  types  and  annunciations  of 
the  sublime  discovery  which  he  proposed! 

Among  the  number  who  were  convinced  by  the  reasoning,  and 
warmed  by  the  eloquence  of  Columbus,  was  Diego  de  Deza,  a 
worthy  and  learned  friar  of  the  order  of  St.  Dominick,  at  that  time 
professor  of  theology  in  the  convent  of  St.  Stephen,  but  who  became 
afterwards  archbishop  of  Seville,  the  second  ecclesiastical  dignitary  of 
Spain.  This  able  and  erudite  divine  was  a  man  whose  mind  was 
above  the  narrow  bigotry  of  bookish  lore;  one  who  could  appreciate 
the  value  of  wisdom  even  when  uttered  by  unlearned  lips.  He  was 
not  a  mere  passive  auditor,  he  took  a  generous  interest  in  the  caUse, 


^  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  H. 

and  by  seconding  Columbus  with  all  his  powers,  calmed  the  blind  zeal 
of  his  more  bigoted  brethren,  so  as  to  obtain  for  him  a  dispassionate,  if 
not  an  unprejudiced,  hearing.  By  their  united  efforts,  it  is  said, 
they  brought  over  the  most  learned  men  of  the  schools.*  One  great 
difficulty  was  to  reconcile  the  plan  of  Columbus  with  the  cosmogra- 
phy of  Ptolemy,  to  which  all  scholars  yielded  implicit  faith.  How 
would  the  most  enlightened  of  those  sages  have  been  astonished,  had 
any  one  apprized  them  that  the  man,  Copernicus,  was  then  in 
existence,  whose  solar  system  should  reverse  the  grand  theory  of 
Ptolemy,  which  stationed  the  earth  in  the  centre  of  the  universe! 

Notwithstanding  every  exertion,  however,  there  was  a  prepon- 
derating mass  of  inert  bigotry,  and  learned  pride,  in  this  erudite  body, 
which  refused  to  yield  to  the  demonstrations  of  an  obscure  foreigner, 
without  fortune  or  connexions,  or  any  academic  honours.  "It  was 
requisite,"  says  Las  Casas,  "before  Columbus  could  make  his  solu- 
tions and  reasonings  understood,  that  he  should  remove  from  hia 
auditors  those  erroneous  principles  on  which  their  objections  were 
founded;  a  task  always  more  difficult  than  that  of  teaching  the  doc- 
trine." Occasional  conferences  took  place,  but  without  producing 
any  decision.  The  ignorant,  or  what  is  worse,  the  prejudiced, 
remained  obstinate  in  their  opposition,  with  the  dogged  perseverance 
of  dull  men;  the  more  liberal  and  intelligent  felt  little  interest  in  dis- 
cussions wearisome  in  themselves,  and  foreign  to  their  ordinary 
pursuits;  even  those  who  listened  with  approbation  to  the  plan, 
regarded  it  only  as  a  delightful  vision,  full  of  probability  and  promise, 
but  one  which  never  could  be  realized.  Fernando  de  Talavera,  to 
whom  the  matter  was  especially  intrusted,  had  too  Uttle  esteem  for  it, 
and  was  too  much  occupied  with  the  stir  and  bustle  of  public  con- 
cerns, to  press  it  to  a  conclusion ;  and  thus  the  inquiry  experienced 
continual  procrastination  and  neglect. 

*  Remesal,  Hist,  de  Chiapa,  L.  11,  C.  7. 


Chap.  V.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS- 


CHAPTER  V. 

FURTHER    APPLICATIONS  AT   THE  COURT  OF  CASTILE.       COLUMBUS 
FOLLOWS    THE    COURT    IN    ITS    CAMPAIGNS. 

The  Castilian  court  departed  from  Salamanca  early  in  the  spring 
of  1487  and  repaired  to  Cordova,  to  prepare  for  the  memorable 
campaign  against  Malaga.  Fernando  de  Talavera,  now  bishop  of 
Avila,  accompanied  the  queen  as  her  confessor,  and  as  one  of  her 
spiritual  counsellors,  in  the  concerns  of  the  war.  The  consultations 
of  the  board  at  Salamanca  were  interrupted  by  this  event,  before  that 
learned  body  could  come  to  a  decision,  and  for  a  long  time  Columbus 
was  kept  in  suspense,  vainly  awaiting  the  report  that  was  to  decide 
the  fate  of  his  application. 

It  has  generally  been  supposed  that  the  several  years  which  he 
wasted  in  irksome  solicitation,  were  spent  in  the  drowsy  and  monoto- 
nous attendance  of  antichambers ;  but  it  appears,  on  the  contrary,  that 
they  were  often  passed  amidst  scenes  of  peril  and  adventure,  and  that, 
in  following  up  his  suit,  he  was  led  into  some  of  the  most  striking 
situations  of  this  wild,  rugged  and  mountainous  war.  Several  times 
he  was  summoned  to  attend  conferences  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
sovereigns,  when  besieging  cities  in  the  very  heart  of  the  Moorish 
dominions;  but  the  tempest  of  warlike  affairs  which  hurried  the 
court  from  place  to  place,  and  gave  it  all  the  bustle  and  confusion  of 
a  camp,  prevented  those  conferences  from  taking  place,  and  swept 
away  all  concerns  that  were  not  immediately  connected  with  the 
war.  Whenever  the  court  had  an  interval  of  leisure  and  repose, 
there  would  again  be  manifested  a  disposition  to  consider  his  pro- 
posal, but  the  hurry  and  tempest  would  again  return  and  the  question 
be  again  swept  awaj^ 

The  spring  campaign  of  1487,  which  took  place  shortly  after  the 
conference  at  Salamanca,  was  full  of  incident  and  peril.  King 
Ferdinand  had  nearly  been  surprised  and  cut  off  by  the  old  Moorish 
Monarch  before  Velez  Malaga,  and  the  queen  and  all  the  court  at 
Cordova  were  for  a  time  in  an  agony  of  terror  and  suspense  until 
assured  of  his  safety. 

When  the  sovereigns  were  subsequently  encamped  before  the  cit j 
of  Malaga,  pressing  its  memorable  siege,  Columbus  was  summoned 


58  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  '  [Book  H. 

to  the  court.  He  found  it  drawn  up  in  its  silken  pavilions  on  a 
rising  ground,  commanding  the  fertile  valley  of  Malaga ;  the  en- 
campments of  the  warlike  nobility  of  Spain,  extended  in  a  semicircle 
on  each  side,  to  the  shores  of  the  sea,  strongly  fortified,  glittering 
with  the  martial  pomp  of  that  chivalrous  age  and  nation,  and  closely 
investing  that  important  city. 

The  siege  was  protracted  for  several  months,  but  the  vigorous 
defence  of  the  Moors,  their  numerous  stratagems  and  fierce  and  fre- 
quent sallies,  allowed  but  little  leisure  in  the  camp.  In  the  course 
of  this  siege,  the  application  of  Columbus  to  the  sovereigns  was 
nearly  bro\;ght  to  a  violent  close ;  a  fanatic  Moor  having  attempted 
to  assassinate  Ferdinand  and  Isabella.  Mistaking  one  of  the  gor- 
geous pavilions  of  the  nobility  for  the  royal  tent,  he  attacked  Don 
Alvaro  de  Portugal,  and  Dona  Beatrix  de  Bobadilla,  Marchioness  of 
Moya,  instead  of  the  king  and  queen.  After  wounding  Don  Alvaro 
dangerously,  he  was  foiled  in  a  blow  aimed  at  the  marchioness,  and 
immediately  cut  to  pieces  by  the  attendants.*  The  lady  here  men- 
tioned was  of  extraordinary  merit,  and  force  of  character.  She  even- 
tually took  a  great  interest  in  the  suit  of  Columbus,  and  had  much 
influence  in  recommending  it  to  the  queen,  with  whom  she  was  a 
particular  favourite.! 

Malaga  surrendered  on  the  18th  of  August,  1487.  There  appears 
to  have  been  no  time  during  its  stormy  siege  to  attend  to  the  question 
of  Columbus,  though  Fernando  de  Talavera,  the  bishop  of  Avila 
was  present,  as  appears  by  his  entering  the  captured  city  in  solemn 
and  religious  triumph.  The  campaign  being  ended,  the  Court  re- 
turned to  Cordova,  but  was  almost  immediately  driven  from  that 
city  by  the  pestilence. 

For  upwards  of  a  year  the  court  was  in  a  state  of  continual  mi- 
gration; part  of  the  time  in  Saragossa,  part  of  the  time  invad- 
ing the  Moorish  territories  by  the  way  of  Murcia,  and  part  of  the 
time  in  Valladolid,  and  Medina  del  Campo.  Columbus  attended  it 
in  some  of  its  movements,  but  it  was  in  vain  to  seek  a  quiet  and 
attentive  hearing  from  a  court  surrounded  by  the  din  of  arms,  and 
continually  on  the  march.  Wearied  and  discouraged  by  these  de- 
lays, he  began  to  think  of  applying  elsewhere  for  patronage,  and  ap- 
pears to  have  commenced  negotiations  with  King  John  II.  for  a  re- 
turn to  Portugal.  He  wrote  to  that  monarch  on  the  subject,  and  re- 
ceived a  letter  in  reply  dated  20th  of  March,  1488,  inviting  him  to 

*  Pulgar,  Cronica,  C.  87.    P.  Martyr. 
t  Retrato  del  Buen  Vassallo,  L.  2,  C.  16, 


Chap.  V.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLU^IBUS.  W 

return  to  his  court,  and  assuring  him  of  protection  from  any  suits  of 
either  a  civil  or  criminal  nature,  that  might  be  pending  against  him. 
He  received,  also,  a  letter  from  Henry  VII.  of  England,  inviting 
him  to  that  country,  and  holding  out  promises  of  encouragement. 

There  must  have  been  strong  hopes,  authorised  about  this  time  by 
the  conduct  of  the  Spanish  sovereigns,  to  induce  Columbus  to  neg- 
lect these  invitations ;  and  we  find  ground  for  such  a  supposition  in 
a  memorandum  of  a  sum  of  money  paid  to  him  by  the  Treasurer  Gon- 
zalez, to  enable  him  to  comply  with  a  summons  to  attend  the  Cas- 
tilian  court.  By  the  date  of  this  memorandum,  the  payment  must 
have  been  made  immediately  after  Columbus  had  received  the  letter  of 
the  King  of  Portugal.  It  would  seem  to  have  been  the  policy  of  King 
Ferdinand  to  amuse  him  with  false  hopes,  both  to  prevent  his  carry- 
ing his  proposition  to  another  and  a  rival  monarch,  and  to  keep  the 
matter  in  suspense,  until  he  should  have  leisure  to  examine  it,  and, 
if  adviseable,  to  carry  it  into  operation. 

In  the  spring  of  1489  the  long  adjourned  investigation  appeared 
to  be  on  the  eve  of  taking  place.  Columbus  was  summoned  to  at- 
tend a  conference  of  learned  men,  to  be  held  in  the  city  of  Seville;  a 
royal  order  was  issued  for  lodgings  to  be  provided  for  him  there;  and 
the  magistrates  of  all  cities  and  towns  through  which  he  might  pass, 
on  his  way,  were  commanded  to  furnish  accommodations  gratis,  for 
himself  and  his  attendants.  A  provision  of  the  kind  was  necessary 
in  those  days,  when  even  the  present  wretched  establishments,  called 
posadas,  for  the  reception  of  travellers,  were  scarcely  known. 

The  city  of  Seville  complied  with  the  royal  command,  but  as  usual 
the  appointed  conference  was  postponed,  being  interrupted  by  the 
opening  of  a  campaign,  "in  which"  says  an  old  chronicler  of  the 
place,  "  the  same  Columbus  was  found  fighting,  giving  proofs  of  the 
distinguished  valour,  which  accompanied  his  wisdom,  and  his  lofty 
desires."* 

The  Campaign  in  which  Columbus  is  here  said  to  have  borne  so 
honourable  a  part,  was  one  of  the  most  glorious  of  the  war  of  Granada. 
Queen  Isabella  attended  with  all  her  court,  including  as  usual  a 
stately  train  of  prelates  and  friars,  among  whom  is  particularly  men- 
tioned the  procrastinating  arbiter  of  the  pretensions  of  Columbus, 
Fernando  de  Talavera.  Much  of  the  success  of  the  campaign  is 
ascribed  to  the  presence  and  counsel  of  Isabella.  The  city  of  Baza, 
which  was  closely  besieged  and  had  resisted  valiantly  for  upwards 
of  six  months,  surrendered  soon  after  her  arrival;  and  on  the  22d  of 


*  Diego  Ortiz  de  Zuiiiga.    Ann.  de  Sevilla,  L.  12.  Anno.  1489.  P.  404. 


GO  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [BooeH. 

December,  Columbus  beheld  Muley  Boabdil,  the  elder  of  the  two  rival 
kings  of  Granada,  surrender  in  person  all  his  remaining  possessions, 
and  his  right  to  the  crown,  to  the  Spanish  sovereigns. 

During  this  siege  a  circumstance  took  place  which  appears  to  have 
made  a  deep  impression  on  the  devout  and  enthusiastic  spirit  of  Co- 
lumbus. Two  reverend  friars  arrived  one  day  at  the  Spanish  camp, 
and  requested  admission  to  the  sovereigns  on  business  of  great  mo- 
ment. They  were  two  of  the  brethren  of  the  convent  established  at 
the  holy  sepulchre  at  Jerusalem.  They  brought  a  message  from  the 
Grand  Soldan  of  Egypt,  threatening  to  put  to  death  all  the  Chris- 
tians in  his  dominions,  to  lay  waste  their  convents  and  churches  and 
to  destroy  the  sepulchre,  if  the  sovereigns  did  not  desist  from  the 
war  against  Granada.  The  menace  had  no  effect  in  altering  the 
purpose  of  the  sovereigns,  but  Isabella  granted  a  yearly  and  per- 
petual sum  of  one  thousand  ducats  in  gold,*  for  the  support  of  the 
monks  whodhad  charge  of  the  sepulchre;  and  sent  a  veil,  embroi- 
dered with  her  own  hands,  to  be  hung  up  at  its  shrine,  f 

The  representations  of  these  friars  of  the  sufferings  and  indigni- 
ties to  which  Christians  were  subjected  in  the  holy  land,  together  with 
the  arrogant  threat  of  the  Soldan,  roused  the  pious  indignation  of  the 
Spanish  cavaliers,  and  many  burned  with  ardent  zeal  once  more  to 
revive  the  contests  of  the  faith  on  the  sacred  plains  of  Palestine.  It 
was  probably  from  conversation  with  these  friars,  and  from  the  pious 
and  chivalrous  zeal  thus  awakened  in  the  warrior  throng  around  him, 
that  Columbus  first  conceived  an  enthusiastic  idea,  or  rather  made  a 
kind  of  mental  vow,  which  remained  more  or  less  present  to  his 
mind  until  the  very  day  of  his  death.  He  determined  that,  should 
his  projected  enterprise  be  successful,  he  would  devote  the  profits 
arising  from  his  anticipated  discoveries,  to  a  crusade  for  the  rescue 
of  the  holy  sepulchre  from  the  power  of  the  infidels. 

If  the  bustle  and  turmoil  of  this  campaign  prevented  the  intended 
conference,  the  concerns  of  Columbus  fared  no  better  during  the 
subsequent  rejoicings.  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  entered  Seville  in 
February  1490  with  great  pomp  and  triumph.  There  were  then 
preparations  made  for  the  marriage  of  their  eldest  daughter  the 
Princess  Isabella,  with  the  Prince  Don  Alonzo,  heir  apparent  of 
Portugal.  The  nuptials  were  celebrated  in  the  month  of  April  with 
extraordinary  splendour.  Throughout  the  whole  winter  and  spring 
the  court  was  in  a  continual  tumult  of  parade  and  pleasure,  and  no- 
thing was  to  be  seen  at  Seville  but  feasts,  tournaments,  and  torch- 

*  Or  1423  dollars,  equivalent  to  4269  dollars  in  our  time, 
t  Garabay,  Compend.  Hist.  L.  xviii.  C.  36. 


Chap.  V-l  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  ^t 

light  processions.  What  chance  had  Columbus  of  being  heard  amid 
these  alternate  uproars  of  war  and  festivity? 

During  this  long  course  of  solicitation  he  supported  himself,  in 
part,  by  the  exertion  of  his  talents  in  making  maps,  and  was  occa- 
sionally assisted  by  the  purse  of  the  worthy  friar  Diego  de  Deza.  It 
is  due  to  the  sovereigns  to  say,  also,  that  whenever  he  was  summoned  to 
follow  the  movements  of  the  court,  or  to  attend  any  appointed  con- 
sultation, he  was  attached  to  the  royal  suite,  and  lodgings  were  pro- 
vided  for  him  and  sums  issued  to  defray  his  expenses.  Memoran- 
dums of  several  of  these  sums  still  exist  in  the  book  of  accounts  of 
the  royal  treasurer,  Francisco  Gonzalez,  of  Seville,  which  has  lately 
been  found  in  the  archives  of  Simancas;  and  it  is  from  these  minutes 
that  we  have  been  enabled,  in  some  degree,  to  follow  the  movements 
of  Columbus  during  his  attendance  upon  this  rambling  and  warlike 
court. 

During  all  this  time  he  was  exposed  to  continual  scoffs  and  indig- 
nities, being  ridiculed  by  the  light  and  ignorant  as  a  mere  dreamer, 
and  stigmatized  by  the  illiberal  as  an  adventurer.  The  very  child- 
ren, it  is  said,  pointed  to  their  foreheads  as  he  passed,  being  taught 
to  regard  him  as  a  kind  of  madman. 

The  summer  of  1490  passed  away,  but  still  Columbus  was  kept  in 
tantalizing  and  tormenting  suspense.  The  subsequent  winter  was 
not  more  propitious.  He  was  lingering  at  Cordova  in  a  state  of  irri- 
tating anxiety,  when  he  learnt  that  the  sovereigns  were  preparing  to 
depart  on  a  campaign  in  the  Vega  of  Granada,  with  a  determination 
never  to  raise  their  camp  from  before  that  city,  until  their  victorious 
banners  should  float  upon  its  towers. 

Columbus  was  aware  that  when  once  the  campaign  was  opened 
and  the  sovereigns  were  in  the  field,  it  would  be  in  vain  to  expect  any 
attention  to  his  suit.  He  was  wearied,  if  not  incensed,  at  the  re- 
peated postponements  he  had  experienced,  by  which  several  years 
had  been  consumed.  He  now  pressed  for  a  decisive  reply  with  an 
earnestness  that  would  not  admit  of  evasion.  Fernando  de  Talavera, 
therefore,  was  called  upon  by  the  sovereigns  to  hold  a  definitive  con- 
ference with  the  scientific  men  to  whom  the  project  had  been  re- 
ferred, and  to  make  a  report  of  their  decision.'  The  Bishop  tardily 
complied,  and  at  length  reported  to  their  majesties,  as  the  general 
opinion  of  the  Junto,  that  the  proposed  scheme  was  vain  and  impossi- 
ble, and  that  it  did  not  become  such  great  princes  to  engage  in  an 
enterprise  of  the  kind  on  such  weak  grounds  as  had  been  advanced.* 


HisU  del  Almirante,  Cap.  2.  p 


62  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  II. 

Notwithstanding  this  unfavourable  report,  the  sovereigns  were 
unwilling  to  close  the  door  upon  a  project  which  might  be  produc* 
tive  of  such  important  advantages.  Many  of  the  learned  members 
of  the  Junto,  also  were  in  its  favour,  particularly  Fray  Diego  de 
Deza,  tutor  to  Prince  Juan,  who  from  his  situation  and  clerical 
character  had  access  to  the  royal  ear,  and  exerted  himself  strenu- 
ously in  counteracting  the  decision  of  the  board.  A  degree  of  con- 
sideration, also,  had  gradually  grown  up  at  court  for  the  enterprise, 
and  many  men,  distinguished  for  rank  and  merit,  had  become  its  ad- 
vocates. Fernando  de  Talavera,  therefore,  was  commanded  to  in- 
form Columbus,  who  was  still  at  Cordova,  that  the  great  cares  and 
expenses  of  the  war  rendered  it  impossible  for  the  sovereigns  to  en- 
gage in  any  new  enterprise;  but  that  when  the  war  was  concluded 
they  would  have  both  time  and  inclination  to  treat  with  him  about 
what  he  proposed.* 

This  was  but  a  starved  reply  to  receive  after  so  many  years  of 
weary  attendance,  of  anxious  expectation  and  deferred  hopes. 
Whatever  graciousness,  too,  there  might  have  been  in  the  message, 
as  dictated  by  the  monarchs,  was,  probably,  lost  in  the  chilling 
medium  through  which  it  passed.  At  any  rate,  Columbus  was  un- 
willing to  receive  the  reply  at  the  hands  of  a  person  who  had  never 
evinced  the  friendship  he  considered  himself  entitled  to  expect  from 
him;  he  repaired,  therefore,  to  the  court  at  Seville,  to  learn  his  fate 
from  the  lips  of  the  sovereigns.  Their  reply  was  virtually  the  same, 
declining  to  engage  in  the  enterprise  for  the  present,  but  holding  out 
hopes  of  patronage,  when  released  from  the  cares  and  expenses  of 
the  war. 

Columbus  looked  upon  this  indefinite  postponement  as  a  mere 
courtly  mode  of  evading  his  importunity,  and  supposed  that  the 
favourable  dispositions  of  the  sovereigns  had  been  counteracted  by  the 
objections  of  the  ignorant  and  bigoted.  Renouncing  all  further  con- 
fidence, therefore,  in  vague  promises,  which  had  so  often  led  to  dis- 
appointment, and  giving  up  all  hopes  of  countenance  from  the  throne, 
he  turned  his  back  upon  Seville,  filled  with  indignation  at  the 
thoughts  of  having  been  beguiled  out  of  so  many  precious  years  of 
waning  existence. 

♦  Hist,  del  Almirante,  Ubi  sup. 


Chap.  VI.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  63 


CHAPTER  VI. 

APPLICATIONS    TO    THE    DUKES    OF    MEDINA    SIDONIA    AND  MEDINA 
CELI RETURN    TO    THE    CONVENT    OF    LA    RABIDA. 

Columbus  had  now  relinquished  all  hope  of  success  with  the  Cas- 
tilian  sovereigns,  and  turned  to  look  for  patronage  elsewhere.  Be- 
sides the  letters  from  the  kings  of  England  and  Portugal  he  had 
likewise  received  one  from  the  king  of  France,  which  must  have 
been  of  a  highly  encouraging  purport,  as  he  seems  to  have  been 
repeatedly  on  the  point  of  repairing  to  the  court  of  that  monarch. 
Still  he  postponed  his  departure,  and  could  not  persuade  himself  to 
abandon  Spain.  It  had  become  in  a  manner  the  home  of  his  affec- 
tions, for  at  the  convent  of  La  Rabida  was  his  youthful  son  Diego,  and 
in  Cordova  resided  Beatrix  Enriquez  and  his  infant  son  Fernando. 
To  leave  Spain  would  be  to  leave  them  behind,  for  he  could  not  make 
them  the  companions  of  his  indigent  and  uncertain  wanderings. 
Such  at  least  has  been  suggested  as  a  reason  for  his  continuing  in 
the  country,  when  all  hopes  of  royal  patronage  was  at  an  end,  and 
when  letters  from  foreign  sovereigns  invited  him  to  their  courts;  and 
those  who  know  how  the  resolutions  of  the  most  ardent  and  enter- 
prising are  counteracted  by  these  soft  affections  of  the  heart,  will 
not  consider  the  suggestion  as  improbable. 

Unwilling  therefore,  to  break  off  all  connexion  with  Spain, 
Columbus  now  looked  round  among  her  rich  and  powerful  nobility 
to  see  if  there  might  not  be  some  one  able  and  willing  to  patronise 
his  enterprise.  The  feudal  power  of  the  Spanish  nobles  was  not  as 
yet  entirely  broken  down.  There  were  several  who  had  vast 
possessions,  and  who  exercised  almost  independent  authority  in  their 
domains.  Among  these  were  the  dukes  of  Medina  Sidonia,  and 
Medina  Cell.  Both  had  estates  like  principalities,  lying  along  the 
seaboard,  with  ports  and  shipping  at  their  command.  These  noble- 
men served  the  crown  more  as  allied  princes  than  as  vassals,  bringing 
armies  of  their  retainers  into  the  field,  led  on  by  their  own  captains, 
or  by  themselves  in  person.  They  assisted  with  their  armadas,  and 
they  contributed  with  their  treasures  to  the  successes  of  the  war,  but 
maintained  a  jealous  right  over  the  disposition  of  their  forces.     Dur- 


f>4  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  IL 

ingthe  siege  of  Malaga,  the  duke  af  Medina  Sidonia  volunteered  at 
one  time  a  large  force  of  the  cavaliers  of  his  household,  sending 
twenty  thousand  doblas  of  gold,*  and  one  hundred  vessek;  some 
armed,  and  others  laden  with  provisions,  from  his  rich  domains. 
The  domestic  establishments  of  these  nobles  were  like  the  establish- 
ments of  petty  sovereigns;  whole  armies  of  retainers  thronged  their 
various  estates;  and  their  houses  were  filled  with  persons  of  merit, 
and  with  young  cavaliers  of  family,  reared  under  theix  auspices  in. 
the  exercise  of  arts  and  arms. 

The  first  application  of  Columbus  was  to  the  Duke  of  Medina 
S'idonia,  from  whom  he  experienced  the  most  favourable  reception. 
The  duke  was  of  a  lofty  and  chivalrous  character,  with  that  mixture 
of  religious  devotion  which  distinguished  the  Spanish  nobleman  of 
the  time.  He  was  fond  of  heroic  and  princely  enterprises,  espe- 
cially against  the  enemies  of  the  faith;  as  his  invasion  of  the  African 
eoast  ai:wi  his  capture  of  the  city  of  Mel  ilia  vdth  a  squadron  and  army 
fitted  out  at  liis  own  expense,  sufficiently  evinced.  He  had  se- 
veral interviews  with  Columbus  arid  was  greatly  tempted,  at  first, 
by  the  adventurous  nature  of  the  enterprise,  and  by  the  idea  of  Ori- 
ental realms  to  be  discovered,,  and  Pagan  nations  to  be  converted  or 
subdued.  The  very  splendour  of  these  anticipations,  however,  threw 
a  colouring  of  exaggeration  over  the  scheme ;  and  the  duke  began  ta 
doubt  the  judgment,  at  least,^  of  this  indigent  foreigner,  who  was  thus^ 
confidently  proffering  all  the  wealth  of  the  Indies.  He  finally 
declined  all  participation  in  the  project,  considering  it,  we  are  told, 
the  dream  of  an  Italian  visionary.* 

Columbus  next  applied  to  the  duke  of  Medina  Celi;  a  nobleman^ 
scarcely  less  enterprising  than  the  former,  and  distinguished  in  the 
wars  with  Portugal  and  Granada.  From  him,  likewise,  he  for  a  time 
received  the  most  flattering  encourag  ment.  They  had  various 
negotiations  at  the  port  of  Saint  Mary,  opposite  to  Cadiz,  which 
belonged  to  the  duke;  and  where  he  had  several  vessels  fitted  for  the 
sea.  Columbus  asked  but  three  or  four  caravels,  which  lay  idle  in 
the  harbour  and  which  he  declared  would  be  sufficient  for  the  expedi- 
tion. The  duke  wavered  and  was  on  the  point  of  consenting,  when 
he  reflected  that,  should  the  object  of  the  enterprise  be  realized,  it 
would  be  too  great  to  be  grasped  by  a  subject,  involving  questions  of 
empire,  fit  only  for  a  sovereign  power.  The  very  attempting  it  might 
draw  upon  him  the  displeasure  of  the  king  and  queen,  being  a  mat- 


*0r  35,514  dollars,  and'  equivalent  to  the  present  vaTue  of  tOG,542  dollars, 
t  Hist,  del  Almirante,  C.  12.    Herrera,.  Hist.^  Ind.  Decad.  1,  L.  1,  C.  8.    Go 
Hist.Ind.C.13, 


// 


Ghap.  VI.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  65 

ter  which  had  already  excited  their  attention,  and  which  they  had 
never  formally  renounced. 

He  wrote  to  the  queen  on  the  subject  and  her  answer  confirmed 
his  opinion;  whereupon  he  immediately  abandoned  the  undertaking  ; 
advising  Columbus  to  apply  once  more  to  the  Spanish  monarchs; 
and  giving  him  a  letter  for  queen  Isabella,  in  which  he  solicited  that 
in  case  the  expedition  should  be  carried  into  effect,  his  port  of  St. 
Mary  might  be  made  the  place  of  rendezvous  and  departure,  as  a 
recompense  or  his  having  waived  the  enterprise  in  favour  of  the 
crown. 

Columbus  saw  time  and  life  thus  wasting  away  in  tantalizing 
hopes  and  bitter  disappointments.  He  felt  averse  to  the  idea  of 
again  returning  to  follow  the  court  in  all  its  baffling  movements,  and 
determined  to  comply  with  the  invitation  of  the  king  of  France  and 
to  repair  immediately  to  Paris.  Full  of  this  resolution  he  departed 
for  the  convent  of  La  Rabida,  to  seek  his  eldest  son  Diego,  who  still 
remained  under  the  care  of  his  zealous  friend  Juan  Perez,  intending 
to  leave  him,  with  his  other  son,  at  Cordova. 

When  the  worthy  prior  beheld  Columbus  once  more  arrive  at  the 
gate  of  his  convent,  humble  in  garb  and  poor  in  purse  as  when  he 
first  applied  there,  and  found  that  seven  years'  solicitation  at  the  court 
had  ended  in  poverty  and  disappointment,  he  was  greatly  moved; 
but  when,  on  further  conversation,  he  found  that  the  voyager  was  on 
the  point  of  abandoning  Spain,  to  seek  for  patronage  in  the  court  of 
France,  and  that  so  important  an  enterprise  was  about  to  be  lost  for 
ever  to  the  country,  the  patriotism  of  the  good  friar  took  the  alarm 
and  inspired  his  ardent  spirit  with  new  zeal.  He  sent  in  all  haste 
for  his  scientific  intimate  and  adviser,  Garcia  Fernandez,  the  physi- 
cian of  the  neighbouring  town,  and  they  had  further  consultations 
on  the  scheme  of  Columbus.  He  called  in,  also,  to  their  councils, 
one  Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon,  the  head  of  a  family  of  wealthy  and 
distinguished  navigators  of  Palos,  who  were  celebrated  for  thsir 
practical  experience,  and  their  adventurous  expeditions.  Pinzon 
gave  the  plan  of  Columbus  his  decided  approbation,  offering  to  en- 
gage in  it  with  purse  and  person,  and  to  bear  the  expenses  of  Colum- 
bus in  a  renewed  application  to  the  court. 

Friar  Juan  Perez  was  confirmed  in  his  faith  by  the  concurrence 
of  his  learned  and  his  practical  counsellors.  He  had  once  been 
confessor  to  the  queen,  and  knew  that  she  was  always  accessible 
to  persons  of  his  sacred  calling.  He  proposed  to  write  to  her 
immediately  on  the  subject,  and  entreated  Columbus  to  delay  his 
journey  until  an  answer  could  be  received.  The  latter  was  easily 
persuaded,  for  he  felt  as  if  in  leaving  Spain  he  was  again  abandoning 

Vol,  I.  F2 


1/ 


#5  XIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book.  IL 

his  home.  He  was  also  reluctant  to  renew,  in  another  court,  the  vexa- 
tions and  disappointments  he  had  experienced  in  Spain  and  Portugal. 

Having  agreed  to  remain,  the  little  council  at  the  convent  cast 
round  their  eyes  for  an  ambassador  to  depart  upon  this  momentous 
mission.  They  chose  one  Sebastian  Rodriguez,  a  pilot  of  Lepe,  one 
of  the  most  shrewd  and  important  personages  in  this  maritime 
neighbourhood.  The  queen  was  at  this  time  at  Santa  Fe,  the 
military  city  which  had  been  built  in  the  Vega  before  Granada^ 
after  the  conflagration  of  the  royal  camp.  The  honest  pilot  acquitted 
himself  faithfully,  expeditiously,  and  successfully,  in  his  embassy. 
He  found  access  to  the  benignant  princess,  and  delivered  the  epistle 
of  the  friar.  Isabella  had  already  been  favourably  disposed  to  the 
proposition  af  Columbus ;  and  had  been  further  influenced  by  the 
correspondence  of  the  Duke  of  Medina  Celi.  She  wrote  in  reply  to 
Juan  Perez,  thanking  him  for  his  timely  services,  and  requesting 
that  he  would  repair  immediately  to  the  court,  leaving  Christopher 
Columbus  in  confident  hope,  until  he  should  hear  further  from  her, 
This  royal  letter  was  brought  back  by  the  pilot,  at  the  end  of  four- 
teen days,  and  spread  great  joy  in  the  little  junto  at  the  convent. 
No  sooner  did  the  warm-hearted  friar  receive  it,  than  he  saddled  his 
mule,  and  departed  privately  before  midnight  for  the  court.  He 
journeyed  through  the  conquered  countries  of  the  Moors,  and  rode 
into  the  newly  erected  city  of  Santa  Fe,  where  the  sovereigns  were 
superintending  the  close  investment  of  the  capital  of  Granada. 

The  sacred  office  of  Juan  Perez  gained  him  a  ready  entrance  in  a 
court  distinguished  for  religious  zeal;  and,  once  admitted  to  the 
presence  of  the  queen,  his  former  relation,  as  father  confessor,  gave 
him  great  freedom  of  counsel.  He  pleaded  the  cause  of  Columbus 
with  characteristic  enthusiasm,  speaking,  from  actual  knowledge, 
of  his  honourable  motives,  his  professional  knowledge  and  experience, 
and  his  perfect  capacity  to  fulfil  the  undertaking;  he  represented  the 
solid  principles  upon  which  the  enterprise  was  founded ;  the  advan* 
tages  that  must  attend  its  success;  and  the  glory  it  must  shed  upon 
the  Spanish  crown. 

It  is  probable  that  Isabella  had  never  heard  the  proposition  urged 
with  such  honest  zeal  and  impressive  eloquence.  Being  naturally 
more  sanguine  and  susceptible  than  the  king,  and  more  open  to  warm 
and  generous  impulses,  she  was  moved  by  the  representations 
of  Juan  Perez,  which  were  warmly  seconded  by  her  favourite  the 
Marchioness  of  Moya,  who  entered  into  the  affair  with  a  woman's 
disinterested  enthusiasm.*     The  queen  requested  that  Columbus 


•  Retrato  del  Buen  Vassallo,  L.  2,  Cap.  IS. 


f/ 


Chap.  VII.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  m 

might  be  again  sent  to  her;  and  with  the  kind  considerateness  which 
characterized  her,  bethinking  herself  of  his  poverty,  and  his  humble 
plight,  ordered  that  twenty  thousand  maravedis*  in  florins  should  be 
forwarded  to  him,  to  bear  his  travelling  expenses,  to  provide  him  with 
a  mule  for  his  journey,  and  to  furnish  him  with  decent  raiment,  that 
he  might  make  a  respectable  appearance  at  the  court. 

The  worthy  friar  lost  no  time  in  communicating  the  result  of  his 
mission;  he  transmitted  the  money,  and  a  letter,  by  the  hands  of  an 
inhabitant  of  Palos,  to  the  physician  Garcia  Fernandez,  who 
delivered  them  to  Columbus.  The  latter  complied  with  the  instruc- 
tions conveyed  in  the  ^istle.  He  exchanged  his  threadbare  garb 
for  one  more  suited  to  the  sphere  of  a  court,  and,  purchasing  a 
mule,  set  out  once  more,  reanimated  by  hope,  for  the  camp  before 
Granada.! 


CHAPTER  VII 


APPLICATION   TO   THE   COURT   AT   THE    TIME    OF  THE   SURRENDER 
OF    GRANADA. 

[1492.] 

When  Columbus  arrived  at  the  court,  he  experienced  a  favourable  // 
reception,  and  was  given  in  hospitable  charge  to  his  steady  friend 
Alonzo  de  Gluintanilla,  the  accountant  general.  The  moment, 
however,  was  too  eventful  for  his  business  to  receive  immediate 
attention.  He  arrived  in  time  to  witness  the  memorable  surrender 
of  Granada  to  the  Spanish  arms.  He  beheld  Boabdil,  the  last  of  the 
Moorish  kings,  sally  forth  from  the  Alhambra,  and  yield  up  the 
keys  of  that  favourite  seat  of  Moorish  power;  while  the  king  and 
queen,  with  all  the  chivalry,  and  rank  and  magnificence  of  Spain, 
moved  forward  in  proud  and  solemn  procession,  to  receive  this  token 
of  submission.     It  was  one  of  the  most  brilliant  triumphs  in  Spanish 


*  Or  seventy-two  dollars — equivalent  to  two  hundred  and  sixteen  dollars  of  tjie 
present  day. 

t  Most  of  the  particulars  of  this  second  visit  of  Columbus  to  the  convent  of  La 
Rabida,  are  from  the  testimony  rendered  by  Garcia  Fernandez  in  the  lawsuit 
between  Diego,  the  son  of  Columbus,  and  the  crown. 


68  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  II. 

history.  After  near  eight  hundred  years  of  painful  struggle,  the 
crescent  was  completely  cast  down,  the  cross  exalted  in  its  place,  and 
the  standard  of  Spain  was  seen  floating  on  the  highest  tower  of  the 
Alhambra.  The  whole  court  and  army  was  abandoned  to  jubilee. 
The  air  resounded  with  shouts  of  joy,  with  songs  of  triumph,  and 
hjrmns  of  thanksgiving.  On  every  side  were  beheld  military 
rejoicings  and  religious  oblations;  for  it  was  considered  a  triumph, 
not  merely  of  arms,  but  of  the  faith.  The  king  and  queen  moved  in 
the  midst,  in  more  than  common  magnificence,  while  every  eye 
regarded  them  as  more  than  mortal ;  as  if  sent  by  heaven  for  the 
salvation  and  building  up  of  Spain.*  The  court  was  thronged  by 
the  most  illustrious  of  that  warlike  country,  and  stirring  era;  by  the 
flower  of  its  nobility,  by  the  most  dignified  of  its  prelacy,  by  bards 
and  minstrels,  and  all  the  retinue  of  a  romantic  and  picturesque  age. 
There  was  nothing  but  the  glittering  of  arms,  the  rustling  of  robes, 
the  sound  of  music  and  festivity. 

Do  we  want  a  picture  of  our  navigator  during  this  brilliant  and 
triumphant  scene ?  It  is  furnished  by  a  Spanish  writer :  "A  man 
obscure  and  but  little  known  followed  at  this  time  the  court.  Con- 
founded in  the  crowd  of  importunate  applicants,  feeding  his  imagina- 
tion in  the  corners  of  antichambers  with  the  pompous  project  of 
discovering  a  world,  melancholy  and  dejected  in  the  midst  of  the 
general  rejoicing,  he  beheld  with  indifference,  and  almost  with 
contempt,  the  conclusion  of  a  conquest  which  swelled  all  bosoms 
with  jubilee,  and  seemed  to  have  reached  the  utmost  bounds  of  desire. 
That  man  was  Christopher  Columbus."  t 

The  moment  had  now  arrived,  however,  when  the  monarchs  stood 
pledged  to  attend  to  his  proposals.  The  war  with  the  Moors  was  at 
an  end,  Spain  was  delivered  -from  its  intruders,  and,  its  sovereigns 
might  securely  turn  their  views  to  foreign  enterprise.  They  kept 
their  word  with  Columbus.  Persons  of  confidence  were  appointed 
to  negotiate  with  him,  among  whom  was  Fernando  de  Talavera, 
who  by  the  recent  conquest  had  risen  to  be  Archbishop  of  Granada. 
At  the  very  outset  of  their  negotiation,  however,  unexpected  difficul- 
ties arose.  So  fully  imbued  was  Columbus  with  the  grandeur  of  his 
enterprise,  that  he  would  listen  to  none  but  princely  conditions. 
His  principal  stipulation  was  that  he  should  be  invested  with  the 
titles  and  privileges  of  Admiral  and  Viceroy  over  the  countries  he 
should  discover,  with  one  tenth  of  all  gains,  either  by  trade  or  con- 
quest.    The  courtiers  who  treated  with  him  were  indignant  at  such 

♦  Mariana,  Hist,  de  Esp.  Lib.  25,  C.  18. 

j  Clemencin.    Elogio  de  la  Reina  Catolica,  p.  20. 


Chap.  VIL]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  69 

a  demand.  Their  pride  was  shocked  to  see  one,  whom  they  had 
considered  as  a  needy  adventurer,  aspiring  to  rank  and  dignities 
superior  to  their  own.  One  observed  with  a  sneer  that  it  was  a 
shrewd  aiTangement  which  he  proposed,  whereby  he  was  secure,  at 
all  events,  of  the  honour  of  a  command,  and  had  nothing  to  lose  in 
case  of  failure.  To  this  Columbus  promptly  replied,  by  offering, to 
furnish  one  eighth  of  the  cost,  on  condition  of  enjoying  an  eighth 
of  the  profits. 

His  terms,  however,  were  pronounced  inadmissible.  Fernando  de 
Talavera  had  always  considered  Columbus  a  dreaming  speculator, 
or  a  needy  solicitor  for  bread ;  but  to  see  this  man,  who  had  for  years 
been  an  indigent  and  threadbare  solicitor  in  his  antichamber,  assum- 
ing so  lofty  a  tone,  and  claiming  an  office  that  approached  to  the 
awful  dignity  of  the  throne,  excited  the  a&tonishment  as  well  as 
indignation  of  the  prelate.  He  represented  to  Isabella  that  it  would 
be  degrading  to  the  dignity  of  so  illustrious  a  crown,  to  lavish  such 
distinguished  honours  upon  a  nameless  stranger.  Such  terms,  he 
observed,  even  in  case  of  success,  would  be  exorbitant-  but  in  case 
of  failure,  would  be  cited  with  ridicule,  as  evidence  of  the  gross 
credulity  of  the  Spanish  monarchs. 

Isabella  was  always  attentive  to  the  opinions  of  her  ghostly 
advisers,  and  the  archbishop,  being  her  confessor,  had  peculiar  influ- 
ence. His  suggestions  checked  her  dawning  favour.  She  thought 
the  proposed  advantages  might  be  purchased  at  too  great  a  price. 
More  moderate  conditions  were  offered  to  Columbus,  and  such  as 
appeared  highly  honourable  and  advantageous.  It  was  all  in  vain) 
he  would  not  cede  one  point  of  his  demands,  and  the  n^otiation 
was  broken  off. 

It  is  impossible  not  to  admire  the  great  constancy  of  purpose,  and 
loftiness  of  spirit  displayed  by  Columbus  ever  since  he  had  con- 
ceived  the  sublime  idea  of  his  discovery.  More  than  eighteen 
years  had  elapsed  since  his  correspondence  with  Paolo  Toscanelli 
of  Florence,  wherein  he  had  announced  his  design.  The  greatest 
part  of  that  time  had  been  consumed  in  applications  at  various  court& 
During  that  period,  what  poverty,  neglect,  ridicule,  contumely  and 
disappointment  had  he  not  suffered!  Nothing,  however,  co^ld  shake 
his  perseverance,  nor  make  him  descend  to  terms  which  he  considered 
beneath  the  dignity  of  his  enterprise  In  all  his  negotiations  he  for- 
got his  present  obscurity,  he  forgot  his  present  indigence;  his  ardent 
imagination  realized  the  magnitude  of  his  contemplated  discoveries 
and  he  felt  himself  negotiating  about  empire. 

Though  so  large  a  portion  of  life  had  worn  away  in  fruitless 


fO  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  II. 

solicitings;  though  there  was  no  certainty  that  the  same  weary 
career  was  not  to  be  entered  upon  at  any  other  court;  yet  so  indig- 
nant was  he  at  the  repeated  disappointments  he  had  experienced  in 
Spain  that  he  determined  to  abandon  it  for  ever,  rather  than  com- 
promise his  demands.  Taking  leave  of  his  friends,  therefore,  he 
mounted  his  mule,  and  sallied  forth  from  Santa  Fe  in  the  beginning 
of  February,  1492,  on  his  way  to  Cordova,  from  whence  he  intended 
to  depart  immediately  for  France. 

When  the  few  friends  who  were  zealous  believers  in  the  theory 
of  Columbus,  saw  him  really  on  the  point  of  abandoning  the  country, 
they  were  filled  with  distress,  considering  his  departure  an  irrepara- 
ble loss  to  the  nation.  Among  the  number  was  Luis  de  St.  Angel, 
receiver  of  the  ecclesiastical  revenues  in  Arragon,  He  determined 
to  make  one  bold  effort  to  avert  the  evil.  He  obtained  an  immediate 
audience  of  the  queen,  accompanied  by  Alonzo  de  Quintanilla,  who 
supported  him  warmly  in  all  his  instances.  The  exigency  of  the 
moment  gave  him  courage  and  eloquence.  He  did  not  restrain  him- 
self to  entreaties ;  he  mingled  almost  reproaches.  He  expressed  his 
astonishment  that  a  queen,  who  had  evinced  the  spirit  to  undertake 
so  many,  great  and  perilous  enterprises,  should  hesitate  at  one  where 
the  loss  could  be  so  trifling,  while  the  gain  might  be  incalculable. 
He  reminded  her  how  much  might  be  done  for  the  glory  of  God,  the 
exaltation  of  the  church,  and  the  extension  of  her  own  power  and 
dominion.  What  cause  of  regret  to  herself,  of  triumph  to  her  ene- 
mies, of  sorrow  to  her  friends,  should  this  enterprise,  thus  rejected  by 
her,  be  accomplished  by  some  other  power!  He  reminded  her  what 
fame  and  dominion  other  princes  had  acquired  by  their  discoveries ; 
and  here  was  an  opportunity  to  surpass  them  all.  He  entreated  her 
majesty  not  to  be  misled  by  the  assertions  of  learned  men,  that  the 
project  was  the  dream  of  a  visionary.  He  vindicated  the  judgment 
of  Columbus,  and  the  soundness  and  practicability  of  his  plans. 
Neither  would  even  his  failure  reflect  disgrace  upon  the  crown.  It 
was  worth  the  trouble  and  expense  to  clear  up  even  a  doubt  upon  a  mat- 
ter of  such  importance,  for  it  belonged  to  enlightened  and  magnani- 
mous princes  to  investigate  questions  of  the  kind,  and  to  explore  the 
wonders  and  secrets  of  the  universe.  He  stated  the  liberal  offer  of 
Columbus  to  bear  an  eighth  of  the  expense,  and  informed  her  that  all 
the  requisites  for  this  great  enterprise  consisted  but  of  two  vessels,  and 
about  three  thousand  crowns. 

These  and  many  more  arguments  were  urged,  with  that  persuasive 
power  which  honest  zeal  imparts ;  and  it  is  said  the  marchioness  of 
Mo)?a  who  was  present,  exerted  her  eloquence  to  persuade  the  queen. 


Chap.  VU.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  9f I 

The  generous  spirit  of  Isabella  was  enkindled.  It  seemed  as  if, 
for  the  first  time,  the  subject  broke  upon  her  mind  in  its  real  grandeur, 
and  she  declared  her  resolution  to  undertake  the  enterprise. 

There  was  still  a  moment's  hesitation.  The  king  look  coldly  on 
the  affair,  and  the  royal  finances  were  absolutely  drained  by  the  war. 
Some  time  must  be  given  to  replenish  them.  How  could  she  draw 
on  an  exhausted  treasury  for  a  measure  to  which  the  king  was 
adverse!  St.  Angel  watched  this  suspense  with  trembling  anxiety. 
The  next  moment  reassured  him.  With  an  enthusiasm  worthy  of 
herself,  and  of  the  cause,  Isabella  exclaimed,  "  I  undertake  the  en- 
terprise for  my  own  crown  of  Castile,  and  will  pledge  my  private 
jewels  to  raise  the  necessary  funds."  This  was  the  proudest  mo- 
ment in  the  life  of  Isabella;  it  stamped  her  renown  for  ever  as  the 
patroness  of  the  discovery  of  the  new  world. 

St.  Angel,  eager  to  secure  this  noble  impulse,  assured  her  majesty 
that  there  would  be  no  need  of  pledging  her  jewels,  as  he  was  ready 
to  advance  the  necessary  funds.  His  offer  was  gladly  accepted;  the 
funds  really  came  from  the  coffers  of  Aragon ;  seventeen  thousand 
florins  were  advanced  by  the  accountant  of  St.  Angel  out  of  the 
treasury  of  king  Ferdinand.  That  prudent  monarch,  however, 
took  care  to  have  his  kingdom  indemnified  some  few  years  after- 
wards; for,  in  remuneration  of  this  loan,  a  part  of  the  first  gold 
brought  by  Columbus  from  the  new  world  was  employed  in  gilding 
the  vaults  and  ceilings  of  the  royal  saloon,  in  the  grand  palace  of 
Saragossa,  in  Aragon,  anciently  the  Aljaferia,  or  abode  of  the 
Moorish  kings.* 

Columbus  had  pursued  his  lonely  journey  across  the  Vega  and 
had  reached  the  bridge  of  Pinos,  about  two  leagues  from  Granada, 
at  the  foot  of  the  mountain  of  Elvira;  a  pass  famous  in  the  Moorish 
wars  for  many  a  desperate  encounter  between  the  Christians  and  In- 
fidels. Here  he  was  overtaken  by  a  courier  from  the  queen,  spur- 
ring in  all  speed,  who  summoned  him  to  return  to  Santa  Fe.  Co- 
lumbus hesitated  for  a  moment,  being  loth  to  subject  himself  again 
to  the  delays  and  equivocations  of  the  court.  When  he  was  in- 
formed, however,  of  the  sudden  zeal  for  the  enterprise  excited  in  the 
mind  of  the  queen,  and  the  positive  promise  she  had  given  to  under' 
take  it,  he  no  longer  felt  a  doubt,  but,  turning  the  reins  of  his  mule, 
hastened  back  with  joyful  alacrity  to  Santa  Fe,  confiding  in  the 
noble  probity  of  that  princess. 

•  Bart.  Leonardo  de  Argensola.    Annales  de  Aragon,  Lib.  1,  Cap.  10. 


T2  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Boot  D. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

ARRANGEMENT    WITH    THE    SPANISH    SOVEREIGNS. 
[1492.] 

On  arriving  at  Santa  Fe,  Columbus  had  an  immediate  audience 
of  the  queen,  and  the  benignity  with  which  she  received  him  atoned 
for  all  past  neglect.  Her  favourable  countenance  dispelled  every 
cloud  of  doubt  and  difficulty.  The  concurrence  of  the  king  was 
readily  obtained.  His  objections  had  been  removed  by  the  media- 
tion of  various  persons,  among  whom  is  particularly  mentioned  his 
grand  chamberlain  and  favourite,  Juan  Cabrero;  but  it  was  princi- 
pally through  deference  to  the  zeal  displayed  by  the  queen,  that  he 
yielded  his  tardy  concurrence.  Isabella  was  thenceforward  the  soul 
of  this  grand  enterprise.  She  was  prompted  by  lofty  and  generous 
enthusiasm;  while  the  king  remained  cold  and  calculating  in  this, 
as  in  all  his  other  undertakings. 

One  of  the  great  objects  held  out  by  Columbus  in  his  undertaking, 
was  the  propagation  of  the  Christian  faith.  He  expected  to  arrive 
at  the  extremity  of  Asia,  at  the  vast  and  magnificent  empire  of  the 
Grand  Khan,  and  to  visit  the  dependent  islands,  of  which  he  had 
read  such  glowing  accounts  in  the  writings  of  Marco  Polo.  In 
describing  these  opulent  and  semi-barbarous  regions,  he  had  re- 
minded their  majesties  of  the  inclination  manifested  in  former  times 
by  the  Grand  Khan,  to  embrace  the  Christian  faith;  and  of  the 
missions  which  had  been  sent  by  various  pontiffs  and  pious  sovereigns,. 
to  instruct  him  and  his  subjects  in  Catholic  doctrines.  He  now 
considered  himself  about  to  effect  this  great  work.  He  contem- 
plated that  by  means  of  his  discovery  an  immediate  intercourse 
might  be  opened  with  this  immense  empire;  that  the  whole  might 
speedily  be  brought  into  subjection  to  the  church;  and  thus,  as  had 
been  foretold  in  Holy  Writ,  the  light  of  revelation  might  be  extended 
to  the  remotest  ends  of  the  earth.  Ferdinand  listened  to  this  sug- 
gestion with  complacency.  He  made  his  religion  subservient  to 
his  interests;  and  had  found,  on  the  recent  conquest  of  Granada, 
that,  extending  the  sway  of  the  church,  might  be  made  a  laudable 


Chap.  VUL]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  t^ 

means  of  extending  his  own  dominions.  According  to  the  doctrines 
of  the  day,  every  nation  that  refused  to  acknowledge  the  truths  of 
Christianity,  was  fair  spoil  for  a  Christian  invader;  and  it  is  pro- 
bable that  Ferdinand  was  more  stimulated  by  the  accounts  given 
by  Columbus  of  the  wealth  of  Mangi,  Cathay,  and  other  provinces 
belonging  to  the  Grand  Khan,  than  by  any  anxiety  for  the  conver- 
sion of  him  and  his  semi-barbarous  subjects,  Isabella  had  nobler 
inducements.  She  was  filled  with  pious  zeal  at  the  idea  of  effecting 
such  a  great  work  of  salvation.  From  different  motives,  therefore, 
both  of  the  sovereigns  accorded  with  the  views  of  Columbus  in  this 
particular,  and  when  he  afterwards  departed  on  his  voyage,  letters 
were  actually  given  him  for  the  Grand  Khan  of  Tartary. 

The  ardent  enthusiasm  of  Columbus  did  not  stop  here.  In  the 
free  and  unrestrained  communications  which  were  now  permitted 
him  with  the  sovereigns,  his  visionary  spirit  kindled  with  anticipa- 
tions of  boundless  wealth  to  be  realized  by  his  discoveries;  and  he 
suggested  that  the  treasures  thus  acquired,  should  be  consecrated 
to  the  pious  purpose  of  rescuing  the  holy  sepulchre  of  Jerusalem 
from  the  power  of  the  Infidels.  The  sovereigns  smiled  at  this  sally 
of  the  imagination,  but  expressed  themselves  well  pleased  with  it, 
and  assured  him  that  even  without  the  funds  he  anticipated,  they 
should  be  well  disposed  to  that  holy  undertaking.*  What  the  king 
and  queen,  however,  may  have  considered  a  mere  sally  of  momen- 
tary excitement,  was  a  deep  and  cherished  design  of  Columbus.  It 
is  a  curious  and  characterisftc  fact  which  has  never  been  particularly 
noticed,  that  the  recover}^  of  the  holy  sepulchre  was  one  of  the  great 
objects  of  his  ambition,  meditated  throughout  the  remainder  of  his 
life,  and  solemnly  provided  for  in  his  will.  In  fact,  he  considered  it 
as  one  of  the  great  works  for  which  he  was  chosen  by  heaven,  as 
an  agent,  and  he  afterwards  looked  upon  his  great  discovery  as  but 
a  preparatory  dispensation  of  providence  to  promote  its  accomplish- 
ment. 

A  perfect  understanding  being  thus  effected  with  the  sovereigns, 
capitulations  of  an  arrangement  were  ordered  to  be  drawn  out  by 
JPuan  de  Coloma,  the  royal  secretary.  They  were  to  the  following 
effect : 

1.  That  Columbus  should  have,  for  himself  during  his  life,  and 
his  heirs  and  successors  for  ever,  the  office  of  admiral  in  all  the  lands 
and  continents  which  he  might  discover  or  acquire  in  the  Ocean 


*  Protests  k  vuestras  Altezas  que  loda  la  ganancia  desta  mi  empresa  se  gastase 
en  la  conquista  de  Jerusalem,  y  vuestras  altezas  se  rieron,  y  dijeron  que  les  placia^ 
y  que  sin  esto  tenian  aquella  gana.  Primer  Viage  de  Colon.  Navarrete,  T.  1, 
p.  117.  (J 


7*  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  U, 

sea,  with  similar  honours  and  prerogatives  to  those  enjoyed  by  the 
high  Admiral  of  Castile  in  his  district. 

2.  That  he  should  be  viceroy  and  governor  general  over  all  the 
said  lands  and  continents ;  with  the  privilege  of  nominating  three 
candidates  for  the  government  of  each  island  or  province,  one  of 
whom  should  be  selected  by  the  sovereigns. 

3.  That  he  should  be  entitled  to  reserve  for  himself  one  tenth  of 
all  pearls,  precious  stones,  gold,  silver,  spices,  and  all  other  articles 
and  merchandises,  in  whatever  manner  found,  bought,  bartered,  or 
gained  within  his  admiralty,  the  costs  being  first  deducted. 

4.  That  he,  or  his  lieutenant,  should  be  the  sole  judge  in  all 
causes  and  disputes  arising  out  of  traffic  between  those  countries 
and  Spain :  provided  the  high  admiral  of  Castile  had  similar  juris- 
diction in  his  district. 

5.  That  he  might  then,  and  at  all  after  times,  contribute  an  eighth 
part  of  the  expense  in  fitting  out  vessels  to  sail  on  this  enterprise, 
and  receive  an  eighth  part  of  the  profits. 

The  last  stipulation,  which  admits  Columbus  to  bear  an  eighth  of 
the  enterprise,  was  made  in  consequence  of  his  indignant  projEFer,  on 
being  reproached  with  demanding  ample  emoluments,  while  incur- 
ring no  portion  of  the  charge.  He  fulfilled  this  engagement  through 
the  assistance  of  the  Pinzons  of  Palos,  and  added  a  third  vessel  to 
the  armament.  Thus,  one  eighth  of  the  expense  attendant  on  this 
grand  expedition,  undertaken  by  a  powerful  nation,  was  actually 
borne  by  the  individual  who  conceived  ft,  and  who  likewise  risked 
his  life  on  its  success.  * 

The  capitulations  were  signed  by  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  at  the 
city  of  Santa  Fe,  in  the  Vega  or  plain  of  Granada,  on  the  17th  of 
April,  1492.  A  letter  of  privilege  or  commission  to  Columbus,  of 
similar  purport,  was  drawn  out  in  form,  and  issued  by  the  sovereigns 
in  the  city  of  Granada,  on  the  30th  of  the  same  month.  In  this  the 
dignities  and  prerogatives  of  viceroy  and  governor  were  likewise 
made  hereditary  in  his  family ;  and  he  and  his  heirs  were  authorised 
to  prefix  the  title  of  Don  to  their  names ;  a  distinction  accorded  in 
those  days  only  to  persons  of  rank  and  estate,  though  it  has  since 
lost  all  value  from  being  universally  used  in  Spain. 

All  the  royal  documents  issued  on  this  occasion  bore  equally  the 
signatures  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  but  her  separate  crown  of 
Castile  defrayed  all  the  expense,  and  during  her  life  few  persons, 
except  Castilians,  were  permitted  to  establish  themselves  in  the  new 
territories.* 


Charlevoix,  Hist.  St.  Domingo,  L.  1,  p.  79. 


Chaf.  Vni.J  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  76 

The  port  of  Palos  do  Moguer  in  Andalusia,  was  fixed  on  as  the 
place  where  the  necessary  armament  was  to  be  fitted  out.  This 
port,  in  consequence  of  some  misconduct,  had  been  condemned  by 
the  royal  council  to  serve  the  crown  for  one  year,  with  two  armed 
caravels,  A  royal  order  was  signed  on  the  30th  of  April,  com- 
manding the  authorities  of  Palos  to  have  the  two  caravels  ready  for 
sea  within  ten  days  after  receiving  this  notice,  and  to  place  them  and 
their  crews  at  the  disposal  of  Columbus.  The  latter  was  likewise 
empowered  to  procure  and  fit  out  a  third  vessel.  The  crews  of  all 
three  were  to  receive  the  ordinary  wages  of  seamen  employed  in 
armed  vessels,  and  to  be  paid  four  months  in  advance.  They  were 
to  sail  in  such  direction  as  Columbus,  under  the  royal  authority, 
should  command,  and  were  to  obey  him  in  all  things,  with  merely 
one  stipulation,  that  neither  he  nor  they  were  to  go  to  St.  George  la 
Mina,  on  the  coast  of  Guinea,  nor  any  other  of  the  lately  discovered 
possessions  of  Portugal.  A  certificate  of  their  good  conduct,  signed 
by  Columbus,  was  to  be  the  discharge  of  their  obligation  to  the 
crown.* 

Orders  were  likewise  issued  by  the  sovereigns,  addressed  to 
the  public  authorities,  and  the  people  of  all  ranks  and  conditions, 
in  the  maritime  borders  of  Andalusia,  commanding  them  to  fur- 
nish supplies  and  assistance  of  all  kinds,  at  reasonable  prices,  for 
the  fitting  out  of  the  vessels:  and  penalties  were  denounced  on  such 
as  should  cause  any  impediment.  No  duties  were  to  be  exacted  for 
any  articles  furnished  tq  the  vessels ;  and  all  criminal  processes 
against  the  person  or  property  of  any  individual,  engaged  in  the 
expedition,  was  to  be  suspended  during  his  absence  and  for  two 
months  after  his  return,  f 

A  home-felt  mark  of  favour,  characteristic  of  the  kind  and  con- 
siderate heart  of  Isabella,  was  accorded  to  Columbus  before  his  de- 
parture from  the  court.  An  albala,  or  letter  patent,  was  issued  by 
the  queen  on  the  8th  of  May,  appointing  his  son  Diego  page  to 
prince  Juan,  the  heir  apparent,  with  an  allowance  for  his  support ; 
an  honour  granted  only  to  the  sons  of  persons  of  distinguished 
rank.  J 

Thus  gratified  in  his  dearest  wishes,  after  a  course  of  delays  and 
disappointments  sufficient  to  have  reduced  any  ordinary  man  to  des- 
pair, Columbus  took  leave  of  the  court  on  the  12th  of  May,  and  set 
out  joyfully  for  Palos.  Let  those  who  are  disposed  to  faint  under 
difficulties,  in  the  prosecution  of  any  great  and  worthy  undertaking, 


I' 


*  Navarrete,  Collec.  de  Viages,  T;  2,  Document  6.  _   J 

Hdem.  Documents  8,  9.        tidem,  ubi  sup.  Doc.  11. 


76  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  II. 

remembef  that  eighteen  years  elapsed  after  the  time  that  Columbus 
conceived  his  enterprise,  before  he  was  enabled  to  carry  it  into 
effect;  that  the  greater  part  of  that  time  was  past  in  almost  hope- 
less solicitation,  amidst  poverty,  neglect,  and  taunting  ridicule;  that 
the  prima  of  his  life  had  wasted  away  in  the  struggle,  and  that  when 
his  perseverance  was  finally  crowned  with  success,  he  was  about  his 
i^    fifty-sixth  year.     His  example  ^ould  encourage  the  enterprising 


never  to  despair. 


/  /v>-/  J  ^h^/€6»r 


CHAPTEH  IX 

lEFARATlONS  FOR  THE  1JXFE1>ITI0N  AT  THR  PORT  OF  FAL09 

11492.1 

Columbus  once  more  presented  himself  at  the  gate  of  the  convent 
of  La  Rabid  a,  but  he  now  appeared  in  triumph.  He  was  received 
with  open  arms  by  the  worthy  Prior,  and  again  became  his  guest, 
during  his  sojourn  at  Palos.*  The  character  and  station  of  Juan 
Perez  gave  him.  great  importance  in  the  neighbourhood,  and  he  ex- 
erted it  to  the  utmost  in  support  of  the  desired  enterprise.  Attended 
by  this  zealous  friend,  Columbus  repaired  on  the  23d  of  May,  to  the 
church  of  St.  George  in  Palos.  There  the  royal  order  for  two  cara- 
vels to  be  furnished  by  the  town  and  put  at  his  disposition,  was  for- 
mally read  by  the  notary  public  of  the  place,  in  presence  of  the  al- 
caldes and  regidors,  and  many  of  the  inhabitants,  and  full  compli- 
ance was  promised.! 

When  the  nature  (^  the  intended  expedition  came  to  be  known^ 
however,  astonishment  and  a  degree  of  horror  prevailed  throughout 
the  place.  The  inhabitants  considered  the  ships  and  crews  de- 
manded of  them  in.  the  light  of  sacrifices,  devoted  to  destruction.. 
The  owners  of  vessels  refused  to  furnish  them  for  so  desperate  a  ser- 
vice, and  the  boldest  seamen  shrunk  from  such  a  wild  and  chimerical 
cruise  into  the  wilderness  of  the  ocean.  All  the  frightful  tales  and 
fables,  with  which  ignorance  and  superstition  are  prone  to  people 
obscure  and  mysterious  regions,  were  conjured  up  concerning  the 

•  Oviedo,  Cronica  de  las  Indiafl,.  L^  2^  C.  5.  \  Navarrete,  Collec.  de  Viases. 
T.  2,  Doc.  7. 


Chap.  IX.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  77 

unknown  parts  of  the  deep,  and  circulated  by  the  gossips  of  Palos, 
to  deter  any  one  from  embarking  in  the  enterprise. 

Nothing  can  be  a  stronger  evidence  of  the  bold  nature  of  this  un- 
dertaking, than  the  extreme  dread  with  which  it  was  regarded  by  a 
maritime  community,  composed  of  some  of  the  most  adventurous 
navigators  of  the  age.  Notwithstanding  the  peremptory  tenor  of  the 
royal  order,  and  the  promise  of  compliance  on  the  part  of  the  magis- 
trates, weeks  elapsed  without  any  thing  being  done  in  fulfilment  of 
its  demands.  It  was  in  vain  that  the  worthy  prior  of  La  Rabida 
backed  the  applications  of  Columbus  with  all  his  influence  and  elO' 
quence;  not  a  vessel  was  to  be  procured. 

Upon  this,  more  absolute  mandates  were  issued  by  the  sovereigns, 
dated  the  20th  of  June,  ordering  the  magistrates  of  the  coast  of  An- 
dalusia to  press  iftto  the  service  any  vessels  they  might  think  proper, 
belonging  to  Spanish  subjects,  and  to  oblige  the  masters  and  crews 
to  _sail  with  Columbus,  in  whatever  direction  he  should  be  sent 
by  royal  command.  Juan  de  Penalosa,  an  officer  of  the  royal 
household,  was  sent  to  see  that  this  order  was  properly  complied 
with,  receiving  two  hundred  maravedis  a  day,  as  long  as  he  was  oc- 
cupied in  the  business,  which  sum,  together  with  other  penalties 
expressed  in  the  mandate,  was  to  be  exacted  from  such  as  should 
be  disobedient  and  delinquent.  This  letter  was  acted  upon  by 
Columbus  in  Palos,  and  the  neighbouring  town  of  Moguer,  but  appa- 
rently with  as  little  success  as  the  preceding  one.  The  communi- 
ties of  those  places  were  thrown  into  complete  confusion ;  alterca- 
tions and  disturbances  took  place,  but  nothing  of  consequence  was 
effected. 

At  length  Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon,  a  rich  and  enterprising  naviga  ■ 
tor,  who  has  already  been  mentioned,  came  forward  and  took  a  de 
cided  and  personal  interest  in  the  expedition.  What  understanding 
he  had  with  Columbus  as  to  his  remuneration,  does  not  appear.  In 
the  testimony  given  many  years  afterwards,  in  the  suit  between  Don 
Diego,  the  son  of  Columbus,  and  the  crown,  it  was  affirmed  by  seve- 
ral witnesses  that  Pinzon  was  to  divide  with  him  his  share  of  the 
profits ;  but  the  evidence  in  that  lawsuit  was  so  full  of  contradictions 
and  palpable  falsehoods,  that  it  is  difficult  to  ascertain  the  proportion 
of  truth  which  it  may  have  contained.  As  no  immediate  profits 
resulted  from  the  expedition,  no  claim  of  the  kind  was  brought  for- 
ward. Certain  it  is,  that  the  assistance  of  Pinzon  was  most  timely 
and  efficacious,  and  many  of  the  witnesses  in  that  suit  concurred  in 

declaring  that,  but  for  him,  it  would  have  been  impossible  to  fit  out 

G  2 


78  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  {Boo«  U. 

the  necessary  annament.  He  and  his  brother  Vicente  Yanez  Pin- 
zon,  likewise  a  navigator  of  great  courage  and  ability,  who  after- 
wards rose  to  distinction,  possessed  vessels,  and  had  seamen  in  their 
employ.  They  were  related  also  to  many  of  the  seafaring  inhabi- 
tants of  Palos  and  Moguer,  and  had  great  influence  throughout  the 
neighbourhood.  It  is  supposed  that  they  supplied  Columbus  with 
funds  to  pay  the  eighth  share  of  the  expense,  which  he  was  bound 
to  advance.  They  furnished,  also,  one,  at  least,  of  the  ships,  and 
they  resolved  to  take  commands,  and  sail  in  the  expedition.  Their 
example  had  a  wonderful  effect,  and^  aided  by  their  persuasions,  in- 
duced a  great  number  of  their  relations  and  friends  to  embark;  so 
that  through  their  strenuous  exertions,  the  vessels  were  ready  for 
sea  within  a  month  after  they  had  thus  engaged  in  their  equipment.* 

After  the  great  difficulties  made  by  various  courts  in  furnishing 
this  expedition,  it  is  surprising  how  inconsiderable  an  armament  waa 
required.  It  is  evident  that  Columbus  had  reduced  his  requisitions 
to  the  narrowest  limits,  lest  any  great  expense  should  cause  impedi- 
ment. Three  small  vessels  were  apparently  all  that  he  had  requested. 
Two  of  them  were  light  barques,  called  caravels,  not  superior  to 
river  and  coasting  craft  of  more  modem  days.  Representations  of 
this  class  of  vessels  exist  in  old  prints  and  paintings. f  They  are 
delineated  as  open,  and  without  deck  in  the  centre,  but  built  up  high 
at  the  prow  and  stern,  with  forecastles  and  cabins  for  the  accom^ 
modation  of  the  crew.  Peter  MartjT,  the  learned  contemporary 
of  Columbus,  says  that  only  one  of  the  three  vessels  was  decked. if 
The  smallness  of  the  vessels  was  considered  an  advantage  by  Colum- 
bus, in  a  voyage  of  discovery,  enabling  him  to  run  close  to  the 
shores,  and  to  enter  shallow  rivers  and  harbours.  In  his  third  voyage, 
when  coasting  the  gulf  of  Paria,  be  complained  of  the  size  of  his 
ship,  being  nearly  a  hundred  tons  burthen.  But  that  such  long  and 
perilous  expeditions,  into  unknown  seas,  should  be  undertaken  in 
vessels  without  decks,  and  that  they  shwild  live  through  the  violent 
tempests,  by  which  they  were  frequently  assailed,  remain  among  the 
singular  circumstances  of  these  daring  voyages. 

During  the  equipment  of  the  vesselSj  troubles  and  difficulties  con- 
tinued to  arise.  One  of  the  vessels,  named  the  Pinta,  together  with 
its  owners  and  people,  had  been  pressed  into  the  service  by  the 
magistrates,  under  the  arbitrary  mandate  of  the  sovereigns;  and  it 
was  a  striking  instance  of  the  despotic  authority  exercised  over  com- 


*  Evidence  of  Arias  Perez,  in  the  lawsuit. 

i  See  Illustrations,  article, "  Ships  of  Columbus."      $  P.  Martyr,  Decad  1,  L.  1. 


CHAf .  IX.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  TH 

merce  in  those  times,  that  respectable  individuals  should  thus  be 
compelled  to  engage,  with  persons  and  ships,  in  what  appeared  to 
them  a  mad  and  desperate  enterprise.  The  owners  of  this  vessel, 
Gomez  Rascon  and  Christoval  Quintero,  showed  the  greatest 
repugnance  to  the  voyage,  and  took  an  active  part  in  certain  quarrels 
and  contentions  which  occurred.*  Various  mariners  had  likewise 
been  compelled  to  embark  in  the  other  ships.  All  kinds  of  obstacles 
were  thrown  in  the  way,  to  retard  or  defeat  the  voyage,  by  these 
people  and  their  friends.  The  caulkers  employed  upon  the  vessels 
did  their  work  in  a  careless  and  imperfect  manner,  and  on  being 
commanded  to  do  it  over  again  they  absconded.^  Some  of  the 
seamen  who  had  enlisted  willingly,  repented  of  their  hardihood,  or 
were  dissuaded  by  their  relatives,  and  sought  to  retract;  others 
deserted  and  concealed  themselves.  Every  thing  had  to  be  effected 
by  the  most  harsh  and  arbitrary  measures,  and  in  defiance  of  popular 
prejudice  and  opposition. 

At  length,  by  the  beginning  of  August,  every  difficulty  was 
vanquished,  and  the  vessels  were  ready  for  sea.  The  largest,  which 
had  been  prepared  expressly  for  the  voyage,  and  was  decked,  was 
called  the  Santa  Maria:  on  board  of  this  ship  Columbus  hoisted  his 
flag.  The  second,  called  the  Pinta,  was  commanded  by  Martin 
Alonzo  Pinzon,  accompanied  by  his  brother  Francisco  Martin,  as  pilot. 
The  third,  called  the  Nina,  had  latine  sails,  and  was  commanded 
by  the  third  of  the  brothers,  Vicente  Yanez  Pinzon.  There  were 
three  other  piiots,  Sancho  Ruiz,  Pedro  Alonzo  Nino,  and  Bartolomeo 
Roldan.  Roderigo  Sanchez  of  Segovia  was  inspector  general  of  the 
armament,  and  Diego  de  Arana,  a  native  of  Cordova,  chief  alguazil. 
Roderigo  de  Escobar  went  as  royal  notary,  an  officer  always  sent  in 
the  armaments  of  the  crown,  to  take  official  notes  of  all  transactions. 
There  were  also  a  physician  and  a  surgeon,  together  with  various 
private  adventurers,  several  servants,  and  ninety  mariners;  making, 
in  all,  one  hundred  and  twenty  persons.^ 

The  squadron  being  ready  to  put  to  sea,  Columbus,  impressed  with 
the  solemnity  of  his  undertaking,  confessed  himself  to  the  friar  Juan 
Perez,  and  partook  of  the  sacrament  of  the  communion.  His 
example  was  followed  by  his  officers  and  crew,  and  they  entered 
upon  their  enterprise  full  of  awe,  and  with  the  most  devout  and 
affecting  ceremonials,  committing  themselves  to  the  especial  guid- 
ance and  protection  of  heaven.     A  deep  gloom  was  spread  over  the 


•  Journal  of  Columb.    Navarrete,  T.  1,  p.  4.    Hist,  del  Almirante,  Cap.  15, 

t  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.  L.  1,  C.  77.  MS, 

I  Charlevoix,  Hist.  St.  Doming,  L.  1,    Munos.  Hist.  Nuevo  Mundo,  L.  2. 


m  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  H. 

whole  community  of  Palos  at  their  departure,  for  almost  every  one 
had  some  relative  or  friend  on  board  of  the  squadron.  The  spirits  of 
the  seamen,  already  depressed  by  their  own  fears,  were  still  more 
cast  down  at  the  affliction  of  those  they  left  behind,  who  took  leave 
of  them  with  tears  and  lamentations,  and  dismal  forebodings,  as  of 
men  they  were  never  to  behold  again. 


LIFE   AND   VOYAGES 


or 


CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS. 


BOOK  III. 


CHAPTER  I. 

DEPARTURE    OF   COLUMBUS    ON    HIS   FIRST    VOYAGE 
[1492.] 

When  Columbus  set  sail  on  the  memorable  voyag-e  that  was  to  end 
in  the  discovery  of  a  world,  he  commenced  a  regular  journal  of  the 
daily  events  intended  for  the  inspection  of  the  Spanish  sovereigns. 
Like  all  his  other  transactions,  it  evinces  how  deeply  he  was  im- 
pressed with  the  grandeur  and  solemnity  of  his  enterprise.  He  pro* 
posed  to  keep  it,  as  he  afterwards  observed,  in  the  manner  of  the 
commentaries  of  Cesar.  It  opened  with  a  stately  prologue^  where- 
in, in  the  following  words,  were  set  forth  the  motives  and  views 
which  led  to  his  expedition. 

In  nomine  D.  N.  Jesu  Christi.  Whereas  most  Christian,  most 
high,  most  excellent  and  most  powerful  princes,  king  and  queen  of 
the  Spains,  and  of  the  islands  of  the  sea,  our  sovereigns,  in  the  pre- 
sent year  of  m^  after  your  highnesses  had  put  an  end  to  the  war 
with  the  Moors  who  ruled  in  Europe,  and  had  concluded  that  war- 
fare in  the  great  city  of  Granada,  where,  on  the  second  of  January, 
of  this  present  year,  I  saw  the  royal  banners  of  your  highnesses 
placed  by  force  of  arms  on  the  towers  of  the  Alhambra,  which  is  the 
fortress  of  that  city,  and  beheld  the  Moorish  king  salty  forth  from  the 
gates  of  the  city,  and  kiss  the  royal  hands  of  your  highnesses  and  of 
my  lord  the  prince;  and  immediately  in  that  same  month,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  information  which  I  had  given  to  your  highnesses  of 
the  lands  of  India,  and  of  a  prince  who  is  called  the  Grand  Khan, 
which  is  to  say  in  our  language,  king  of  kings;  how  that  many 
times  he  and  his  predecessors  had  sent  to  Rome  to  entreat  for  doctors 
of  our  holy  faith,  to  instruct  him  in  the  same;  and  that  the  holy 

Vol.  I  6 


^hb^9-.»M  LmfhxAJcA^  \  /j\ 


t^        I  6 


82  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book.  HL 

father  had  never  provided  him  with  them,  and  thus  so  many  people 
were  lost,  believing  in  idolatries,  and  imbibing  doctrines  of  perdition ; 
therefore  your  highnesses,  as  catholic  Christians  and  princes,  lovers 
and  promoters  of  the  holy  Christian  faith,  and  enemies  of  the  sect  of 
Mahomet,  and  of  all  idolatries  and  heresies,  determined  to  send  me, 
Christopher  Columbus,  to  the  said  parts  of  India,  to  see  the  said 
princes,  and  the  people  and  lands,  and  discover  the  nature  and  dis- 
position of  them  all,  and  the  means  to  be  taken  for  the  conversion  of 
them  to  our  holy  faith;  and  ordered  that  I  should  not  go  by  land  to 
the  east,  by  which  it  is  the  custom  to  go,  but  by  a  voyage  to  the 
west,  by  which  course,  unto  the  present  time,  we  do  not  know  for 
certain  that  any  one  hath  passed.  Your  highnesses,  therefore,  after 
having  expelled  all  the  Jews  from  your  kingdoms  and  territories, 
commanded  me,  in  the  same  month  of  January,  to  proceed  with  a 
sufficient  armament  to  the  said  parts  of  India;  and  for  this  purpose 
bestowed  great  favours  upon  me,  ennobling  me,  that  thenceforward  I 
might  style  myself  Don,  appointing  me  high  admiral  of  the  Ocean 
sea,  and  perpetual  viceroy  and  governor  of  all  the  islands  and  conti- 
nents I  should  discover  and  gain,  and  which  henceforward  may  be 
discovered  and  gained  in  the  Ocean  sea;  and  that  my  eldest  son 
should  succeed  me,  and  so  on  from  generation  to  generation  for  ever. 
I  departed,  therefore,  from  the  city  of  Granada,  on  Saturday  the  12th 
of  May,  of  the  same  year  1492,  to  Palos,  a  seaport,  where  I  armed 
three  ships,  well  calculated  for  such  service,  and  sailed  from  that  port 
well  furnished  with  provisions  and  with  many  seamen,  on  Friday  the 
3d  of  August,  of  the  same  year,  half  an  hour  before  sunrise,  and  took 
the  route  for  the  Canary  islands  of  your  highnesses,  to  steer  my 
course  thence,  and  navigate  until  I  should  arrive  at  the  Indias,  and 
deliver  the  embassy  of  your  highnesses  to  those  princes,  and  accom- 
plish that  which  you  had  commanded.  For  this  purpose  I  intend 
to  write  during  this  voyage,  very  punctually  fronroay  to  day,  all 
that  I  may  do,  and  see,  and  experience,  as  will  hereafter  be  seen. 
Also,  my  sovereign  princes,  beside  describing  each  night  all  that  has 
occurred  in  the  day,  and  in  the  day  the  navigation  of  the  night,  I 
propose  to  make  a  chart,  in  which  I  will  set  down  the  waters  and 
lands  of  the  Ocean  sea  in  their  proper  situations  under  their  bearings; 
and  further,  to  compose  a  book,  and  illustrate  the  whole  in  picture 
by  latitude  from  the  equinoctial,  and  longitude  from  the  west;  and 
upon  the  whole  it  will  be  essential  that  I  should  forget  sleep  and 
attend  closely  to  the  navigation  to  accomplish  these  things,  which 
will  be  a  great  labour."* 

*  JVavarrete,  Collec.  Viag.  T.  l,  p.  1. 


Chap.  LI  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  '  83 

Thus  are  formally  and  expressly  stated  by  Columbus  the  objects 
of  this  extraordinary  voyage.  The  material  facts  still  extant  of  his 
journal,  will  be  found  incorporated  in  the  present  work.* 

It  was  on  Friday  the  3d  of  August,  1492,  early  in  the  morning,  that 
Columbus  set  sail  from  the  bar  of  Saltes,  a  small  island  formed  by 
the  arms  of  the  Odiel,  in  front  of  the  town  of  Huelva,  steering  in  a. 
southwesterly  direction  for  the  Canary  islands,  from  whence  it  was 
his  intention  to  strike  due  west.  As  a  guide  by  which  to  sail,  he 
had  prepared  a  map  or  chart,  improved  upon  that  sent  him  by  Paolo 
Toscanelli.  Neither  of  those  now  exist,  but  the  globe  or  planisphere 
finished  by  Martin  Behem  in  this  year  of  the  admiral's  firsFvoyage 
is  still  extant,  and  furnishes  an  idea  of  what  the  chart  of  Columbus 
must  have  been.  It  exhibits  the  coasts  of  Europe  and  Africa  from 
the  south  of  Ireland  to  the  end  of  Guinea,  and  opposite  to  them,  on 
the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic,  the  extremity  of  Asia,  or  as  it  was 
termed,  India.  Between  them  is  placed  the  island  of  Cipango,  or 
Japan,  which,  according  to  Marco  Polo,  lay  fifteen  hundred  miles 
distant  from  the  Asiatic  coast.  In  his  computations  Columbus  ad- 
vanced this  island  about  a  thousand  leagues  too  much  to  the  east, 
supposing  it  to  be  about  in  the  situation  of  Florida  ;t  and  at  this 
island  he  hoped  first  to  arrive. 

The  exultation  of  Columbus  at  finding  himself,  after  so  many 
years  of  baffled  hope,  at  length  fairly  launched  on  his  grand  enter- 
prise, was  checked  by  his  want  of  confidence  in  the  resolution  and 
perseverance  of  his  crews.  As  long  as  he  remained  within  reach  of 
Europe  there  was  no  security  that  in  a  moment  of  repentance  and 
alarm,  they  might  not  unanimously  renounce  the  prosecution  of  the 
voyage,  and  insist  on  a  return.  Symptoms  soon  appeared  to  warrant 
his  apprehensions.  On  the  third  day,  the  Pinta  made  signal  of  dis- 
tress ;  her  rudder  was  discovered  to  be  broken,  and  unhung.     This 

*  An  abstract  of  this  journal,  made  by  Las  Casas,  haS  recently  been  discovered, 
and  is  published  in  the  first  volume  of  the  collection  of  Senor  Navarrete.  Many 
passages  of  this  abstract  had  been  previously  inserted  by  Las  Casas  in  his  History 
of  the  Indias,  and  the  same  journal  had  been  copiously  used  by  Fernando  Columbus 
in  the  history  of  his  father.  In  the  present  account  of  this  voyage,  the  author  has 
made  use  of  the  journal  contained  in  the  work  of  Senor  Navarrete,  the  manuscript 
history  of  Las  Casas,  the  History  of  the  Indias  by  Herrera,  the  Life  of  the  Ad- 
miral by  his  son,  the  Chronicle  of  the  Indias  by  Oviedo,  the  manuscript  history  of 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella  by  Andres  Bernaldes,  curate  of  Los  Palacios,  and  the  Let- 
ters, and  Decades  of  the  Ocean  Sea,  by  Peter  Martyr ;  all  of  whom,  with  the  ex  • 
ception  of  Herrera,  were  contemporaries  and  acquaintances  of  Columbus.  These 
are  the  principal  authorities  which  have  been  consulted,  though  scattered  lights 
have  occasionally  been  obtained  from  other  sources. 

t  Malte-Brun,  Geograph.  Universelle,  T.  2,  p.  283. 


81  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  HI. 

Columbus  surmised  to  be  done  through  the  contrivance  of  the  own- 
ers of  the  caravel,  Gromez  Rascon  and  Christoval  Q-uintero,  to  disable 
their  vessel,  and  cause  her  to  be  left  behind.  As  has  already  been 
observed,  they  had  been  pressed  into  the  service  greatly  against  their 
will,  and  their  caravel  seized  upon  for  the  expedition,  in  conformity 
to  the  royal  orders. 

Columbus  was  much  disturbed  at  this  occurrence.  It  gave  him  a 
foretaste  of  further  difficulties  to  be  apprehended  from  crews  partly 
enlisted  on  compulsion,  and  all  full  of  doubt  and  foreboding.  Trivial 
obstacles  might  in  the  present  critical  stage  of  his  voyage,  spread 
panic  and  mutiny  through  his  ships,  and  entirely  defegit  the  purpose 
of  the  expedition. 

The  wind  was  blowing  strongly  at  the  time,  so  that  he  could  not 
render  assistance  without  endangering  his  own  vessel.  Fortunately, 
Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon  commanded  the  Pinta;  and  being  an  adroit 
and  able  seaman,  he  succeeded  in  securing  the  rudder  with  cords,  so 
as  to  bring  the  vessel  into  management.  This,  however,  was  but  a 
temporary  and  inadequate  expedient ;  the  fastenings  gave  way  again 
on  the  following  day,  and  the  other  ships  were  obliged  to  shorten 
sail  until  the  rudder  could  be  secured. 

This  damaged  state  of  the  Pinta,  as  well  as  her  being  in  a  leaky 
condition,  determined  the  admiral  to  touch  at  the  Canary  isl- 
ands, and  seek  a  vessel  to  replace  her.  He  considered  himself  not 
far  from  those  islands,  though  a  different  opinion  was  entertained  by 
the  pilots  of  the  squadron.  The  event  proved  his  superiority  in 
taking  observations  and  keeping  reckonings,  for  they  came  in  sight 
of  the  Canaries  on  the  morning  of  the  9th. 

They  were  detained  upwards  of  three  weeks  among  these  islands, 
seeking  in  vain  to  find  another  vessel.  They  were  obliged,  there- 
fwre,  to  make  a  new  rudder  for  the  Pinta,  and  repair  her  as  well  as 
they  were  able  for  the  voyage.  The  latine  sails  of  the  Nina  were 
also  altered  into  square  sails,  that  she  might  work  more  steadily  and 
securely,  and  be  able  to  keep  company  with  the  other  vessels. 

While  sailing  among  these  islands,  they  passed  in  sight  of  Tene 
riffe,  whose  lofty  peak  was  sending  out  volumes  of  flame  and  smoke. 
The  crew  were  terrified  at  sight  of  this  eruption,  being  ready  to  taka 
alarm  at  any  extraordinary  phenomenon,  and  to  construe  it  into  a 
disastrous  portent.  Columbus  took  great  pains  to  dispel  theii 
apprehensions,  explaining  the  natural  causes  of  those  volcanic  fires^ 
and  verifying  his  explanations  by  citing  Mount  Etna,  and  other  well 
known  volcanoes. 

While  taking  in  wood  and  water  and  provisions,  in  the  island 
erf  Gomera,  a  vessel  arrived  from  Ferro,  which  reported  thS,t  three 


Chap.  II.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS,  B$ 

Portuguese  caravels  had  been  seen  hovering  off  that  island,  with  the 
intention,  it  was  said,  of  capturing  Columbus.  The  admiral  sus- 
pected some  hostile  stratagem  on  the  part  of  the  king  of  Portugal, 
in  revenge  for  his  having  embarked  in  the  service  of  Spain;  he  there- 
fore lost  no  time  in  putting  to  sea,  anxious  to  get  far  from  those 
islands,  and  out  of  the  track  of  navigation,  trembling  lest  something 
might  occur  to  defeat  his  expedition,  commenced  under  such  inauspi- 
cious circumstances. 


CHAPTER  II. 


GONTINUATIOK    OF   THE    VOYAGE FIRST   NOTICE    OF   THE    VARIA 

TION    OF    THE    NEEDLE. 

[1492.] 

Early  in  the  morning  of  the  sixth  of  September,  Columbus  set 
sail  from  the  island  of  Gomera,  and  now  might  be  said  first  to  strike 
into  the  region  of  discovery;  taking  leave  of  these  frontier  islands  of 
the  old  world,  and  steering  westward  for  the  unknown  parts  of  the 
Atlantic.  For  three  days,  however,  a  profound  calm  kept  the  vessels 
loitering  with  flagging  sails,  within  a  short  distance  of  the  land. 
This  was  a  tantalizing  delay  to  Columbus  who  was  impatient  to  find 
himself  launched  far  upon  the  ocean,  out  of  sight  of  either  land  or 
sail ;  which  in  the  pure  atmospheres  of  these  latitudes  may  be  descried 
at  an  immense  distance.  On  the  following  Sunday,  the  9th  of  Sep- 
tember, at  daybreak,he  beheld  Ferro,  the  last  of  the  Canary  islands, 
about  nine  leagues  distant.  This  was  the  island  from  whence  the 
Portuguese  caravels  had  been  seen ;  he  was  therefore  in  the  very 
neighbourhood  of  danger.  Fortunately  a  breeze  sprang  up  with 
the  sun,  their  sails  were  once  more  filled,  and  in  the  course  of  the 
day  the  heights  of  Ferro  gradually  faded  from  the  horizon. 

On  losing  sight  of  this  last  trace  of  land,  the  hearts  of  the  crews 
failed  them.  They  seemed  literally  to  have  taken  leave  of  the  world. 
Behind  them  was  every  thing  dear  to  the  heart  of  man ;  country, 
family,  friends,  life  itself :  before  them  every  thing  was  chaos,  mys- 
tery, and  peril.  In  the  perturbation  of  the  moment,  they  despaired 
of  ever  more  seeing  their  homes.     Many  of  the  rugged  seamen  shed 

H 


B6  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  IIL 

tears,  and  some  broke  into  loud  lamentations.  The  admiral  tried  in 
every  way  to  soothe  their  distress,  and  to  inspire  them  with  his  own 
glorious  anticipations.  He  described  to  them  the  magnificent 
countries  to  which  he  was  about  to  conduct  them :  the  islands  of  the 
Indian  seas  teeming  with  gold  and  precious  stones ;  the  regions  of 
Mangi  and  Cathay,  with  their  cities  of  unrivalled  wealth  and  splen- 
dour. Fie  promised  them  land  and  riches,  and  every  thing  that  could 
arouse  their  cupidity,  or  inflame  their  imaginations,  nor  were  these 
promises  made  for  purposes  of  mere  deception ;  Columbus  certainly 
believed  that  he  should  realize  them  all. 

He  now  issued  orders  to  the  commanders  of  the  other  vessels,  that, 
in  the  event  of  separation  by  any  accident,  they  should  continue 
directly  westward;  but  that  after  sailing  seven  hundred  leagues, 
they  should  lay  by  from  midnight  until  daylight,  as  at  about  that  dis- 
tance he  confidently  expected  to  find  land.  In  the  meantime,  as  he 
thought  it  possible  he  might  not  discover  land  within  the  distance 
thus  assigned,  and  as  he  foresaw  that  the  vague  terrors  already 
awakened  among  the  seamen  would  increase  with  the  space  which 
intervened  between  them  and  their  homes,  he  commenced  a  stratagem 
which  he  continued  throughout  the  voyage.  He  kept  two  reckon- 
ings :  one  correct,  in  which  the  true  way  of  the  ship  was  noted,  and 
which  was  retained  in  secret  for  his  own  government :  in  the  other, 
which  was  open  to  general  inspection,  a  number  of  leagues  was  daily 
subtracted  from  the  sailing  of  the  ship,  so  that  the  crews  were  kept 
in  ignorance  of  the  real  distance  they  had  advanced.* 

On  the  11th  of  September,  when  about  one  hundred  and  fifty 
leagues  west  of  Ferro,  they  fell  in  with  a  part  of  a  mast,  which 
from  its  size  appeared  to  have  belonged  to  a  vessel  of  about  a  hun- 
dred and  twenty  tons  burthen ;  and  which  had  evidently  been  a  long 
time  in  the  water.  The  crews,  tremblingly  alive  to  every  thing  that 
could  excite  their  hopes  or  fears,  looked  with  rueful  eye  upon  this 
wreck  of  some  unfortunate  voyager,  drifting  ominously  at  the  en- 
trance of  those  unknown  seas. 

On  the  13th  of  September,  in  the  evening,  being  about  two  hun- 
dred leagues  from  the  island  of  Ferro,  Columbus  for  the  first  time 
noticed  the  variation  of  the  needle  ;  a  phenomenon  which  had  never 
before  been  remarked.     He  perceived  about  nightfall,  that  the  needle, 


•  *  It  has  been  erroneously  stated  that  Columbus  kept  two  journals.  It  was  merely 
in  the  reckoning,  or  log-book,  that  he  deceived  the  crew.  His  journal  was  entirely 
private,  and  intended  for  his  own  use  and  the  perusal  of  the  sovereigns.  In  a  let- 
ter written  from  Granada,  in  1503,  to  Pope  Alexander  VII.  he  says  tJiat  he  had 
kept  an  account  of  his  voyages,  in  the  style  of  the  Commentaries  of  Cesar, 
which  he  intended  to  submit  to  his  holiness. 


Chap.  II.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  81 

instead  of  pointing  to  the  north  star  varied  about  half  a  point,  or 
between  five  and  six  degrees  to  the  northwest,  and  still  more  on  the 
following  morning.  Struck  with  this  circumstance,  he  observed  it 
attentively  for  three  days,  and  found  that  the  variation  increased  as 
he  advanced.  He  at  first  made  no  mention  of  this  phenomenon, 
knowing  how  ready  his  people  were  to  take  alarm,  but  it  soon  attracted 
the  attention  of  the  pilots,  and  filled  them  with  consternation.  It 
seemed  as  if  the  very  laws  of  nature  were  changing  as  they  advanced, 
and  that  they  were  entering  another  world,  subject  to  unknown 
influences.*  They  apprehended  that  the  compass  was  about  to  lose 
its  mysterious  virtues,  and  without  this  guide,  what  was  to  become 
of  them  in  a  vast  and  trackless  ocean? 

Columbus  tasked  his  science  and  ingenuity  for  reasons  with  which 
to  allaj  their  terror.  He  observed  that  the  direction  of  the  needle 
was  not  to  the  polar  star,  but  to  some  fixed  and  invisible  point.  The 
variation,  therefore,  was  not  caused  by  any  fallacy  in  the  compass, 
but  by  the  movement  of  the  north  star  itself,  which,  like  the  other 
heavenly  bodies,  had  its  changes  a.nd  revolutions,  and  every  day 
described  a  circle  round  the  pole.  The  high  opinion  which  the  pilots 
entertained  of  Columbus  as  a  profound  astronomer,  gave  weight  to 
this  theory,  and  their  alarm  subsided.  As  yet  the  solar  system 
of  Copernicus  was  unknown:  the  explanation  of  Columbus  there- 
fore, was  highly  plausible  and  ingenious,  and  it  shows  the  vivacity 
of  his  mind,  ever  ready  to  meet  the  emergency  of  the  moment. 
The  theory  may  at  first  have  been  advanced  merely  to  satisfy  the 
minds  of  others,  but  Columbus  appears  subsequently  to  have  remained 
satisfied  with  it  himself  The  phenomenon  has  now  become  familiar 
to  us,  but  we  still  continue  ignorant  of  its  cause.  It  is  one  of  those 
mysteries  of  nature,  open  to  daily  observation  and  experiment,  and 
apparently  simple  from  their  familiarity,  but  which  on  investigation 
make  the  human  mind  conscious  of  its  limits;  baffling  the  experience 
of  the  practical,  and  humbling  the  pride  of  science. 


*  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.  L.  1,  C.  6 


88  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  IH. 


CHAPTER  III. 

OONTZNVATION     OF     THE     VOYAGE VARIOUS     TERRORS     OF     TBB 

SEAMEN. 

[1492.] 

On  the  14th  of  September,  the  vojagers  were  rejoiced  by  tiie  sight 
of  what  they  considered  harbingers  of  land.  A  heron  and  a  tropicarl 
bird  called  the  Rabo  de  Junco,*  hovered  about  the  ships,  neither  of 
which  are  supposed  to  venture  far  to  sea.  On  the  following  night 
they  were  struck  with  awe  at  beholding  a  meteor,  or  as  Columbus 
calls  it  in  his  journal,,  a  great  flame  of  fire,  which  seemed  to  fall  from 
the  sky  into  the  sea,  about  four  or  five  leagues  distant.  These 
meteors,,  common  in  warm  climates,  and  especially  under  the  tropics^ 
are  always  seen  in  the  serene  azure  &ky  of  those  latitudes,  falling  as 
it  were  from  the  heavens;  but  never  beneath  a  cloud.  In  the  trans*- 
parent  atmosphere  of  one  of  those  beautiful  nights,  where  every  star 
shines  with  the  purest  lustre,  they  often  leave  a  luminous  train 
behind  them  which  lasts  for  twelve  or  fifteen  seconds,  and  may  well 
be  compared  to  a  flame^ 

The  wind  had  hitherto  been  favourable,  with  occasional  though 
transient  clouds  and  showers.  They  had  iTiade  great  progress  each 
day,  though  Columbus,  according  to  his  secret  plan,  contrived  to 
suppress  several  leagues  in  the  daily  reckoning  left  open  to  the  crew. 

They  had  now  arrived  within  the  influence  of  the  trade  wind, 
which  following  the  sun.  Wows  steadily  from  east  to  west  be- 
tween the  tropics,  and  sweeps  over  a  few  adjoining^  decrees  of  the 
ocean.  With  this  propitious  breeze  directly  aft,  they  were  wafted 
gently  but  speedily  over  a  tranquil  sea,  so  that  for  many  days  they 
did  not  shift  a  sail.  Columbus  perpetually  recurs  to  the  bland  and 
temperate  serenity  of  the  weather,  which  in  this  tract  of  the  ocean  is 
soft  and  refreshing  without  being  cool.  In  his  artless  and  expressive 
language  he  compares  the  pure  and  balmy  mornings  to  those  of 
April  in  Andalusia,  and  observes  that  they  wanted  hut  the  son^  of 

•  The  water-wagtaiL 


Chap.  III.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  89 

the  nightingale  to  complete  the  illusion.  "  He  had  reason  to  say 
so,"  observes  the  venerable  Las  Casas,  "  for  it  is  marvellous  the 
suavity  which  we  experience  when  half  way  towards  these  Indias; 
and  the  more  the  ships  approach  these  lands  so  much  more  do  they 
perceive  the  temperance  and  softness  of  the  air,  the  clearness  of  the 
sky,  and  the  amenity  and  fragrance  sent  forth  from  the  groves  and 
forests;  much  more  certainly  than  in  April  in  Andalusia."* 

They  now  began  to  see  large  patches  of  herbs  and  weeds  floating 
on  the  surface  of  the  water,  all  drifting  from  the  west,  and  increasing 
in  quantity  as  they  advanced.  Some  of  these  weeds  were  such  as 
grow  about  rocks,  others  such  as  are  produced  in  rivers;  some  were 
yellow  and  withered,  others  so  green  as  to  have  apparently  been 
recently  washed  from  land.  On  one  of  these  patches  was  a  live 
crab,  which  Columbus  carefully  preserved.  They  saw  also  a  white 
tropical  bird  of  a  kind  which  never  sleeps  upon  the  sea.  Tunny  fish 
also  played  about  the  ships,  one  of  which  was  killed  by  the  crew  of 
the  Nina.  Columbus  now  called  to  mind  the  account  given  by 
Aristotle  of  certain  ships  of  Cadiz,  which,  coasting  the  shores  out- 
side of  the  straits  of  Gibraltar,  were  driven  westward  by  an  impetu- 
ous east  wind,  until  they  reached  a  certain  part  of  the  ocean  where 
it  was  covered  with  vast  fields  of  weeds,  resembling  sunken  islands, 
and  among  which  they  beheld  many  tunny  fish.  He  supposed  him- 
self arrived  in  this  weedy  sea,  as  it  had  been  called,  from  which  the 
ancient  mariners  had  turned  back  in  dismay,  but  which  he  regarded 
with  animated  hope,  as  indicating  the  vicinity  of  land.  Not  that 
he  had  any  idea  of  yet  reaching  the  object  of  his  search,  the  eastern 
end  of  Asia,  for  according  to  his  computation  he  had  come  but  three 
hundred  and  sixty  leaguesf  since  leaving  the  Canary  islands,  and 
he  placed  the  main  land  of  India  much  farther  on. 

On  the  18th  of  September  the  same  weather  continued;  a  soft 
steady  breeze  from  the  east  filled  every  sail,  while,  to  use  the  words 
of  Columbus,  the  sea  was  as  calm  as  the  Guadalquiver  at  Seville. 
He  had  fancied  that  he  perceived  the  water  of  the  sea  to  grow 
fresher  as  he  advanced,  and  he  noticed  this  as  a  proof  of  the  superior 
sweetness  and  purity  of  the  air.J 

The  crews  were  all  in  high  spirits,  each  ship  striving  to  get  in  the 
advance,  and  every  seaman  straining  his  eager  gaze,  to  descry  the 
blue  line  of  land  rising  above  the  horizon;  for,  besides  the  natural 

*  Las  Casas,  Hist  Ind.  L.  1,  C.  36,  MS. 

tOf  twenty  to  the  degree  of  latitude,  the  unity  of  distance  used  throughout 
thi?  work, 
t  Las  Casas,  Hist,  Ind,  L,  1,  Cap.  36,  tt  q 


90  UPE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  Book  ffl- 

emulation  to  announce  such  joyful  and  triumphant  tidings,  each 
one  was  stimulated  by  an  anxiety  to  gain  a  pension  of  thirty 
crowns,*  ensured  by  the  sovereigns  to  the  fortunate  individual  who 
should  first  discover  land.  Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon  crowded  all 
canvas,  and,  as  the  Pinta  was  a  fast  sailer,  he  generally  kept  the 
lead.  In  the  afternoon  he  hailed  the  admiral  and  informed  him, 
that,  from  the  flight  of  a  great  number  of  birds,  and  from  the  appear- 
ance of  the  northern  horizon,  he  thought  there  was  land  in  that 
direction. 

There  was  in  fact  a  cloudiness  in  the  north,  such  as  often  hangs 
over  land;  and  at  sunset  it  assumed  such  shapes  and  masses  that 
many  fancied  they  beheld  islands.  There  was  a  universal  wish, 
therefore,  to  steer  for  that  quarter.  Columbus,  however,  was  per- 
suaded that  they  were  mere  illusions.  Every  one  who  has  made  a 
sea  voyage  must  have  witnessed  the  deceptions  caused  by  clouds 
resting  upon  the  horizon,  especially  about  sunset  and  sunrise;  which 
the  eye,  assisted  by  the  imagination  and  desire,  easily  converts  inta 
the  wished  for  land.  This  is  particularly  the  case  within  the  tro- 
pics, where  the  clouds  at  sunset  assume  the  most  singular  appear- 
ances. 

On  the  following  day  there  were  drizzling  showers,  unaccompa- 
nied bj^  wind,  which  Columbus  considered  favourable  signs;  two 
pelicans  also  flew  on  board  the  ship^  birds  which  he  observed,  sel- 
dom fly  twenty  leagues  from  land.  He  sounded,  therefore,  with  a 
line  of  two  hundred  fathoms,  but  found  no  bottom.  He  supposed  he 
might  be  passing  between  islands,  which  lay  both  to  the  north  and 
south;  but  he  was  unwilling  to  waste  the  present  favouring  breeze 
by  going  in  search  of  them;  beside,  he  had  confidently  affirmed  that 
land  was  to  be  found  by  keeping  steadfastly  to  the  west;  his  whole 
expedition  had  been  founded  on  such  a  presumption;  he  should,  there- 
fore, risk  all  credit  and  authority  with  his  people  were  he  to  appear  to 
doubt  and  waver,  and  to  go  groping  blindly  from  point  to  point  of 
the  compass.  He  resolved,  therefore,  to  keep  one  bold  course  always 
westward,  until  he  should  reach  the  coast  of  India;  and  afterwards, 
if  adviseable,  to  seek  these  islands  on  his  return.! 

Notwithstanding  the  precaution  which  had  been  taken  to  keep 
the  people  ignorant  of  the  distance  they  had  sailed,  they  were  now 
growing  extremely  uneasy  at  the  length  of  the  voyage.  They  had 
advanced  much  farther  west  than  ever  man  had  sailed  before,  and 


*  Ekiuivalent  to  one  hundred  and  seventeen  dollars  of  the  present  day. 
t  Hist,  del  Almirante,  Cap.  20.    Extracts  from  Journal  of  CoUunb.  Nayarret* 
T.  1,  p.  16. 


Ch.p.  III.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  91 

though  already  beyond  the  reach  of  succour,  still  they  continued 
daily  leaving  vast  tracts  of  ocean  behind  them,  and  pressing  onward 
and  onward  into  that  apparently  boundless  abyss.  It  is  true,  they 
had  been  flattered  by  various  indications  of  land,  and  still  others 
were  occurring ;  but  all  mocked  them  with  vain  hopes ;  after  being 
hailed  with  a  transient  joy  they  passed  away,  one  after  another, 
and  the  same  interminable  expanse  of  sea  and  sky  continued 
to  extend  before  them.  Even  the  favourable  wind,  which  seemed  as 
if  providentially  sent  to  waft  them  to  the  new  world,  with  such  bland 
and  gentle  breezes,  was  now  conjured  by  their  ingenious  fears  into  a 
singular  cause  of  alarm ;  for  they  began  to  imagine  that  the  wind, 
in  these  se<is,  always  prevailed  from  the  east,  and  if  so,  would  never 
permit  them  to  return  to  Spain. 

Columbus  endeavoured  in  every  way  to  soothe  these  rising  fear^ 
sometimes  by  argument  and  expostulation,  sometimes  by  awakening 
fresh  hopes,  and  pointing  out  new  signs  of  land.  On  the  twentieth 
of  September,  the  wind  veered  with  light  breezes  from  the  southwest, 
These,  though  adverse  to  their  progress,  had  a  cheering  effect  upon 
the  people,  as  they  proved  that  the  wind  did  not  always  prevail  from 
the  east.*  Several  birds  also  visited  the  ships;  three  of  which  were 
of  a  small  kind  which  keep  about  groves  and  orchards,  and  which 
came  singing  in  the  morning,  and  flew  away  again  in  the  evening. 
Their  song  was  wonderfully  cheering  to  the  hearts  of  the  dismayed 
mariners,  who  hailed  it  as  the  voice  of  land.  The  larger  fowl  they 
observed  were  strong  of  wing,  and  might  venture  far  to  sea,  but  such 
small  birds  were  too  feeble  to  fly  far,  and  their  singing  showed  that 
they  were  not  exhausted  by  their  flight. 

On  the  following  day  there  was  either  a  profound  calm,  or  light 
winds  from  the  southwest.  The  sea,  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach, 
was  covered  with  weeds;  a  phenomenon,  often  observed  in  this  part 
of  the  ocean,  which  has  sometimes  the  appearance  of  a  vast  inundated 
meadow.  This  has  been  attribuieu  lu  ii.imense  quantities  of  sub- 
marine plants,  which  grow  at  the  bottom  of  the  sea  until  ripe,  when 
they  are  detached  by  the  motion  of  the  waves  and  currents,  and  rise 
to  the  surface.!  These  fields  of  weeds  were  at  first  regarded  with 
great  satisfaction,  but  at  length  they  became,  in  many  places,  so 
dense  and  matted,  as  in  some  degree  to  impede  the  sailing  of  the 
ships  which,  must  have  been  under  very  little  headway.     The  crews, 

*  Mucho  me  fue  necesario  este  viento  contrario,  porque  mi  gente  andaban  muy 
estimulados,  que  pensaban  que  no  ventaban  estos  mares  vienios  para  volver  4  Es- 
pana.    Primer  Viage  de  Colon.     Navarrete,  T.  1,  p.  12. 

t  Humboldt,  Personal  Narrative,  Book  1,  C.  1. 


92  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  IU. 

ever  ready  to  conceive  the  most  absurd  alarm,  now  called  to  mind 
some  tale  about  the  frozen  ocean,  where  ships  were  said  to  be  some- 
times fixed  immoveable.  They  endeavoured,  therefore,  to  avoid  as 
much  as  possible  these  floating  masses,  lest  some  disaster  of  the  kind 
might  happen  to  themselves.*  Others  considered  these  weeds  as 
proof  that  the  sea  was  growing  shallower,  and  began  to  talk  of  lurk- 
ing rocks,  and  shoals,  and  treacherous  quicksands;  and  of  the  danger 
of  running  aground,  as  it  were,  in  the  midst  of  the  ocean,  where  their 
vessels  might  rot  and  fall  to  pieces,  far  out  of  the  track  of  human  aid, 
and  without  any  shore  where  the  crews  might  take  refuge.  They 
had  evidently  some  confused  notion  of  the  ancient  story  of  the  sunken 
island  of  Atalantis,  and  feared  that  they  were  arriving  at  that  part 
of  the  ocean  where  navigation  was  said  to  be  obstructed  by  drowned 
lands,  and  the  ruins  of  an  ingulphed  country. 

To  dispel  these  fears,  the  admiral  had  frequent  recourse  to  the  lead, 
but  though  he  sounded  with  a  deep-sea  line,  he  still  found  no  bottom. 
The  minds  of  the  crews  however  had  gradually  become  diseased. 
They  were  full  of  vague  terrors  and  superstitious  fancies:  thej^  con- 
strued every  thing  into  a  cause  of  alarm,  and  harassed  their  com- 
mander by  incessant  murmurs. 

For  three  days  there  was  a  continuance  of  light  summer  airs  from 
the  southward  and  westward,  and  the  sea  was  as  smooth  as  a  mirror. 
A  whale  was  seen  heaving  up  its  huge  form  at  a  distance,  which 
Columbus  immediately  pointed  out  as  a  favourable  indication, 
affirming  that  these  fish  were  generally  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  land.  The  crews,  however,  became  uneasy  at  the  calmness  of  the 
weather.  They  observed  that  the  contrary  winds  which  they 
experienced  were  transient  and  "unsteady,  and  so  light  as  not  to  ruffle 
the  surface  of  the  sea,  which  maintained  a  sluggish  calm  like  a  lake 
of  dead  water.  Every  thing  differed,  they  said,  in  these  strange 
regions  from  the  world  to  which  they  had  been  accustomed.  The 
only  winds  which  prevailed  with  any  constancy  and  force,  were 
from  the  east,  and  they  had  not  power  to  disturb  the  torpid  stillness 
of  the  ocean;  there  was  a  risk,  therefore,  either  of  perishing  amidst 
stagnant  and  shoreless  waters,  or  of  being  prevented,  by  contrary 
winds,  from  ever  returning  to  their  native  country. 

Columbus  continued  with  admirable  patience  to  reason  with  these 
absurd  fancies;  observing  that  the  calmness  of  the  sea  must  undoubt- 
edly be  caused  by  the  vicinity  of  land  in  the  quarter  from  whence 
the  wind  blew,  which,  therefore,  had  not  space  sufficient  to  act  upon 
the  surface,  and  to  heave  up  large  waves,     There  is  nothing,  how- 


♦Hist.  del  Almirante,  Cap.  18, 


Chap.  IV.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  93 

ever,  that  renders  men  so  deaf  to  reason  as  the  influence  of  terror, 
which  multipHes  and  varies  the  forms  of  ideal  danger,  a  thousand 
limes  faster  than  the  most  active  wisdom  can  dispel  them.  The 
more  Columbus  argued,  the  more  boisterous  became  the  murmurs 
of  his  crew,  until,  on  Sunday  the  25th  of  September,  there  came  on 
a  heavy  swell  of  the  sea,  unaccompanied  by  wind.  This  is  a 
phenomenon  that  often  occurs  in  the  broad  ocean,  being  either  the 
expiring  undulations  of  some  past  gale,  or  the  movement  given  to  the 
sea  by  some  distant  current  of  wind;  it  was,  nevertheless,  regarded 
with  astonishment  by  the  mariners,  and  dispelled  the  imaginary 
terrors  occasioned  by  the  calm. 

Columbus,  who  as  usual  considered  himself  under  the  immediate 
eye  and  guardianship  of  heaven  in  this  solemn  enterprise,  intimates 
in  his  journal  that  this  swelling  of  the  sea  seemed  providentially 
ordered  to  allay  the  rising  clamours  of  his  crew;  comparing  it  to  that 
which  so  miraculously  aided  Moses  when  conducting  the  children 
of  Israel  out  of  the  captivity  of  Egypt.* 


CHAPTER  IV. 

CONTINUATION    OF    THE    VOYAGE DISCOVERY    OF   LANK 

[1492.] 

The  situation  of  Columbus  was  daily  becoming  more  and  more 
critical.  In  proportion  as  he  approached  the  regions  where  he 
expected  to  find  land,  the  impatience  of  his  crews  augmented.  The 
favourable  signs  which  had  increased  his  confidence,  were  now 
derided  by  them  as  delusive;  and  there  was  danger  of  their  rebelling, 
and  obliging  him  to  turn  back,  when  on  the  point  of  realizing  the 
object  of  all  his  labours.  They  beheld  themselves  with  dismay  still 
wafted  onward,  over  the  boundless  wastes  of  what  appeared  to  them 

*  "  Comola  mar  estuviese  mansa  y  liana  murmuraba  la  gente  diciendo  que,  pues 
por  alii  no  habia  mar  grande  que  nunca  ventaria  para  volver  k  Espana;  pero 
despues  alz6se  mucho  la  mar  y  sin  viento,  que  los  asombraba ;  por  lo  cual  dice  aqur 
el  Almirante ;  asi  que  muy  necesario  mefue  la  mar  alta^  que  no  parecio,  sdvo  d 
Heinpo  de  los  Judios  cuando  salieron  de  Egipto  contra  Moyses  que  los  sacaba  de  c<^ 
fivmo."    Journal  of  Colomb.  Navarrete,  T.  X. 


94  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  HI. 

a  mere  watery  desert,  surrounding  the  habitable  world.  What  was 
to  become  of  them  should  their  provisions  fail?  Their  ships  were  too 
weak  and  defective  even  for  the  great  voyage  they  had  already 
made;  but  if  they  were  still  to  press  forward,  adding  at  every 
moment  to  the  immense  expanse  which  already  divided  them  from 
land,  how  should  they  ever  be  able  to  return,  having  no  port  where 
they  might  victual  and  refit? 

In  this  way  they  fed  each  others'  discontents,  gathering  together 
in  the  retired  parts  of  the  ship,  at  first  in  little  knots  of  two  and  three, 
which  gradually  increased  and  became  formidable,  joining  together, 
and  strengthening  each  other  in  mutinous  opposition  to  the  admiral. 
They  exclaimed  against  him  as  an  ambitious  desperado,  who  in 
a  mad  phantasy  had  determined  to  do  something  extravagant  to 
render  himself  notorious.  What  to  him  were  their  sufferings  and 
dangers ;  when  he  was  evidently  content  to  sacrifice  his  own  life  for 
the  chance  of  distinction !  To  continue  on,  in  such  a  mad  expedi- 
tion, was  to  become  the  authors  of  their  own  destruction.  What 
obligation  bound  them  to  persist;  or  when  were  the  terms  of  their 
agreement  to  be  considered  as  fulfilled?  They  had  already  sailed 
far  beyond  the  limits  that  man  had  ventured  before;  they  had 
penetrated  into  remote  seas,  untraversed  by  a  sail.  How  much 
farther  were  they  to  go  in  quest  of  a  mere  imaginary  land?  Were 
they  to  sail  on  until  they  perished,  or  until  all  return  became  impossi- 
ble? Who,  on  the  other  hand,  would  blame  them,  were  they  to 
consult  their  safety,  and  turn  their  course  homeward,  before  it  was 
yet  too  late?  Would  they  not  rather  be  extolled  for  their  courage  in 
having  undertaken  such  an  enterprise,  and  their  hardihood  in  persist- 
ing in  it  so  far?  As  to  any  complaints  which  the  admiral  might 
make  of  their  returning  against  his  will,  they  would  be  without 
weight;  for  he  was  a  foreigner,  a  man  without  friends  or  influence. 
His  schemes  had  been  condemned  by  the  learned  as  idle  and 
visionary,  and  had  been  discountenanced  by  people  of  all  ranks;  he 
had,  therefore,  no  party  on  his  side;  but  rather  a  large  number  whose 
pride  of  opinion  would  be  gratified  by  his  failure.* 

Such  are  some  of  the  reasonings  by  which  these  men  prepared 
themselves  for  an  open  opposition  to  the  prosecution  of  the  voyage; 
and  when  we  consider  the  natural  fire  of  the  Spanish  character, 
impatient  of  control,  and  the  peculiar  nature  of  these  crews,  com- 
posed in  a  great  part  of  men  sailing  on  compulsion,  we  may  easily 
imagine  the  constant  danger  there  was  of  open  and 'desperate  rebel- 
lion.    Some  there  were  who  did  not  scruple  at  the  most  atrocious 

•  Hist  del  Almirante,  C.  19.    Herrera.  Hist.  Ind.  Decad.  1,  L.  1,  C.  10. 


Ghap.  IV.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  96 

instigations.  They  proposed,  as  a  mode  of  silencing  all  after  com* 
plaints  of  the  admiral,  that  should  he  refuse  to  turn  back,  they  should 
throw  him  into  the  sea,  and  give  out  on  their  arrival  in  Spain,  that 
he  had  fallen  overboard,  while  contemplating  the  stars,  and  the  signs 
of  the  heavens,  with  his  astronomical  instruments;  a  report  which 
no  one  would  have  either  the  inclination  or  the  means  to  controvert.* 

Columbus  was  not  ignorant  of  these  mutinous  intentions,  but  he 
kept  a  serene  and  steady  countenance;  soothing  some  with  gentle 
words,  stimulating  the  pride  or  the  avarice  of  others,  and  openly 
menacing  the  most  refractory  with  signal  punishment,  should  they 
do  any  thing  to  impede  the  voyage. 

On  the  25th  of  September,  the  wind  again  became  favourable,  and 
they  were  able  to  resume  their  course  directly  to  the  west.  The  airs 
being  light,  and  the  sea  calm,  the  vessels  sailed  near  to  each  other, 
and  Columbus  had  much  conversation  with  Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon, 
on  the  subject  of  a  chart  which  the  former  had  sent  three  days  before 
on  board  of  the  Pinta.  Pinzon  thought  that,  according  to  the  indica- 
tions of  the  map,  they  ought  to  be  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Cipango, 
and  the  other  islands  which  the  admiral  had  therein  delineated. 
Columbus  partly  entertained  the  same  idea,  but  thought  it  possible 
that  the  ships  might  have  been  borne  out  of  their  track  by  the  pre- 
valent currents,  or  that  they  had  not  come  so  far  as  the  pilots  had 
reckoned.  He  desired  that  the  chart  might  be  returned,  and  Pin- 
zon, tying  it  to  the  end  of  a  cord,  flung  it  on  board  to  him.  While 
Columbus,  his  pilot,  and  several  of  his  experienced  mariners  were 
studying  the  map,  and  endeavouring  to  make  out  from  it  their  actual 
position,  they  were  aroused  by  a  shout  from  the  Pinta,  and  looking 
up  beheld  Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon  mounted  on  the  stern  of  his  vessel, 
who  cried  with  a  loud  voice,  "Land]  land!  Senor,  I  claim  my 
reward !"  pointing  at  the  same  time  to  the  southwest,  where  there 
was  indeed  an  appearance  of  land  at  about  twenty-five  leagues  dis- 
tance. Upon  this  Columbus  threw  himself  upon  his  knees  and 
returned  thanks  to  God,  and  Martin  Alonzo  repeated  the  Gloria 
in  excelsis,  in  which  he  was  loudly  joined  by  his  own  crew  and  that 
of  the  admiral.f 

The  seamen  now  mounted  to  the  mast  head,  or  climbed  about  the 
rigging,  and  strained  their  eyes  towards  the  southwest:  all  con- 
firmed the  assurance  of  land.  The  conviction  became  so  strong, 
and  the  joy  of  the  people  so  ungovernable,  that  Columbus  found  it 
necessary  to  vary  from  his  usual  course,  and  stand  all  night  to  the 

*  Hist,  del  Almirante,  Cap.  19. 

t  Journal  of  Columb.  primer  viage.    Navarrete,  T.  1. 


M  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  IIL 

southwest.  The  morning  light,  however,  put  an  end  to  all  their 
hopes,  as  to  a  dream.  The  fancied  land  proved  to  be  nothing  but  an 
evening  cloud,  and  had  vanished  in  the  night.  With  dejected  hearts 
they  once  more  resumed  their  western  course,  from  which  Columbus 
would  never  have  varied,  but  in  compliance  with  their  clamorous 
wishes. 

For  several  days  more  they  continued  on  with  the  same  propitious 
breeze,  tranquil  sea,  and  mild,  delightful  weather.  The  water  was  so 
calm  that  the  sailors  amused  themselves  with  swimming  about  the 
vessels.  Dolphins  began  to  abound,  and  flying  fish  darting  into  the 
air  fell  upon  the  decks.  The  continued  signs  of  land  diverted  the 
attention  of  the  crews,  and  insensibly  beguiled  them  onward. 

On  the  first  of  October,  according  to  the  reckoning  of  the  pilot 
of  the  admiral's  ship,  they  had  come  five  hundred  and  eighty  leagues 
west  since  leaving  the  Canary  islands.  The  reckoning  which 
Columbus  showed  the  crew  was  five  hundred  and  eighty  four;  but 
the  real  reckoning  which  he  kept  privately  was  seven  hundred  and 
seven.*  On  the  following  day  the  weeds  floated  from  east  to  west, 
and  on  the  third  day  no  birds  were  to  be  seen. 

The  crews  now  began  to  fear  that  they  had  passed  between 
islands,  from  one  to  the  other  of  which  the  birds  had  been  flying. 
Columbus  had  also  some  doubts  of  the  kind,  but  refused  to  alter  his 
westward  course.  The  people  began  again  to  utter  murmurs  and 
menaces;  but  on  the  following  day  they  were  visited  by  such  flights 
of  birds,  and  the  various  indications  of  land  became  so  numerous, 
that  from  a  state  of  despondency  they  passed  into  one  of  confident 
expectation. 

Eager  to  obtain  the  promised  pension  the  seamen  were  continually 
giving  the  cry  of  land,  on  the  least  appearance  of  the  kind.  To  put 
a  stop  to  these  false  alarms,  which  produced  continual  disappoint- 
ments, Columbus  declared  that  should  any  one  give  such  notice,  and 
land  not  be  discovered  within  three  days  afterwards,  he  should 
thenceforth  forfeit  all  claim  to  the  reward. 

On  the  evening  of  the  6th  of  October,  Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon  be 
gan  to  lose  confidence  in  their  present  course,  and  proposed  that  they 
should  stand  more  to  the  southward.  Columbus  still,  however,  re 
fused,  and  continued  towards  the  west.f  Observing  this  difference 
of  opinion  in  a  person  so  important  in  his  squadron  as  Alonzo  Pin 
zon,  and  fearing  that  chance  or  design  might  scatter  the  ships,  h 
ordered  that,  should  either  of  the  caravels  be  separated  from  him,  i 


*  Navarrete,  T.  1,  p.  16, 

t  Journal  of  Columb.    Navarrete,  T.  I,  p.  17. 


Chap.  IV.J  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  97 

should  stand  to  the  west,  and  endeavour  as  soon  as  possible  to  join 
company  again :  he  directed,  also,  that  the  vessels  should  keep  near 
to  him  at  sunrise  and  sunset,  as  at  these  times  the  state  of  the  atmos- 
phere is  most  favourable  to  the  discovery  of  distant  land. 

On.  the  morning  of  the  7th  of  October,  at  sunrise,  several  of  the 
admiral's  crew  thought  they  beheld  land  in  the  west,  but  so  indis- 
tinctly that  no  one  ventured  to  proclaim  it,  lest  he  should  be  mis- 
taken, and  forfeit  all  chance  of  the  reward ;  the  Nina,  however,  be- 
ing a  good  sailer,  pressed  forward  to  ascertain  the  fact.  In  a  little 
while,  a  flag  was  hoisted  at  her  mast  head,  and  a  gun  discharged, 
being  the  preconcerted  signals  for  land.  New  joy  was  awakened 
throughout  the  little  squadron,  and  every  eye  was  turned  to  the  west 
As  they  advanced,  however,  their  cloud-built  hopes  faded  away,  and 
before  evening  the  fancied  land  had  again  melted  into  air.* 

The  crews  now  sank  into  a  degree  of  dejection  proportioned  to 
their  recent  excitement;  but  new  circumstances  occurred  to  arouse 
them.  Columbus  having  ojDserv^ed  great  flights  of  small  field  birds 
going  towards  the  southwest,  concluded  they  must  be  secure  of 
some  neighbouring  land,  where  they  would  find  food  and  a  resting 
place.  He  knew  the  importance  which  the  Portuguese  voyagers 
attached  to  the  flight  of  birds ;  by  following  which  they  had  dis- 
covered most  of  their  islands.  He  had  now  come  seven  hundred 
and  fifty  leagues,  the  distance  at  which  he  had  computed  to  find  the 
island  of  Cipango;  as  there  was  no  appearance  of  it,  he  might 
have  missed  it  through  some  mistake  in  the  latitude.  He  deter- 
mined, therefore,  on  the  evening  of  the  7th  of  October,  to  alter  his 
course  to  the  west-southwest,  the  direction  in  which  the  birds  gene- 
rally flew,  and  continue  that  direction  for  at  least  two  days.  After 
all,  it  was  no  great  deviation  from  his  main  course,  and  would  meet 
the  wishes  of  the  Pinzons,  as  well  as  be  inspiriting  to  his  followers 
generally. 

For  three  days  they  stood  in  this  direction,  and  the  farther  they 
went  the  more  frequent  and  encouraging  were  the  signs  of  land. 
Flights  of  small  birds  of  various  colours,  some  of  them  such  as  sing 
in  the  fields,  came  flying  about  the  ships,  and  then  continued  to- 
wards the  southwest,  and  others  were  heard  also  flying  by  in  the 
night.  Tunny  fish  played  about  the  smooth  sea,  and  a  heron,  a 
pelican,  and  a  duck,  were  seen  all  bound  in  the  same  direction. 
The  herbage  which  floated  by  the  ships  was  fresh  and  green,  as  if 
recently  from  land,  and  the  air,  Columbus  observes,  was  sweet  and 
frao^rant  as  April  breezes  in  Seville. 


*  Hist,  del  Alrairante,  Cap.  20.     Journ.  of  Columb.  Navarrete,  T.  1. 
Vol.  I.  7  I 


98  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  IlL 

All  these,  however,  were  regarded  by  the  crews  as  so  many  delu- 
sions, beguiling  them  on  to  destruction ;  and  when  on  the  evening 
of  the  third  day  they  beheld  the  sun  go  down  upon  a  shoreless  hori- 
zon, they  broke  forth  into  turbulent  clamour.  They  exclaimed  against 
this  obstinacy  in  tempting  fate,  by  continuing  on  into  a  boundless 
sea.  They  insisted  upon  turning  homeward,  and  abandoning  the 
voyage  as  hopeless.  Columbus  endeavoured  to  pacify  them  by  gen- 
tle words  and  promises  of  large  rewards ;  but  finding  that  they  only 
increased  in  clamour,  he  assumed  a  decided  tone.  He  told  them  it 
was  useless  to  murmur,  the  expedition  had  been  sent  by  the  sove- 
reigns to  seek  the  Indias,  and,  happen  what  might,  he  was  deter- 
mined to  persevere,  until,  by  the  blessing  of  God,  he  should  accom- 
plish the  enterprise.* 


*  Hist,  del  Almirante,  Cap.  20.  Las  Casas,  Hist  Ind.  L.  1.  Journal  of  Columb. 
Navarrete,  CoUec.  T.  1,  p.  19. 

It  has  been  asserted  by  various  historians,  that  Columbus,  a  day  or  two  previous 
to  coming  in  sight  of  the  new  world,  capitulated  with  his  mutinous  crew,  promis 
ing,  if  he  did  not  discover  land  within  three  days,  to  abandon  the  voyage.  There 
is  no  authority  for  such  an  assertion,  either  in  the  history  of  his  son  Fernando,  or 
that  of  the  Bishop  Las  Casas,  each  of  whom  had  the  admiral's  papers  before  him. 
There  is  no  mention  of  such  a  circumstance  in  the  extracts  made  from  the  Journal 
by  Las  Casas,  which  have  recently  been  brought  to  light;  nor  is  it  asserted  by 
either  Peter  Martyr  or  the  curate  of  Los  Palacios,  both  cotemporaries  and  ac- 
quaintances of  Columbus,  and  who  could  scarcely  have  failed  to  mention  so  striking 
a  fact,  if  true.  It  rests  merely  upon  the  authority  of  Oviedo,  who  is  of  inferior  credit 
to  either  of  the  authors  above  cited,  and  was  grossly  misled  as  to  many  of  the  par- 
ticulars of  this  voyage,  by  a  pilot  of  the  name  of  Hernan  Perez  Matheo,  who  was 
hostile  to  Columbus.  In  the  manuscript  process  of  the  .memorable  lawsuit  between 
Don  Diego,  son  of  the  admiral,  and  the  Fiscal  of  the  crown,  is  the  evidence  of  one 
Pedro  de  Bilbao,  who  testifies  that  he  heard  many  times  that  some  of  the  pilots  and 
mariners  wished  to  turn  back,  but  that  the  admiral  promised  them  presents,  and 
entreated  them  to  wait  two  or  three  days,  before  which  time  he  should  discover  land. 
(Pedro  de  Bilbao  oyo  muchas  veces  que  algunos  pilotos  y  marineros  querian  volver- 
se  sino  fuera  por  el  Almirante  que  les  prometio  donos,  les  rogo  esperasen  dos  otros 
dias  i  que  antes  del  termino  descubriera  tierra.)  This,  if  true,  implies  no  capitula- 
tion to  relinquish  the  enterprise. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  was  asserted  by  some  of  the  witnesses  in  the  above  men- 
tioned suit,  that  Columbus,  after  having  proceeded  some  few  hundred  leagues 
without  finding  land,  lost  confidence,  and  wished  to  turn  back,  but  was  persuaded, 
and  even  piqued  to  continue  by  the  Pinzons.  This  assertion  carries  falsehood  ou 
its  very  face.  It  is  in  total  contradiction  to  that  persevering  constancy  and  un- 
daunted resolution  displayed  by  Columbus,  not  merely  in  the  present  voyage,  but 
from  first  to  last,  of  his  difficult  and  dangerous  career.  This  testimony  was  given 
by  some  of  the  mutinous  men,  anxious  to  exaggerate  the  merit  of  the  Pinzons,  and 
to  depreciate  that  of  Columbus.  Fortunately  the  extracts  from  the  journal  of  the 
admiral,  written  from  day  to  day  with  guileless  simplicity,  and  all  the  airof  tiuth, 
disprove  these  fables,  and  show  that  on  the  very  day  previous  to  his  discovervi 


Chap.  IV.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  9^ 

Columbus  was  now  at  open  defiance  with  his  crew,  and  his  situa- 
tion became  desperate.  Fortunately,  however,  the  manifestations  of 
neighbouring  land  were  such  on  the  following  day,  as  no  longer  to 
admit  a  doubt.  Beside  a  quantity  of  fresh  weeds,  such  as  grow  in 
rivers,  they  saw  a  green  fish  of  a  kind  which  keeps  about  rocks ; 
then  a  branch  of  thorn  with  berries  on  it,  and  recently  separated 
from  the  tree,  floated  by  them  ;  then  they  picked  up  a  reed,  a  small 
board,  and  above  all,  a  staflT  artificially  carved.  All  gloom  and  mu- 
tiny now  gave  way  to  sanguine  expectation ;  and  throughout  the 
day  each  one  was  eagerly  on  the  watch,  in  hopes  of  being  the  first 
to  discover  the  long-sought-for  land. 

In  the  evening,  when,  according  to  invariable  custom  on  board  of 
the  admiral's  ship,  the  mariners  had  sung  the  Salve  Regina,  or  ves^ 
per  hymn  to  the  Virgin,  he  made  an  impressive  address  to  his  crew. 
He  pointed  out  the  goodness  of  God  in  thus  conducting  them  by  soft 
and  favouring  breezes  across  a  tranquil  ocean,  <5heering  their  hopes 
continually  with  fresh  signs,  increasing  as  their  fears  augmented, 
and  thus  leading  and  guiding  them  to  a  promised  land.  He  now 
reminded  them  of  the  orders  he  had  given  on  leaving  the  Canaries, 
that  after  sailing  westward  seven  hundred  leagues  they  should  not 
make  sail  after  midnight.  Present  appearances  authorized  such  a 
precaution.  He  thought  it  probable  they  should  make  land  that 
very  night ;  he  ordered,  therefore,  a  vigilant  look  out  to  be  kept  from 
the  forecastle,  promising,  to  whomsoever  should  make  the  discovery, 
a  doublet  of  velvet,  in  addition  to  the  pension  to  be  given  by  the 
sovereigns.* 

The  breeze  had  been  fresh  all  day,  with  more  sea  than  usual,  and 
they  had  made  great  progress.  At  sunset  they  had  stood  again  to 
the  west,  and  were  ploughing  the  waves  at  a  rapid  rate,  the  Pinta 
keeping  the  lead  from  her  superior  sailing.  The  greatest  animation 
prevailed  throughout  the  ships ;  not  an  eye  was  closed  that  night. 
As  the  evening  darkened,  Columbus  took  his  station  on  the  top  of 


I 


he  expressed  a  peremptory  determination  to  persevere,  in  defiance  of  all  dangers 
and  difficulties. 

It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  on  the  evening  of  the  seventh  of  October,  before 
Columbus  changed  his  course  to  the  west-southwest,  he  was,  according  to  modem 
calculations  saiUng  along  the  twenty-sixth  degree  of  north  latitude,  nearly  due 
west.  This  would  have  taken  him  among  the  northern  Lucayos  or  Bahama  Islands, 
or  rather,  with  the  influence  of  the  gulf  stream,  would  have  carried  him  at  once  to 
the  eastern  coast  of  Florida.  Thus  the  whole  course  of  Spanish  discovery  might 
have  taken  a  direction  along  the  Atlantic  shores  of  North  America,  and  a  Span- 
ish population  have  been  given  to  the  present  territories  of  the  United  States. 

*  Hist  del  Almirante,  C.  21. 


100  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  HI. 

the  castle  or  cabin  on  the  high  poop  of  his  vessel  However  he 
might  carry  a  cheerful  and  confident  countenance  during  the  day,  it 
was  to  him  a  time  of  the  most  painful  anxiety^  and  now  when  he 
was  wrapped  by  the  shades  of  night  from  observation,  he  maintained 
an  intense  and  unremitting  watch,  ranging  his  eye  along  the  dusky 
horizon,  in  search  of  the  most  vague  indication  of  land.  Suddenly, 
about  ten  o'clock,  he  thought  he  beheld  a  light  glimmering  at  a 
distance.  Fearing  that  his  eager  hopes  might  deceive  him,  he 
called  to  Pedro  Gutierrez,  gentleman  of  the  king's  bed-chamber,  and 
demanded  whether  he  saw  a  light  in  that  direction  ;  the  latter  re- 
plied in  the  affirmative.  Columbus,  yet  doubtful  whether  it  might 
not  be  some  delusion  of  the  fancy,  called  Rodrigo  Sanchez  of  Sego- 
via, and  made  the  same  inquiry.  By  the  time  the  latter  had  ascend- 
ed the  round  house,  the  light  had  disappeared.  They  saw  it  once 
or  twice  afterwards  in  sudden  and  passing  gleams,  as  if  it  were  a 
torch  in  the  bark  of  a  fisherman,  rising  and  sinking  with  the  waves 
or  in  the  hand  of  some  person  on  shore,  borne  up  and  down  as  he 
walked  from  house  to  house.  So  transient  and  uncertain  were  these 
gleams,  that  few  attached  any  importance  to  them.  Columbus^ 
however,  considered  them  as  certain  signs  of  land,  and  moreover  that 
the  land  was  inhabited. 

They  continued  their  course  until  two  in  the  morning,  when  a 
gun  from  the  Pinta  gave  the  joyful  signal  of  land.  It  was  first 
descried  by  a  mariner  named  Rodrigo  de  Triana ;  but  the  reward 
was  afterwards  adjudged  to  the  admiral,,  for  having  previously  per- 
ceived the  light.  The  land  was  now  clearly  seen  about  two  leagues 
distant,  whereupon  they  took  in  sail,  and  laid  to,  waiting  impatiently 
for  the  dawn. 

The  thoughts  and  feelings  of  Columbus,  in  thi«  little  space  of 
time  must  have  been  tumultuous  and  intense.  At  length,  in  spite  of 
every  difficulty  and  danger,  he  had  accomplished  his  object.  The 
great  mystery  of  the  ocean  was  revealed ;  his  theory,  which  had 
been  the  scoff*  even  of  sages,  was  triumphantly  established ;  he  had 
secured  to  himself  a  glory  which  must  be  as  durable  as  the  world 
itself. 

It  is  difficult  even  for  the  imagination  to.  conceive  the  feelings  oi 
such  a  man,  at  the  moment  of  so  sublime  a  discovery.  What  a  he- 
wildering  crowd  of  conjectures  must  have  thronged  upon  his  mindy 
as  to  the  land  which  lay  before  him,  covered  with  darkness !  That 
it  was  fruitful,  was  evident  from  the  vegetables  which  floated  from  its 
shores.  He  thought,  too,  that  he  perceived  in  the  balmy  air  the  fra- 
grance of  aromatic  groves.     The  moving  light  which  he  had  beheld 


Chap.  IV.J  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS  lOi 

had  proved  that  it  was  the  residence  of  man.  But  what  were  its  in- 
habitants ?  Were  they  Hke  those  of  the  other  parts  of  the  globe ;  or 
were  they  some  strange  and  monstrous  race,  such  as  the  imagination 
in  those  times  was  prone  to  give  to  all  remote  and  unknown  regions  ? 
Had  he  come  upon  some  wild  island  far  in  the  Indian  sea ;  or  was 
this  the  famed  Cipango  itself,  the  object  of  his  golden  fancies  ?  A 
thousand  speculations  of  the  kind  must  have  swarmed  upon  him,  as 
with  his  anxious  crews,  he  waited  for  the  night  to  pass  away ;  won- 
dering whether  the  morning  light  would  reveal  a  savage  wilderness, 
or  dawn  upon  spicy  groves,  and  glittering  fanes,  and  gilded  cities, 
and  all  the  splendour  of  oriental  civilization. 

12 


LIFE   AND  VOYAGES 

OF 

CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS. 


BOOK  IV. 


CHAPTER  I. 

riRST   LANDING    OF   COLUMBUS    IN    THE    NEW   WORLD. 
[  1492.  ] 

The  morning  dawned  that  was  to  give  Columbus  the  first  view  of  the 
new  world.  As  obj ects  gradually  became  visible  he  beheld  before  him 
a  level  and  beautiful  island  several  leagues  in  extent,  of  great  fresh- 
ness and  verdure,  and  covered  with  trees  like  a  continual  orchard. 
Though  every  thing  appeared  in  the  wild  luxuriance  of  untamed  na- 
ture, yet  the  island  was  evidently  populous,  for  the  inhabitants  were 
seen  issuing  from  the  woods,  and  running  from  all  parts  to  the  shore, 
where  they  stood  gazing  at  the  ships.  They  were  all  perfectly 
naked,  and  from  their  attitudes  and  gestures  appeared  to  be  lost  in 
astonishment.  Columbus  made  signal  for  the  ships  to  cast  anchor, 
and  the  boats  to  be  manned  and  armed.  He  entered  his  own  boat 
richly  attired  in  scarlet,  and  bearing  the  royal  standard;  whilst 
Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon,  and  Vincent  Yanez  his  brother,  put  off  in 
company  in  their  boats,  each  bearing  the  banner  of  the  enterprise 
emblazoned  with  a  green  cross,  having  on  each  side  the  letters  F 
and  Y.  surmounted  by  crowns,  the  initials  of  the  Castilian  monarchs 
Fernando  and  Ysabel. 

As  they  approached  the  shores,  they  were  refreshed  by  the  sight 
of  the  ample  forests,  which  in  those  climates  have  extraordinary 
beauty  of  vegetation.  They  beheld  fruits  of  tempting  hue,  but 
unknown  kind,  growing  among  the  trees  which  overhung  the  shores. 
The  purity  and  suavity  of  the  atmosphere,  the  crystal  transparency 
of  the  seas  which  bathe  these  islands,  give  them  a  wonderful  beauty, 
and  must  have  had  their  effect  upon  the  susceptible  feelings  of  Co- 
lumbus.    No  sooner  did  he  land,  than  he  threw  himself  upon  his 


Chap.  L]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  103 

knees,  kissed  the  earth,  and  returned  thanks  to  God  with  tears  of 
joy.  His  example  was  followed  by  the  rest,  whose  hearts  indeed 
overflowed  with  the  same  feelings  of  gratitude,  Columbus  then 
rising  drew  his  sword,  displayed  the  royal  standard,  and  assembling 
round  him  the  two  captains,  with  Rodrigo  de  Escobedo,  notary  of 
the  armament,  Rodrigo  Sanchez,  and  the  rest  who  had  landed,  he 
took  solemn  possession  in  the  name  of  the  Castilian  sovereigns, 
giving  the  island  the  name  of  San  Salvador.  It  was  on  the  morning 
of  Friday  12th  of  October  that  this  memorable  event  took  place. 
Having  complied  with  the  requisite  forms  and  ceremonies,  Co- 
lumbus called  upon  all  present  to  take  the  oath  of  obedience  to  him, 
,as  admiral  and  viceroy,  representing  the  persons  of  the  sovereigns.* 

The  feelings  of  the  crew  now  burst  forth  in  the  most  extravagant 
transports.  They  had  recently  considered  themselves  devoted  men, 
hurrying  forward  to  destruction ;  they  now  looked  upon  themselves 
as  favourites  of  fortune,  and  gave  themselves  up  to  the  most  un- 
bounded joy.  They  thronged  around  the  admiral  in  their  overflow- 
ing zeal.  Some  embraced  him,  others  kissed  his  hands.  Those  who 
had  been  most  mutinous  and  turbulent  during  the  voyage,  were  now 
most  devoted  and  enthusiastic.  Some  begged  favours  of  him,  as  of  a 
man  who  had  already  wealth  and  honours  in  his  gift.  Many  abject 
spirits,  who  had  outraged  him  by  their  insolence,  now  crouched  as  it 
Were  at  his  feet,  begging  pardon  for  all  the  trouble  they  had  caused  him, 
and  offering  for  the  future  the  blindest  obedience  to  his  commands,  t 

The  natives  of  the  island,  when,  at  the  dawn  of  day  they  had 
beheld  the  ships,  with  their  sails  set,  hovering  on  their  coast,  had 
supposed  them  some  monsters  which  had  issued  from  the  deep  during 
the  night.  They  had  crowded  to  the  beach,  and  watched  their 
movements  with  awful  anxiety.  Their  veering  about,  apparently 
without  effort;  the  shifting  and  furling  of  their  sails,  resembling 
huge  wings,  filled  them  with  astonishment.  When  they  beheld  the 
ooats  approacn  the  shore,  and  a  number  of  strange  beings  clad  in 
glittering  steel,  or  raiment  of  various  colours,  landing  upon  the 
beach,  they  fled  in  affright  to  their  woods.     Finding,  however,  that 


*  In  the  Tablas  Chronologicas  of  Padre  Claudio  Clemente,  is  conserved  a  fonn 
of  prayer,  said  to  hare  been  used  by  Columbus  on  this  occasion,  and  which,  by 
order  of  the  Castilian  sovereigns,  was  afterwards  used  by  Balboa,  Cortez  and  Pi- 
zarro  in  their  discoveries.  "  Domine  Deus  seterne  et  omnipotens,  sacro  tuo  verbo 
ccelum,  et terram,  etmare creasti ;  benedicatur el  glorificetur nomen tuum,  laudetui 
tua  majestas,  quae  dignata  est  per  humilem  servum  tuum,  ut  ejus  sacrum  nomen 
agnoscatur,  et  praedicetur  in  hac  altera  mundi  parte."  Tab.  Chron.  de  los  Descub. 
Decad.  1.  Valencia,  1689. 

tOviedo,  L.  1.  Cap.  6.    Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.  L.  1  C  40. 


104  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book.  IV. 

there  was  no  attempt  to  pursue,  or  molest  them,  tney  gradually 
recovered  from  their  terror,  and  approached  the  Spaniards  with  great 
awe;  frequently  prostrating  themselves  on  the  earth,  and  making 
signs  of  adoration.  During  the  ceremonies  of  taking  possession, 
they  remained  gazing  in  timid  admiration  at  the  complexion,  the 
beards,  the  shining  armour,  and  splendid  dresses  of  the  Spaniards. 
The  admiral  particularly  attracted  their  attention,  from  his  com- 
manding height,  his  air  of  authority,  his  dress  of  scarlet,  and  the 
deference  which  was  paid  him  by  his  companions ;  all  which  pointed 
him  out  to  be  the  commander.*  When  they  had  still  further  re- 
covered from  their  fears,  they  approached  the  Spaniards,  touched 
their  beards,  and  examined  their  hands  and  faces,  admiring  their 
whiteness.  Columbus,  pleased  with  their  simplicity,  their  gentle- 
ness, and  the  confidence  they  reposed  in  beings  who  must  have  ap- 
peared to  them  so  strange  and  formidable,  suffered  their  scrutiny 
with  perfect  acquiescence.  The  wondering  savages  were  won  by 
this  benignity ;  they  now  supposed  that  the  ships  had  sailed  out  of 
the  crystal  firmament  which  bounded  their  horizon,  or  that  they  had 
descended  from  above  on  their  ample  wings,  and  that  these  marvel- 
lous beings  were  inhabitants  of  the  skies. f 

The  natives  of  the  island  were  no  less  objects  of  curiosity  to  the 
Spaniards,  differing  as  they  did  from  any  race  of  men  they  had  ever 
seen.  Their  appearance  gave  no  promise  of  either  wealth  or  civili- 
zation, for  they  were  entirely  naked,  and  painted  with  a  variety  of 
colours.  With  some  it  was  confined  merely  to  a  part  of  the  face, 
the  nose,  or  around  the  eyes;  with  others  it  extended  to  the  whole 
body,  and  gave  them  a  wild  and  fantastic  appearance.  Their  com- 
plexion was  of  a  tawny  or  copper  hue,  and  they  were  entirely  desti- 
tute of  beards.  Their  hair  was  not  crisped  like  the  recently  dis- 
covered tribes  of  the  African  coast,  under  the  same  latitude,  but 
straight  and  coarse,  partly  cut  short  above  the  ears,  but  some  locks 
left  long  behind  and  falling  upon  their  shoulders.  Their  features, 
though  obscured  and  disfigured  by  paint,  were  agreeable;  they  had 
lofty  foreheads  and  remarkably  fine  eyes.  They  were  of  moderate 
stature,  and  well  shaped;  most  of  them  appeared  to  be  under  thirty 
years  of  age;  there  was  but  one  female  with  them,  quite  young, 
naked  like  her  companions,  and  beautifully  formed. 


•  Las  Casas.  ubi  sup. 
'  t  The  idea  that  the  white  men  came  f>om  hf -aven  was  universally  entertained  by 
the  inhabitants  of  the  new  world.  When  in  the  course  of  subsequent  voyages, 
the  Spaniards  conversed  with  the  Cacique  Nicaragua,  he  inquired  how  they  eame 
down  from  the  skies,  whether  flying,  or  whether  they  descended  on  clouds,  Her- 
rera,  Decad.  3,  L.  4,  C.  5. 


CSAP.  I.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  105 

As  Columbus  supposed  himself  to  have  landed  on  an  island  at  the 
extremity  of  India,  he  called  the  natives  by  the  general  appellation 
of  Indians,  which  was  universally  adopted,  before  the  true  nature  of 
his  discovery  was  known,  and  has  ever  since  been  extended  to  all 
the  aboriginals  of  the  new  world. 

The  Spaniards  soon  discovered  that  these  islanders  were  friendly 
and  gentle  in  their  dispositions,  and  extremely  simple  and  artless. 
Their  only  arms  were  lances,  hardened  at  the  end  by  fire,  or  pointed 
with  a  flint,  or  the  tooth  or  bone  of  a  fish.  There  was  no  iron  to  be 
seen  among  them,  nor  did  they  appear  acquainted  with  its  proper- 
ties; for  when  a  drawn  sword  was  presented  to  them,  they  unguard- 
edly took  it  by  the  edge. 

Columbus  distributed  among  them  coloured  caps,  glass  bead^ 
hawks'  bells,  and  other  trifles,  such  as  the  Portuguese  were  accus- 
tomed to  trade  with  among  the  nations  of  the  gold  coast  of  Africa. 
These  they  received  as  inestimable  gifts,  hanging  the  beads  round 
their  necks,  and  being  wonderfully  delighted  with  their  finery,  and 
with  the  sound  of  the  bells.  The  Spaniards  remained  all  day  on 
shore,  refreshing  themselves  after  their  anxious  voyage,  amidst  the 
beautiful  groves  of  the  island ;  they  did  not  return  to  their  ships  until 
late  in  the  evening,  delighted  with  all  that  they  had  seen. 

On  the  following  morning,  at  break  of  day,  the  shore  was  thronged 
with  the  natives,  who  having  lost  all  dread  of  what  at  first  appeared 
to  be  monsters  of  the  deep,  came  swimming  off  to  the  ships ;  others 
came  in  ligl^t  barks  which  they  called  canoes,  formed. of  a  single 
tree,  hollowed  and  capable  of  holding  from  one  man  to  the  number 
of  forty  or  fifty.  These  they  managed  dexterously  with  paddles^ 
and,  if  overturned,  swam  about  in  the  water  with  perfect  unconcern, 
as  if  in  their  natural  element,  righting  their  canoes  with  great 
facility,  and  bailing  them  with  calabashes.* 

They  showed  great  eagerness  to  procure  more  of  the  toys  and 
trinkets  of  the  white  men,  not  apparently  from  any  idea  of  their  in- 
trinsic value,  but  because  every  thing  from  the  hands  of  the  strangers 
possessed  a  supernatural  virtue  in  their  eyes,  as  having  been  brought 
with  them  from  heaven;  they  even  picked  up  fragments  of  glass  and 
earthenware  as  valuable  prizes.  They  had  but  few  objects  to  offer 
in  return,  except  parrots,  of  which  great  numbers  were  domesticated 
among  them,  and  cotton  yarn,  of  which  they  had  abundance,  and 
would  exchange  large  balls  of  five  and  twenty  pounds'  weight  for 

*  The  calabashes  of  the  Indians,  which  served  the  purposes  of  glass  and  earthen 
ware,  supplying  them  with  all  sorts  of  domestic  utensils,  were  produced  on  stately 
trees  of  the  size  of  elms. 


106  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  IV. 

the  merest  trifle.  They  brought  also  cakes  of  a  kind  of  bread  called 
cassava,  which  constituted  a  principal  part  of  their  food,  and  was 
afterwards  an  important  article  of  provisions  with  the  Spaniards. 
It  was  formed  from  a  great  root  called  juca,  which  they  cultivated 
in  fields.  This  they  cut  into  small  morsels,  which  they  grated 
or  scraped  and  strained  in  a  press,  making  it  into  a  broad  thin  cake, 
which  was  afterwards  dried  hard,  and  would  keep  for  a  long  time, 
and  had  to  be  steeped  in  water  when  eaten.  It  was  insipid  but 
noui'ishing,  though  the  water  strained  from  it  in  the  preparation  was 
a  deadly  poison.  There  was  another  kind  of  yuca,  destitute  of  this 
poisonous  quality,  which  was  eaten  in  the  root,  either  boiled  or 
roasted.* 

The  avarice  of  the  discoverers  was  quickly  excited  by  the  sight  of 
small  ornaments  of  gold,  which  some  of  the  natives  wore  in  their 
noses.  These  the  latter  gladly  exchanged  for  glass  beads  and 
hawks'  bells;  and  both  parties  exulted  in  the  bargain,  no  doubt  ad 
miring  each  others'  simphcity.  As  gold,  however,  was  an  object  of 
royal  monopoly  in  all  enterprises  of  discovery,  Columbus  forbade  any 
traffic  in  it  without  his  express  sanction ;  and  he  put  the  same  pro 
hibition  on  the  traffic  for  cotton,  reserving  to  the  crown  all  trade  for 
it,  wherever  it  should  be  found  in  any  quantity. 

He  inquired  of  the  natives  where  this  gold  was  procured.  They 
answered  him  by  signs,  pointing  to  the  south ;  and  he  understood 
them  that  in  that  quarter  there  was  a  king  of  great  wealth,  in  so 
much  that  he  was  served  in  great  vessels  of  wrought  gold.  He 
understood  also  that  there  was  land  to  the  south,  the  southwest,  and 
the  northwest;  and  that  the  people  from  the  latter  frequently  pro- 
ceeded to  the  southwest  in  quest  of  gold  and  precious  stones,  and  in 
their  way  made  descents  upon  the  island,  carrying  off  the  inhabit- 
ants. Several  of  the  natives  showed  him  the  scars  of  wounds, 
which  they  informed  him  they  had  received  in  battles  with  these 
invaders.  It  is  evident  that  a  great  part  of  this  fancied  intelli- 
gence was  the  mere  construction  of  the  hopes  and  wishes  of  Co- 
lumbus; for  he  was  under  a  spell  of  the  imagination,  which  gave  its 
own  shapes  and  colours  to  every  object.  He  was  persuaded  that  he 
had  arrived  among  those  islands  described  by  Marco  Polo  as  lying 
opposite  Cathay,  in  the  Chinese  sea,  and  he  construed  every  thing 
to  accord  with  the  account  given  of  those  opulent  regions.  Thus, 
the  enemies,  which  the  natives  spoke  of  as  coming  from  the  north- 
west, he  concluded  to  be  the  people  of  the  main  land  of  Asia,  the 
subjects  of  the  great  Khan  of  Tartary,  who  were  represented  by  the 

,  ♦  Acosta,  Hist.  Ind.  L,  4,  C.  17. 


Chap.  I.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  107 

Venetian  traveller  as  accustomed  to  make  war  upon  the  islands,  and 
to  enslave  their  inhabitants.  The  country  to  the  south,  abounding 
in  gold,  could  be  no  other  than  the  famous  island  of  Cipango;  and 
the  king  who  was  served  out  of  vessels  of  gold  ,must  be  the  mo- 
narch whose  magnificent  city  and  gorgeous  palace,  covered  with 
plates  of  gold,  had  been  extolled  in  such  splendid  terms  by  Marco 
Polo. 

The  island  where  Columbus  had  thus  for  the  first  time  set  his  foot 
upon  the  new  world,  was  called  by  the  natives  Guanahani.  It  still 
retains  the  name  of  San  Salvador,  which  he  gave  to  it,  though 
called  by  the  English  Cat  Island.*  ^  The  light  which  he  had  seen 
the  evening  previous  to  his  making  land,  may  have  been  on  Wat- 
ling's  island,  which  lies  a  few  leagues  to  the  east.  San  Salvador  is 
one  of  the  great  cluster  of  the  Lucayos  or  Bahama  Islands,  which 
stretch  southeast  and  northwest,  from  the  coast  of  Florida  to  His- 
paniola,  covering  the  northern  coast  of  Cuba. 

On  the  morning  of  the  14th  of  October  the  admiral  set  off  at 
daybreak  with  the  boats  of  the  ships  to  reconnoitre  the  island, 
directing  his  course  to  the  northeast.  The  coast  was  surrounded  by 
a  reef  of  rocks,  within  which  there  was  depth  of  water  and  suffi- 
cient harbour  to  receive  all  the  ships  in  Christendom.  The  entrance 
was  very  narrow;  within  there  were  several  sand  banks,  but  the 
water  was  as  still  as  in  a  pool.f 

The  island  appeared  throughout  to  be  well  wooded,  with  streams 
of  water,  and  a  large  lake  in  the  centre.  As  the  boats  proceeded, 
they  passed  two  or  three  villages,  the  inhabitants  of  which,  men  as 
well  as  women,  ran  to  the  shores,  throwing  themselves  on  the  ground, 
lifting  up  their  hands  and  eyes,  either  giving  thanks  to  heaven,  or 
worshipping  the  Spaniards  as  supernatural  beings.  They  ran  along 
parallel  to  the  boats,  calling  after  the  Spaniards,  and  inviting  them 
by  signs  to  land,  offering  them  various  fruits  and  vessels  of  water. 
Finding  however  that  the  boats  continued  on  their  course  many 
of  the  Indians  threw  themselves  intb  the  sea  and  swam  after  them, 
and  others  followed  in  canoes.  The  admiral  received  them  all  with 
kindness  and  caresses,  giving  them  glass  beads  and  other  trifles, 
which  were  received  with  transport  as  celestial  presents,  for  the 
invariable  idea  of  the  savages  was,  that  the  white  men  had  come 
from  the  skies. 


•  Some  dispute  having  recently  arisen  as  to  the  island  on  which  Columbus  first 
landed,  the  reader  is  referred  for  a  discussion  of  this  question  to  the  illustration  of 
tkis  work,  article,  "  First  landing  of  Columbus." 

t  Primer  viage  de  Colon.    Navarrete,  T.  1. 


108  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  IV. 

In  this  way  they  pursued  their  course,  until  they  came  to  a  small 
peninsula,  which  in  two  or  three  days  might  be  separated  from  the 
main  land  and  surrounded  with  water,  and  which  was  therefore 
specified  by  Columbus  as  an  excellent  situation  for  a  fortress.  On 
this  there  were  six  Indian  cabins,  surrounded  by  groves  and  gardens 
as  beautiful  as  those  of  Castile,  The  sailors  being  wearied  with 
rowing,  and  the  island  not  appearing  to  the  admiral  of  sufficient 
importance  to  induce  colonization,  he  returned  to  the  ships,  taking 
seven  of  the  natives  with  him,  that  they  might  acquire  the  Spanish 
language  and  serve  as  interpreters. 

Having  taken  in  a  supply  (jf  wood  and  water,  they  left  the  island 
of  San  Salvador  the  same  evening,  the  admiral  being  impatient  to 
prosecute  his  discoveries,  so  satisfactorily  commenced,  and  above  all 
to  arrive  at  the  wealthy  country  to  the  south,  which  he  flattered 
himself  would  prove  the  famous  island  of  Cipango. 


CHAPTER  11. 

CRUISE    AMONG    THE    BAHAMA    ISLANDS. 
[1492.] 

On  leaving  San  Salvador,  Columbus  was  at  a  loss  which  way  to 
direct  his  course.  He  beheld  a  great  number  of  beautiful  islands, 
green  and  level  and  fertile,  inviting  him  in  different  directions. 
The  Indians  on  board  of  his  vessel,  intimated  by  signs  that  they 
were  innumerable,  well  peopled,  and  at  war  with  one  another.  They 
mentioned  the  names  of  above  a  hundred.  Columbus  now  had  no 
longer  a  doubt  that  he  was  among  those  islands  described  by  Marco 
Polo  as  studding  the  vast  sea  of  Chin  or  China,  and  lying  at  a  great 
distance  from  the  main  land.  These,  according  to  the  Venetian, 
amounted  to  between  seven  and  eight  thousand,  and  abounded  with 
drugs  and  spices  and  odoriferous  trees;  together  with  gold  and 
silver  and  many  other  precious  objects  of  commerce.* 

Animated  by  the  idea  of  exploring  this  opulent  archipelago,  he 
selected  the  largest  island  in  sight  for  his  next  visit;  it  appeared  to 

•  Marco  Polo,  Book  3,  Chap.  4.    Eng.  translation  by  W.  Marsden, 


Ohap.  II.3  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  109 

be  almost  five  leagues  distant,  and  he  understood  from  his  Indians 
that  the  natives  were  richer  than  those  of  San  Salvador,  wearing 
bracelets,  and  anklets,  and  other  ornaments  of  massive  gold. 

The  night  coming  on,  Columbus  ordered  that  the  ships  should  lie 
to,  as  the  navigation  was  difficult  and  dangerous  among  this  group 
of  unknown  islands,  and  he  feared  to  venture  upon  a  strange  coast 
in  the  dark.  In  the  morning  they  again  made  sail,  but  met  with 
counter  currents,  which  delayed  their  progress,  so  that  it  was  not 
until  sundown  that  they  anchored  at  the  island.  The  next  morning 
(16th)  they  went  on  shore,  and  Columbus  took  solemn  possession; 
giving  the  island  the  name  of  Santa  Maria  de  la  Concepcion. 
The  same  scene  occurred  with  the  inhabitants  as  with  those 
of  San  Salvador.  They  manifested  the  same  astonishment  and 
awe;  the  same  gentleness  and  simplicity,  and  the  same  nakedness 
and  absence  of  all  wealth.  Columbus  looked  in  vain  for  bracelets 
and  anklets  of  gold,  or  for  any  other  precious  articles;  they  had  been 
either  fictions  of  his  Indian  guides,  or  his  own  misinterpretations. 

Finding  that  there  was  nothing  in  this  island  to  induce  delay,  he 
returned  on  board,  and  prepared  to  make  sail  for  another,  and  much 
larger  one,  which  lay  to  the  west.  At  this  time  one  of  the  Indians 
of  San  Salvador,  who  was  on  board  of  the  Nina,  seeing  himself 
about  to  be  borne  away  from  his  home  by  these  strangers,  plunged 
into  the  sea,  and  swam  to  a  large  canoe  filled  with  natives.  The 
boat  of  the  caravel  put  off  in  pursuit,  but  the  Indians  skimmed  the 
surface  of  the  sea  in  their  light  bark  with  too  much  velocity  to  be 
overtaken,  and  reaching  the  land  fled  like  wild  deer  to  the  woods. 
The  sailors  took  the  canoe  as  a  prize,  and  returned  on  board  of  the 
caravel.  Shortly  afterwards  a  small  canoe  approached  one  of  the 
ships,  from  a  different  part  of  the  island,  with  a  single  Indian  on 
board,  who  came  to  offer  a  ball  of  cotton  in  exchange  for  hawks' 
bells.  As  he  paused  when  close  to  the  vessel,  and  feared  to  enter, 
several  sailors  threw  themselves  into  the  sea  and  took  him  prisoner. 

Columbus  was  extremely  desirous  of  dispelling  any  terror  and  dis- 
trust that  might  have  been  awakened  in  the  island  by  the  pursuit 
of  the  fugitives,  or  by  the  representations  of  the  Indian  guide  who 
had  escaped,  considering  it  of  the  utmost  importance  to  conciliate 
the  good  will  of  the  natives  for  the  benefit  of  future  voyagers. 
Having  seen  all  that  had  passed  from  his  station  on  the  high  poop 
of  the  vessel,  he  ordered  the  captive  to  be  brought  to  him.  The  poor 
Indian  was  led  trembling  with  fear,  and  humbly  offered  his  ball 
of  cotton  as  a  gift.  The  admiral  received  him  with  the  utmost 
benignity,  and  declining  his  offering,  put  a  coloured  cap  upon  his 
head,  strings  of  green  beads  around  his  arms,  and  hawks'  bells  in  his 

K 


110  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  IV 

ears,  then  ordering  him  and  his  ball  of  cotton  to  be  Replaced  in  the 
canoe,  dismissed  him  astonished  and  overjoyed.  He  ordered  that 
the  other  canoe  also  which  had  been  seized  and  which  was  fastened 
to  the  Nina  should  be  cast  loose,  to  be  regained  by  its  proprietors. 
When  the  Indian  reached  the  shore,  Columbus  could  see  his  country- 
men thronging  round  him,  examining  and  admiring  his  finery,  and 
listening  to  his  account  of  the  kind  treatment  he  had  experienced. 

Such  were  the  gentle  and  sage  precautions  continually  taken  by 
Columbus,  to  impress  the  natives  with  a  favourable  opinion  of  the 
white  men.  Another  instance  of  the  kind  occurred  after  his  leaving 
the  Island  of  Conception,  when  he  stood  for  the  larger  island,  which 
lay  several  leagues  to  the  west.  When  midway  across  the  gulf 
which  separated  the  two  islands,  they  overtook  a  single  Indian  in  a 
canoe.  He  had  a  mere  morsel  of  cassava  bread,  and  a  calabash 
of  water  for  his  sea  store,  and  a  little  red  paint,  like  dragon's  blood, 
for  his  personal  decoration,  when  he  should  land.  They  found  also 
a  string  of  glass  beads  upon  him,  such  as  they  had  given  to  the 
natives  of  San  Salvador,  which  showed  that  he  had  come  from 
thence,  and  was  probably  passing  from  island  to  island,  to  give  notice 
of  the  ships.  Columbus  admired  the  hardihood  of  this  simple  navi- 
gator, making  such  an  extensive  voyage  in  so  frail  a  bark.  As  the 
island  was  still  distant,  he  ordered  that  both  the  Indian  and  his 
canoe  should  be  taken  onboard,  where  he  treated  him  with  the  great- 
est kindness,  giving  him  bread  and  honey  to  eat,  and  v/ine  to  drink 
The  weather  being  very  calm,  they  did  not  reach  the  island  until  too 
dark  to  anchor,  through  fear  of  cutting  their  cables  with  rocks. 
The  sea  about  these  islands  was  so  transparent,  that  in  the  day  time 
they  could  see  the  bottom  and  choose  their  ground ;  and  so  deep, 
that  at  two  gunshot  distance  there  was  no  anchorage.  Hoisting  out 
the  canoe  of  their  Indian  voyager,  therefore,  and  restoring  to  him  all 
his  effects,  they  sent  him  joyfully  to  shore  to  prepare  the  natives  for 
their  arrival,  while  the  ships  lay  to  until  morning. 

The  benevolent  treatment  of  the  poor  Indian  had  the  desired  effect; 
the  natives  came  in  their  canoes  during  the  night,  eager  to  see  these 
wonderful  and  benignant  strangers.  They  surrounded  the  ships, 
bringing  whatever  their  island  afforded,  fruits  and  roots,  and  the 
pure  water  from  their  springs.  Columbus  distributed  trifling  pre- 
sents among  them,  and  to  those  who  came  on  board  he  gave  sugar 
and  honey. 

Landing  the  next  morning,  he  gave  to  this  island  the  name  of 
Fernandina,  in  honour  of  the  king ;  it  is  the  same  at  present  called 
Exuma.  The  inhabitants  were  similar  in  every  respect  to  thos« 
of  the  preceding  islands,  excepting  that  they  appeared  more  inge- 


Chap,  fl.}  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  IM 

nious  and  intelligent  Some  of  the  women  wore  scanty  coverings 
or  aprons  of  cotton,  and  others  had  mantles  of  the  same,  but  for  the 
most  part  they  were  entirely  naked.  Their  habitations  were  very 
simple,  being  in  the  form  of  a  paviHon  or  high  circular  tent,  con- 
structed of  branches  of  trees,  of  reeds  and  palm  leaves.  They  were 
kept  very  clean  and  neat,  and  sheltered  under  beautiful,  aud  spreading 
trees.  For  beds,  they  had  nets  of  cotton,  extended  from  two  posts, 
which  they  called  kamacs,  a  name  since  adopted  into  universal  iise 
among  seamen. 

In  endeavouring  to  circumnavigate  the  Island,  within  two  leagues 
of  the  northwest  cape,  Columbus  found  a  noble  harbourj  sufficient 
to  hold  a  hundred  ships,  with  two  entrances  formed  by  an  island 
which  lay  in  the  mouth  of  it.  Here,  while  the  men  landed  with  tho 
casks,  in  search  of  water,  he  refreshed  himself  imder  the  shade  of 
the  groves,  which  he  says  were  more  beautiful  than  any  he  had  ever 
beheld:  ''the  country  was  as  fresh  and  green  as  the  month  of  May 
in  Andalusia;  the  trees,  the  fruits,  the  herbs,  the  flowers,  the  very 
stones,  for  the  most  part,  as  different  from  those  of  Spain,  as  nigl^t; 
from  day."*  The  inhabitants  gave  the  same  proofs  as  the  other 
islanders,  of  being  totally  unaccustomed  to  the  sight  of  civilized  man. 
They  regarded  the  Spaniards  with  awe  and  admiration;  approached 
them  with  propitiatory  offerings  of  whatever  their  poverty  or  rather 
their  simple  and  natural  mode  of  life  afforded;  the  fruits  of  their 
fields  and  groves,  the  cotton  which  was  their  article  of  greatest  value, 
and  their  domesticated  parrots.  When  the  Spaniards  landed  in 
search  of  water  they  took  them  to  the  coolest  springs,  the  sweetest 
and  freshest  runs,  filling  their  casks,  rolling  them  to  the  boats,  aiul 
seeking  in  every  way  to  gratify  their  celestial  visiters. 

However  this  state  of  primeval  poverty  might  have  pleased  ir.f 
imagination  of  a  poet,  it  was  a  source  of  continual  disappointmeiji; 
to  the  Spaniards,  whose  avarice  had  been  whetted  to  the  quick  by  tn« 
scanty  specimens  of  gold  which  they  had  met  with,  and  by  the  infor- 
mation of  golden  islands  continually  given  by  the  Indians. 

Leaving  Fernandina  on  the  19th  of  October,  they  steered  to  the 
southeast  in  quest  of  an  island  called  Saometo,  where  Columbus 
understood,  from  the  signs  of  the  guides,  that  there  was  a  mine 
of  gold,  and  a  king  who  dwelt  in  a  large  city  and  possessed  great 
treasures,  wearing  rich  clothing  and  jewels  of  gold,  and  being 
sovereign  of  all  the  surrounding  islands.  They  found  the  island, 
but  neither  the  monarch  nor  the  mine;  either  Columbus  had  mis- 
understood the  natives,  or  they,  measuring  things  by  their  own 


*  Primer  viage  de  Colon.    Navarrete,  T.  1, 


112  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  IBook  IV 

poverty,  had  exaggerated  the  paltr  j  state  and  trfvral  ornaments  of 
some  savage  chieftain.  Columbus  extols,  however,  the  beauty  of  the 
island,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  his  royal  patroness,  Isabella.* 
Delightful  as  were  the  others  he  had  visited,  he  declares  that  this 
surpasses  them  all.  Like  those,  it  was  covered  with  trees,  and  shrubs, 
and  herbs  of  unknown  kind,  and  of  rich  tropical  vegetation.  The 
climate  had  the  same  soft  temperature;  the  air  was  delicate  and 
balmy ;  the  land  was  higher,  with  a  fine  verdant  hill:  the  coast  of  a 
fine  sand,  gently  laved  by  transparent  billows. 

Columbus  was  enchanted  by  the  lovely  scenery  of  this  island.  "I 
know  not,^'  says  he,  ^'^where  first  to  go,  nor  are  my  eyes  ever  weary 
of  gazing  on  the  beautiful  verdure."  At  the  southwest  end  of  the 
island,  he  found  fine  lakes  of  fresh  water,  overhung  with  groves  and 
surrounded  by  banks  covered  with  herbage.  Here  he  ordered  all  the 
casks  of  the  ships  to  be  filled.  "Here  are  large  lakes,"  says  he  in 
his  journal,  "and  the  groves  about  them  are  marvellous,  and  here 
and  in  all  the  island  every  thing  is  green,  and  the  herbage  as  in 
April  in  Andalusia."  The  singing  of  the  birds  is  such,  that  it  seems 
as  if  one  would  never  desire  to  depart  hence.  There  are  fiocks 
of  parrots  which  obscure  the  sun,  and  other  birds  large  and  small, 
of  so  many  kinds,  and  so  different  from  ours,  that  it  is  wonderful, 
and  besides  there  are  trees  of  a  thousand  species,  each  having  its 
particular  fruit,  and  all  of  marvellous  flavour,  so  that  I  am  in  the 
greatest  trouble  in  the  world  not  to  know  them,  for  I  am  very  cer- 
tain that  they  are  each  of  great  value.  I  shall  bring  home  some 
of  them  as  specimens,  and  also  some  of  the  herbs."  Columbus  was 
intent  on  discovering  the  drugs  and  spices  of  the  east,  and  on 
approaching  this  Island,  had  fancied  he  perceived  in  the  air  which 
came  from  it,  the  spicy  odours  said  to  be  wafted  from  the  islands  of 
^e  Indian  seas.  "As  I  arrived  at  this  cape,"  says  he,  "there  came 
off  a  fragrance  so  good  and  soft  of  the  flowers  or  trees  of  the  land, 
that  it  was  the  sweetest  thing  in  the  world.  I  believe  there  are  here 
many  herbs  and  trees  which  would  be  of  great  price  in  Spain  fbr 
tinctures,  medicines  and  spices,  but  I  know  nothing  of  them,  which 
gives  me  great  concern."! 

The  fish  which  abounded  in  these  seas  partook  of  the  novelty 
which  characterized  most  of  the  objects  in  this  new  world.  They 
mailed  the  birds  in  the  tropical  brilliancy  of  their  colours;  the 
scales  of  some  of  them  glancing  back  the  rays  of  light  like  pre- 
cious stones ;  as  they  sported  about  the  ships,  they  flashed  gleams 


*  At  present  called  Isla  Larga,  and  Exumeta, 
t  Primer  viage  de  Colon.    Navarre te,  T..  l^ 


Chap.  II.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  1X3 

of  gold  and  silver  thr^ygh  the  clear  waves  ;  and  the  dolphins  taken 
out  of  their  element  delighted  the  eye  v^rith  the  changes  of  colours 
ascribed  in  fahle  to  the  cameleon. 

No  animals  were  seen  in  these  islands  excepting  a  species  of  dog 
which  never  barked,  a  kind  of  coney  or  rabbit  called  Utia  by  the 
natives,  together  with  numerous  lizards  and  guanas.  The  last  were 
regarded  with  horror  and  disgust  by  the  Spaniards,  supposing  them 
to  be  fierce  and  noxious  serpents ;  but  they  were  found  afterwards  to 
be  perfectly  harmless,  and  their  flesh  to  be  esteemed  a  great  delicacy 
by  the  Indians. 

For  several  days  Columbus  hovered  about  this  island,  seeking  in 
vain  to  find  its  imaginary  monarch,  or  to  establish  a  communication 
with  him,  until  at  length  he  reluctantly  became  convinced  of  his 
error.  No  sooner,  however,  did  one  delusion  fade  away,  than  another 
succeeded.  In  reply  to  the  continual  inquiries  made  by  the  Spaniards 
concerning  the  source  from  whence  they  procured  their  gold,  the 
natives  had  uniformly  pointed  to  the  south.  Columbus  now  began 
to  gather  information  of  an  island  which  lay  in  that  direction,  and 
which  was  called  Cuba,  but  all  that  he  could  collect  concerning  it 
from  the  signs  of  the  natives  was  coloured,  and  gilded,  and  exag- 
gerated by  his  imagination.  He  understood  it  to  be  of  great  extent, 
abounding  in  gold  and  pearl,  and  spices,  and  carrying  on  an  exten- 
sive commerce  in  those  precious  articles ;  and  that  large  merchant 
ships  came  to  trade  with  its  inhabitants. 

Comparing  these  misinterpreted  accounts  with  the  coast  of  Asia, 
as  laid  down  on  his  map,  after  the  descriptions  of  Marco  Polo,  he 
concluded  that  this  island  must  be  Cipango,  and  that  the  merchant 
ships  mentioned  must  be  those  of  the  Grand  Khan,  who  maintained 
an  extensive  commerce  in  these  seas.  He  formed  his  plan  accord- 
ingly, determining  to  sail  immediately  for  this  island,  and  make 
himself  acquainted  with  its  ports,  cities,  and  productions,  for  the 
purpose  of  establishing  relations  of  traffic.  He  would  then  seek  an- 
other great  island  called  Bohio,  of  which  the  natives  gave  likewise 
marvellous  accounts.  His  sojourn  in  those  islands  would  depend 
upon  the  quantities  of  gold,  spices,  precious  stones,  and  other  objects 
of  oriental  trade  which  he  should  find  there.  After  this  he  would 
proceed  to  the  main  land  of  I©dia,  which  must  be  within  ten  days' 
sail,  seek  the  city  of  Quinsai,  which,  according  to  Marco  Polo,  was 
one  of  the  most  magnificent  capitals  in  the  world ;  he  would  there 
deliver  in  person  the  letter  of  the  Castilian  sovereigns  to  the  Grand 
Khan,  and  when  he  received  his  reply  return  triumphantly  to  Spain 
with  this  document  to  prove  that  he  had  accomplished  the  great  ob- 

Vol,  I.  8  K  2 


114  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  IV 

ject  of  his  voyage.*  Such  was  the  splendid  scheme  with  which 
Columbus  fed  his  imagination,  as  he  was  about  to  leave  the  Bahamas 
in  quest  of  the  island  of  Cuba. 


CHAPTER  III. 

DISCOVERY   AND   COASTING    OF   CUBA. 
[1492.] 

For  several  days  the  departure  of  Columbus  was  delayed  by  con- 
trary winds,  and  calms  attended  by  heavy  showers,  which  last  had 
prevailed,  more  or  less,  since  his  an-ival  among  the  islands.  It  was 
the  season  of  the  autumnal  rains,  which  in  those  torrid  climates  suc- 
ceed the  parching  heats  of  summer,  commencing  about  the  decrease 
of  the  August  moon,  and  lasting  until  the  month  of  November. 

At  length,  at  midnight,  October  24th,  he  set  sail  from  the  island 
of  Isabella,  but  was  nearly  becalmed  until  mid-day ;  a  gentle  wind 
then  sprang  up,  and,  as  he  observes,  began  to  blow  most  amorously. 
Every  sail  was  spread,  and  he  stood  towards  the  west-southwest,  the 
direction  in  which  he  was  told  the  land  of  Cuba  lay  from  Isabella. 
After  three  days'  navigation,  in  the  course  of  which  he  touched  at  a 
group  of  seven  or  eight  small  islands,  which  he  called  Islas  of 
Arena,  supposed  to  be  the  present  Mucaras  islands,  and  having 
crossed  the  Bahama  bank  and  channel,  he  arrived,  on  the  morning 
of  the  28th  of  October,  in  sight  of  the  island  of  Cuba.  The  part 
which  he  first  discovered  is  supposed  to  be  the  coast  to  the  west  of 
Nuevitas  del  Principe. 

As  he  approached  this  noble  island,  he  was  struck  with  its  mag- 
nitude, and  the  grandeur  of  its  features,  its  high  and  airy  moun- 
tains, which  reminded  him  of  those  of  Sicily ;  its  fertile  valleys,  and 
long  sweeping  plains,  watered  by  noble  rivers ;  its  stately  forests ;  its 
bold  promontories,  and  stretching  head-lands,  which  melted  away 
mto  the  remotest  distance.  He  anchored  in  a  beautiful  river  of  trans- 
parent clearness,  free  from  rocks  or  shoals,  and  its  banks  overhung 
with  trees.     Here  landing  and  taking  possession  of  the  island,  he 


*  Journal  of  Columbus.    Navarrete,  T.  1. 


Chap.HI.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  115 

gave  it  the  name  of  Juana,  in  honour  of  Prince  Juan,  and  to  the  river 
the  name  of  San  Salvador. 

On  the  arrival  of  the  ships,  two  canoes  had  put  off  from  the  shore, 
but  on  seeing  the  boat  approach,  to  sound  the  river  for  anchorage, 
they  fled  in  affright.  The  admiral  visited  two  cabins,  abandoned  by 
wheir  terrified  inhabitants.  They  contained  but  scanty  effects;  a 
few  nets  made  of  the  fibres  of  the  palm  tree,  hooks  and  harpoons 
of  bone,  and  a  few  other  fishing  implements;  and  one  of  the  same 
kind  of  dogs  which  he  had  met  with  on  the  smaller  islands,  which 
never  bark.  He  ordered  that  nothing  should  be  taken  away  or 
deranged,  contenting  himself  with  noting  the  manner  and  means 
of  living  of  the  inhabitants. 

Returning  to  his  boat,  he  proceeded  for  some  distance  up  the  river, 
more  and  more  enchanted  with  the  beauty  of  the  country.  The 
forests  which  covered  each  bank  were  of  high  and  wide  spreading 
trees ;  some  bearing  fruits,  others  flowers,  while  in  some  both  fruit 
and  flower  were  mingled,  bespeaking  a  perpetual  round  of  fertility: 
among  them  were  many  palms,  but  different  from  those  of  Spain  and 
Africa;  with  the  great  leaves  of  these  the  natives  thatched  their 
cabins. 

The  continual  eulogies  made  by  Columbus  on  the  beauty  of  the 
country  were  warranted  by  the  kind  of  scenery  he  was  beholding. 
There  is  a  wonderful  splendour,  variety,  and  luxuriance^  in  the 
vegetation  of  these  quick  and  ardent  climates.  The  verdure  of  the 
groves,  and  the  colours  of  the  flowers  and  blossoms,  derive  a  vividness 
to  the  eye  from  the  transparent  purity  of  the  air,  and  the  deep  serenity 
of  the  azure  heavens.  The  forests  too  are  full  of  life;  swarming 
with  birds  of  brilliant  plumage.  Painted  varieties  of  parrots  and 
woodpeckers  create  a  glitter  amidst  the  verdure  of  the  grove,  and 
hummingbirds  rove  from  flower  to  flower,  resembling,  as  has  well 
been  said,  animated  particles  of  a  rainbow.  The  scarlet  flamingos 
too,  seen  sometimes  through  an  opening  of  a  forest  in  a  distant 
savannah,  have  the  appearance  of  soldiers  drawn  up  in  battalion, 
with  an  advanced  scout  on  the  alert,  to  give  notice  of  approaching 
danger.  Nor  is  the  least  beautiful  part  of  animated  nature  the 
various  tribes  of  insects  that  people  every  plant,  displaying  brilliant 
coats  of  mail,  which  sparkle  to  the  eye  like  precious  gems.* 

Such  is  the  splendour  of  animal  and  vegetable  creation  in  these 
tropical  regions,  where  an  ardent  sun  imparts,  in  a  manner,  its  own 
lustre  to  every  object,  and  quickens  nature  into  exuberant  fecundity. 

*  The  Ladies  of  Havana,  on  gala  occasions,  wear  in  their  hair  numbers  of  those 
insects,  which  have  a  brilliancy  equal  to  rubies,  sapphires,  or  diamonds. 


116  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  (IJook  IV. 

The  birds,  in  general,  are  not  remarkable  for  their  notes,  for  it  has 
been  observed  that  in  the  feathered  race  sweetness  of  song  rarely 
Q.<5CQmpanies  brilliancy  of  plumage.  Columbus  remarks,  however, 
that  there  were  various  kinds  which  sang  sweetly  among  the  trees, 
and  he  frequently  deceived  himself  in  fancying  that  he  heard  thd 
voice  of  the  nightingale,  a  bird  unknown  in  these  countries.  He  was^ 
in  fact,  in  a  mood  to  see  every  thing  through  a  fond  and  favouring, 
medium.  His  heart  was  full  even  to  overflowing,  for  he  was  enjoying 
the  fulfilment  of  his  hopes,  and  the  hard  earned  but  glorious  reward 
of  his  toils  and  perils.  Every  thing  around  him  was  beheld  with 
the  enamoured  and  exulting  eye  of  a  discoverer,  where  triumph 
mingles  with  admiration;  and  it  is  diflicult  to  conceive  the  rapturous 
State  of  his  feelings,  while  thus  exploring  the  charms  of  a  virgin 
world,  won  by  his  enterprise  and  valour. 

From  his  continual  remarks  on  the  beauty  of  the  scenery,  and 
from  the  pleasure  which  he  evidently  derived  from  rural  sounds  and 
objects,  he  appears  to  have  been  extremely  open  to  those  delicious 
influences,  exercised  over  some  spirits,  by  the  graces  and  wonders 
of  nature.  He  gives  utterance  to  these  feelings  with  characteristic 
enthusiasm,  and  at  the  same  time  with  the  artlessness  and  simplicity 
of  diction  of  a  child.  When  speaking  of  some  lovely  scene  among 
the  groves  or  along  the  flowery  shores  of  these  favoured  islands,  he 
says,  "one  could  live  there  for  ever."  Cuba  broke  upon  him  like  an 
elysium.  "It  is  the  most  beautiful  island,"  he  says,  "that  eyes  ever 
beheld,  full  of  excellent  ports  and  profound  rivers."  The  climate 
was  more  temperate  here  than  in  the  other  islands,  the  nights  being 
neither  hot  nor  cold,  while  the  birds  and  crickets  sang  all  night  long. 
Indeed,  there  is  a  beauty  in  a  tropical  night,  in  the  depth  of  the  dark 
blue  sky,  the  lambent  purity  of  the  stars,  and  the  resplendent  clear- 
ness of  the  moon,  that  spreads  over  the  rich  landscape,  and  the 
balmy  groves,  a  charm  more  captivating  than  the  splendour  of 
the  day. 

In  the  sweet  smell  of  the  woods,  and  the  odour  of  the  flowers, 
which  loaded  every  breeze,  Columbus  fancied  he  perceived  the 
fragrance  of  oriental  spices;  and  along  the  shores  he  found  shells 
of  the  kind  of  oyster  which  produces  pearls.  From  the  grass  grow- 
ing to  the  very  edge  of  the  water,  he  inferred  the  peacefulness  of  the 
ocean  which  bathes  these  islands,  never  lashing  the  shore  with 
angry  surges.  Ever  since  his  arrival  among  these  Antilles,  he  had 
experienced  nothing  but  soft  and  gentle  weather,  and  he  concluded 
that  a  perpetual  serenity  reigned  over  these  happy  seas.  He  was 
little  suspicious  of  the  occasional  bursts  of  fury  to  which  they  are 


Chap.  IIL]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  llf! 

liable.  Charlevoix,  speaking  from  actual  observation,  remarks: 
*Hhe  sea  of  those  islands  is  commonly  more  tranquil  than  ours;  but 
like  certain  people  who  are  excited  with  difficulty,  and  whose 
transports  of  passion  are  as  violent  as  they  are  rare,  so  when  this  sea 
becomes  irritated  it  is  terrible.  It  breaks  all  bounds,  overflows  the 
country,  sweeps  away  all  things  that  oppose  it,  and  leaves  frightful 
ravages  behind,  to  mark  the  extent  of  its  inundations.  It  is  after 
these  tempests,  known  by  the  name  of  hurricanes,  that  the  shores 
are  found  covered  with  marine  shells,  which  greatly  surpass  in  lustre 
and  beauty  those  of  the  European  seas."*  It  is  a  singular  fact, 
however,  that  the  hurricanes,  which  almost  annually  devastate  the 
Bahamas,  and  other  islands  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  Cuba,  have 
been  seldom  known  to  extend  their  influence  to  this  favoured  land. 
It  would  seem  as  if  the  very  elements  were  charmed  into  gentleness 
AS  they  approach  it. 

In  a  kind  of  riot  of  the  imagination,  Columbus  finds  at  every  step 
jBomething  to  corroborate  the  information  he  had  received,  or  fancied 
he  had  received,  from  the  natives.  He  has  had  conclusive  proofs, 
as  he  thought,  that  Cuba  possessed  mines  of  gold,  and  groves  of 
spices,  and  that  the  crystal  waters  of  its  shores  abounded  with 
pearls.  He  no  longer  doubted  that  it  was  the  island  of  Cipango, 
and,  weighing  anchor,  coasted  along  westward,  in  which  direction, 
according  to.  the  signs  of  his  interpreters,  the  magnificent  city  of  its 
king  was  situated.  In  the  course  of  his  voyage,  he  landed  occa- 
eionally,  and  visited  several  villages ;  particularly  one  on  the  banks 
©f  a  large  river,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Rio  de  Mares. f  The 
nouses  were  neatly  built  of  branches  of  Palm  trees  in  the  shape  of 
pavilions ;  not  laid  out  in  regular  streets,  but  scattered  here  and  there, 
among  the  groves,  and  under  the  shade  of  broad  spreading  trees, 
like  tents  in  a  camp ;  as  is  still  the  case  in  many  of  the  Spanish 
eettlements,  and  in  the  villages  in  the  interior  of  Cuba.  The  in- 
habitants fled  to  the  mountains,  or  hid  themselves  in  the  woods.  Co- 
lumbus carefully  noted  the  architecture  and  furniture  of  their  dwell- 
ings. The  houses  were  better  built  than  those  he  had  hitherto  seen, 
and  were  kept  extremely  clean.  He  found  in  them  rude  statues, 
and  wooden  masks,  carved  with  considerable  ingenuity.  All  these 
were  indications  of  more  art  and  civilization  than  he  had  observed 
in  the  smaller  islands,  and  he  supposed  they  would  go  on  increasing 
as  he  approached  terra  firma.  Finding  in  all  the  cabins  implements 
for  fishing,  he  concluded  that  these  coasts  were  inhabited  merely  by 


*  Charlevoix,  Hist.  St.  Doming.  L.  1,  p.  20.    Paris^  1730* 
,  Now  called  Savannah  la  Mar. 


UB:  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  IV. 

fishermen,  who  carried  their  fish  to  the  cities  in  the  interior.  He 
thought  also  he  had  found  the  sculls  of  cows,  which  proved  that 
there  were  cattle  in  the  island ;  though  these  are  supposed  to  have 
been  sculls  of  the  manati  or  sea-calf  found  on  this  coast. 

After  standing  to  the  northwest  for  some  distance,  Columbus  came 
in  sight  of  a  great  headland,  to  which,  from  the  groves  with  which  it 
was  covered,  he  gave  the  name  of  the  Cape  of  Palms,  and  which 
forms  the  eastern  entrance  to  what  is  now  known  as  LagUna  de  Mo- 
ron. Here  three  Indians,  natives  of  the  island  of  Guanahani,  who 
were  on  board  of  the  Pinta,  informed  the  commander,  Martin  Alonzo 
Pinzon,  that  behind  this  cape  there  was  a  river,  from  whence  it  was. 
but  four  days'  journey  to  Cubanacan,  a  place  abounding  in  gold.  By- 
this  they  designated  a  province  situated  in  the  centre  of  Cuba,  na 
can  in  their  language  signifying  the  midst.  Pinzon,  however,  had 
studied  intently  the  map  of  Toscanelli,  and  had  imbibed  from  Co- 
lumbus all  his  ideas  respecting  the  coast  of  Asia.  He  concluded, 
therefore,  that  the  Indians  were  talking  of  Cublai  Khan,  the  Tartar 
sovereign,  and  of  certain  parts  of  his  dominions  described  by  Marco 
Polo.*  He  thought  he  understood  from  them,  that  Cuba  was  not  an 
feland,  but  terra  firma,  extending  a  vast  distance  to  the  north,  and 
that  the  king  who  reigned  in  this  vicinity  was  at  war  with  the  great; 
Khan. 

This  tissue  of  errors  and  misconceptions  he  immediately  com- 
municated to  Columbus.  It  put  an  end  to  the  delusion  in  which  the 
admiral  had  hitherto  indulged,  that  this  was  the  island  of  Cipango; 
but  it  substituted  another  no  less  agreeable.  He  concluded  that  he 
must  have  reached  the  main  land  of  Asia,  or  as  he  termed  it,  India, 
and  if  so,  he  could  not  be  at  any  great  distance  from  Mangi  and 
Cathay,  the  ultimate  destination  of  his  voyage.  The  prince  in  ques- 
tion, who  reigned  over  this  neighbouring  country,  must  be  some  ori- 
ental potentate  of  consequence ;  he  resolved,  therefore,  to  seek  the 
river  beyond  the  Cape  of  Palms,  and  dispatch  a  present  to  the  mo- 
narch, with  one  of  the  letters  of  recommendation  from  the  Castilian 
sovereigns ;  and  after  visiting  his  dominions  he  would  proceed  to  the 
capital  of  Cathay,  the  residence  of  the  Grand  Khan. 

Every  attempt  to  reach  the  river  in  question,  however,  proved  in- 
effectual. Cape  stretched  beyond  cape ;  there  was  no  good  anchor- 
age; the  wind  became  contrary,  and  the  appearance  of  the  heavena 
threatening  rough  weather,  he  put  back  to  a  river  where  he  had  an* 
chored  a  day  or  two  before,  and  to  which  he  had  given  the  name  of 
Rio  de  los  Mares. 

♦  Las  Casas,  lib.  1,  cap.  44.  MS. 


Chap.  m. J  CHRISTOPHER  COLUJVffiUS.  119 

On  the  first  of  Novernl)er,  at  sunrise,  he  sent  the  'boats  on  shore  to 
Visit  several  houses,  but  the  inhabitants  fled  to  the  woods.  Co- 
lumbus supposed  that  they  must  have  a  dread  of  his  armament, 
thinking  it  one  of  the  scouring  expeditions  sent  by  the  Grand  Khan 
'to  make  prisoners  and  slaves.  He  sent  the  boat  on  shore  again  in 
the  afternoon,  with  an  Indian  interpreter  on  board,  who  was  in- 
structed to  assure  the  people  of  the  peaceable  and  beneficent  inten- 
tions of  the  Spaniards,  and  that  they  had  no  connexion  with  the 
Grand  Khan.  After  the  Indian  had  proclaimed  this  from  the  boat 
to  the  savages  upon  the  beach,  part  of  it  no  doubt  to  their  great 
perplexity,  he  threw  himself  into  the  water  and  swam  to  shore. 
He  was  well  received  by  the  natives,  and  succeeded  so  effectually 
in  calming  their  fears,  that  before  evening  there  were  more  than  six- 
teen canoes  about  the  ships,  bringing  cotton  yarn  and  other  simple 
articles  of  traffic  of  these  islanders.  Columbus  forbade  all  trading 
for  any  thing  but  gold,  that  the  natives  might  be  tempted  to  produce 
the  real  riches  of  their  country.  They  had  none  to  offer,  and  were 
destitute  of  all  ornaments  of  the  precious  metals,  excepting  one 
who  wore  in  his  nose  a  piece  of  wrought  silver.  Columbus  under- 
stood this  man  to  say  that  the  king  lived  about  the  distance  of  four 
days'  journey  in  the  interior ;  that  many  messengers  had  been  dis- 
patched to  give  him  tidings  of  the  arrival  of  the  strangers  upon  the 
coast ;  and  that  in  less  than  three  days'  time  messengers  might  be 
expected  from  him  in  return,  and  many  merchants  from  the  interior, 
to  trade  with  the  ships. 

It  is  curious  to  observe  how  ingeniously  the  imagination  of  Co- 
lumbus deceived  him  at  every  step,  and  how  he  wove  every  thing 
into  a  uniform  web  of  false  conclusions.  Poring  over  the  map  of 
Toscanelli,  referring  to  the  reckonings  of  his  voyage,  and  musing, 
on  the  misinterpreted  words  of  the  Indians,  he  imagined  that  he 
must  be  on  the  borders  of  Cathay,  and  about  one  hundred  leagues 
from  the  capital  of  the  Grand  Khan.  Anxious  to  arrive  there,  and 
to  delay  as  little  as  possible  in  the  territories  of  an  inferior  prince,  he 
determined  not  to  await  the  arrival  of  messengers  and  merchants, 
but  to  dispatch  two  envoys  to  seek  the  neighbouring  monarch  at  his 
residence. 

For  this  mission  he  chose  two  Spaniards,  Rodrigo  de  Jerez  and 
Luis  de  Torres ;  the  latter  a  converted  Jew,  who  knew  Hebrew  and 
Chaldaic,  and  even  something  of  Arabic ;  one  or  other  of  which 
languages,  Columbus  supposed  might  be  known  to  this  oriental 
prince.  Two  Indians  were  sent  with  them  as  guides,  one  a  native 
of  Guanahani,  and  the  other  an  inhabitant  of  the  hamlet  on  the 
bank  of  the  river.     The  ambassadors  were  furnished  with  strinffs 


120  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  Book  IV. 

of  beads,  and  other  trinkets  for  their  travelHng  expenses.  Instruc- 
tions were  given  them  to  inform  the  king  that  Columbus  had  been 
sent  by  the  Castilian  sovereigns,  a  bearer  of  letters  and  a  present, 
which  he  was  to  deliver  personally,  for  the  purpose  of  establishing 
an  amicable  intercourse  between  the  powers.  They  were  likewise 
instructed  to  inform  themselves  accurately  about  the  situation  and 
distances  of  certain  provinces,  ports  and  rivers,  which  the  Admiral 
specified  by  name  from  the  descriptions  which  he  had  of  the  coast 
of  Asia.  They  were  moreover  provided  with  specimens  of  spices 
and  drugs,  for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining  whether  any  precious 
articles  of  the  kind  abounded  in  the  country.  With  these  provisions 
and  instructions,  the  ambassadors  departed,  six  days  being  allowed 
them  to  go  and  return.  Many  at  the  present  day  will  smile  at  this 
embassy  to  a  naked  savage  chieftain  in  the  interior  of  Cuba,  in  mis- 
take for  an  Asiatic  monarch ;  but  such  was  the  singular  nature  of 
this  voyage,  a  continual  series  of  golden  dreams,  and  all  interpreted 
by  the  deluding  volume  of  Marco  Polo. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

rURTHER    COASTING    OF    CUBA. 


While  awaiting  the  return  of  his  ambassadors,  the  admiral  ordered 
the  ships  to  be  careened  and  repaired;  and  employed  himself  in  col- 
lecting information  concerning  the  country.  On  the  day  after  their 
departure,  he  ascended  the  river  in  boats,  for  the  distance  of  two 
leagues,  until  he  came  to  fresh  water.  Here  landing,  he  ascended 
a  hill  to  command  a  prospect  over  the  interior.  His  view,  however, 
was  shut  in  by  thick  and  lofty  forests  of  the  most  wild  but  beautiful 
luxuriance.  Among  the  trees  were  some  which  he  considered  to  be 
thelinaloes;  many  were  odoriferous,  and  he  doubted  not  possessed 
valuable  aromatic  qualities.  There  was  a  general  eagerness  among 
the  voyagers  to  find  the  precious  articles  of  commerce  which  grow 
in  the  favoured  climes  of  the  east;  and  their  imaginations  were  con- 
tinually deceived  by  their  hopes. 

For  two  or  three  days  the  admiral  was  excited  by  reports  of  cin- 
namon trees  and  nutmegs,  and  rhubarb,  being  found,  but  on  examina- 


Chap.  IV.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  121 

tion  thej  all  proved  fallacious.  He  showed  the  natives  specimens 
of  those  and  various  other  spices  and  drugs  which  he  had  brought 
with  him  from  Spain,  and  he  understood  from  them  that  those  articles 
were  to  be  found  in  abundance  to  the  southeast.  He  showed  them 
gold  and  pearls  also ;  whereupon  several  old  Indians  informed  him 
that  there  was  a  country  where  the  natives  wore  ornaments  of  then^ 
in  their  ears,  and  round  the  neck,  arms,  and  ankles.  They  repeat- 
edly mentioned  the  word  Bohio,  which  Columbus  supposed  to  be  the 
name  of  the  place  in  question,  and  that  it  was  some  rich  district  or 
island.  They  mingled  however  great  extravagancies  with  their 
imperfect  accounts,  describing  nations  at  a  distance,  who  had  but 
one  eye;  others  who  had  the  heads  of  dogs,  and  who  were  cannibals, 
cutting  the  throats  of  their  prisoners  and  sucking  their  blood. *^ 

All  these  reports  of  gold  and  pearls  and  spices,  many  of  which 
were  probably  fabrications  to  please  the  admiral,  tended  to  keep  up 
the  persuasion  that  he  was  among  the  valuable  coasts  and  islands 
of  the  east.  On  making  a  fire  to  heat  tar  for  careening  the  ships, 
the  seamen  found  that  the  wood  they  burnt  sent  forth  a  powerful 
odour,  and,  on  examining  it,  declared  that  it  was  mastic.  The  wood 
abounded  in  the  neighbouring  forests,  in  so  much  that  Columbus  flat- 
tered himself  a  thousand  quintals  of  this  precious  gum  might  be 
collected  every  year;  and  a  more  abundant  supply  procured  than 
that  furnished  by  Scios,  and  other  islands  of  the  Archipelago.  In 
the  course  of  their  researches  in  the  vegetable  kingdom,  in  quest  of 
the  luxuries  of  commerce,  they  met  with  the  potato,  an  humble  root, 
little  valued  at  the  time,  but  a  more  precious  acquisition  to  man  than 
all  the  spices  of  the  east. 

On  the  6th  of  November,  the  two  ambassadors  returned,  and  every 
one  crowded  to  hear  tidings  of  the  interior  of  the  country,  and  of  the 
prince  to  whose  capital  they  had  been  sent.  After  penetrating  twelve 
leagues,  they  had  come  to  a  village  of  fifty  houses,  built  similar  to 
those  of  the  coast,  but  larger;  the  whole  village  containing  at  least 
a  thousand  inhabitants.  The  natives  received  them  with  great 
solemnity;  conducted  them  to  the  best  house,  and  placed  them  in  what 
appeared  to  be  intended  for  chairs  of  state,  being  wrought  out  of 
single  pieces  of  wood,  into  the  forms  of  quadrupeds.  They  then 
offered  them  the  principal  articles  of  their  food,  fruits  and  vegetables. 
When  they  had  complied  with  the  laws  of  savage  courtesy  and  hos- 
pitality, they  seated  themselves  on  the  ground  around  their  visiters, 
and  waited  to  hear  what  they  had  to  communicate. 

The  Israelite,  Luis  de  Torres,  found  his  Hebrew,  Chaldaic  and 

*  Primer  viage  de  Colon.    Nararrete,  T.  1,  p.  48,  L 


122  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  IV. 

Arabic  of  no  avail,  and  the  Lucayan  interpreter  had  to  be  the  orator. 
He  made  a  regular  speech,  after  the  Indian  manner,  in  which  he 
extolled  the  power,  the  wealth  and  munificence  of  the  white  men. 
When  he  had  finished,  the  Indians  crowded  round  these  wonderful 
beings,  whom  as  usual  they  considered  more  than  human.  Some 
touched  them,  examining  their  skins  and  raiment,  others  kissed  their 
hands  and  feet,  in  token  of  submission  or  adoration.  In  a  little 
while  the  men  withdrew,  and  were  succeeded  by  the  women,  and  the 
same  ceremonies  were  repeated.  Some  of  the  women  had  a  slight 
covering  of  netted  cotton  round  the  middle,  but  most  of  the  inhabit- 
ants, of  both  sexes,  were  entirely  naked.  There  seemed  to  be  some- 
thing like  ranks  and  orders  of  society  among  them,  and  a  chieftain 
who  had  some  authority ;  whereas  in  all  the  natives  they  had  pre- 
viously met  with  among  the  islands,  a  complete  equality  had  appeared 
to  prevail. 

Such  were  all  the  traces  they  found  of  the  oriental  city  and  court 
which  they  had  anticipated.  There  was  no  appearance  of  gold,  or 
other  precious  articles ;  and  when  they  showed  specimens  of  cinna- 
mon, pepper,  and  other  spices,  the  inhabitants  told  them  those  were 
not  to  be  found  in  that  neighbourhood,  but  far  oflT  to  the  southwest. 

The  envoys  determined,  therefore,  to  return  to  the  ships.  The 
natives  would  fain  have  induced  them  to  remain  for  several  days, 
but  seeing  them  bent  on  departing,  a  great  number  were  anxious  to 
accompany  them,  imagining  they  were  about  to  return  to  the  skies. 
They  took  with  them,  however,  only  one  of  the  principal  men,  with 
his  son,  who  were  attended  by  a  domestic. 

On  their  way  back,  they  for  the  first  time  witnessed  the  use  of  a 
weed,  which  the  ingenious  caprice  of  man  has  since  converted  into 
an  universal  luxury,  in  defiance  of  the  opposition  of  the  senses. 
They  beheld  several  of  the  natives  going  about  with  fire-brands  in 
their  hands,  and  certain  dried  herbs,  which  they  rolled  up  in  a 
leaf,  and  lighting  one  end,  put  the  other  end  in  their  mouths,  and 
continued  exhaling  and  puffing  out  the  smoke.  A  roll  of  this  kind 
they  called  a  tobacco,  a  name  since  transferred  to  the  plant  of  which 
the  rolls  were  made.  The  Spaniards,  although  prepared  to  meet 
with  wonders,  were  struck  with  astonishment  at  this  singular  and 
apparently  nauseous  indulgence.* 

On  their  return  to  the  ships,  they  gave  favourable  accounts  of  the 
beauty  and  fertility  of  the  country.  They  had  met  with  many 
hamlets  of  four  or  five  houses,  well  peopled,  embowered  among  trees 

*  Primer  viage  de  Colon.  Navarrete,  T.  1,  p.  51.  Las  Cases,  Hist.  Ind.  L.  1, 
C    46. 


II 


Chap,  IV.]  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.       . 

laden  with  unknown  fruits  of  tempting  hue  and  delightful  flavour. 
Around  them  were  fields  planted  with  the  agi,  or  sweet  pepper,  with 
potatoes,  with  maize  or  Indian  corn,  and  with  a  species  of  lupin  or 
pulse.  There  were  fields  also  of  the  plant,  of  the  roots  of  which 
they  made  their  cassava  bread.  These,  with  the  fruits  of  their  groves, 
formed  the  principal  food  of  the  natives,  who  were  extremely  frugal 
and  simple  in  their  diet.  There  were  vast  quantities  of  cotton,  some 
just  sown,  some  in  full  growth,  and  some  wrought  into  yarn,  or  into 
nets  of  which  they  made  their  hamacs ;  of  this  there  was  great  store, 
both  wrought  and  unwrought,  in  the  houses.  They  had  seen  many 
birds  of  rare  plumage,  but  of  unknown  species ;  many  ducks  ,*  several 
small  partridges,  and,  like  Columbus,  they  had  heard  the  song  of  a 
bird  which  they  had  mistaken  for  the  nightingale.  All  that  they  had 
seen,  however,  betokened  a  primitive  and  simple  state  of  society ;  for 
with  all  its  beauty,  the  country  was  in  a  wild  uncuhivated  state.  The 
wonder  with  which  they  had  been  regarded,  showed  clearly  that  the 
people  were  strangers  to  civilized  man,  nor  could  they  hear  of  any 
inland  city  superior  to  the  one  they  had  visited. 

The  report  of  the  envoys  put  an  end  to  many  splendid  fancies  of 
Columbus  about  this  barbaric  prince  and  his  capital.  He  was 
cruising,  however,  in  a  region  of  enchantment,  in  which  pleasing 
chimeras  started  up  at  every  step,  each  exercising  in  its  turn  a  delu- 
sive power  over  his  imagination.  During  the  absence  of  the  emis- 
saries, the  Indians  had  informed  him  by  signs,  of  a  place  to  the  east- 
ward, where  the  people  collected  gold  along  the  river  banks  by 
torch-light,  and  afterwards  wrought  it  into  bars  with  hammers.  In 
speaking  of  this  place,  they  again  used  the  words  Babeque  and 
Bohio,  which  Columbus  as  usual  supposed  to  be  the  proper  names 
of  islands  or  countries.  The  true  meaning  of  these  words  has  been 
variously  explained.  It  is  said  that  they  were  applied  by  the  In- 
dians to  the  coast  of  terra  firma,  called  also  by  them  Caritaba.*  It 
is  also  said  that  Bohio  means  a  house,  and  was  often  used  by  the 
Indians  to  signify  the  populousness  of  an  island.  Hence  it  was 
frequently  applied  to  Hispaniola,  as  well  as  the  more  general  name 
of  Hayti,  which  means  high  land,  and  occasionally  Quisqueya,  (i.  e. 
the  whole)  on  account  of  its  extent.f  The  misapprehension  of  these 
and  other  words  was  a  source  of  perpetual  error  to  Columbus. 
Sometimes  he  confounded  Babeque  and  Bohio  together,  as  if  signify- 
ing the  same  island  ;  sometimes  they  were  different,  and  existing  in 
different  quarters  ;  and  Quisqueya  he  supposed  must  mean  Quisai  or 
Quinsai  (i.  e.  the  celestial  city)  of  which,  as  has  already  been  men- 

♦  Muiioz,  Hist.  N.  Mundo,  L.  3.       f  Idem. 


124  LIFE  AND   /OYAGES  OF  [Book  IV 

tioned,  he  had  received  so  magnificent  an  idea  from  the  writings  of 
the  Venetian  traveller. 

The  great  object  of  Columbus  was  to  arrive  at  some  opulent  and 
civilized  country  of  the  east,  where  he  might  establish  a  commercial 
relation  with  its  sovereign,  and  carry  home  a  quantity  of  oriental 
merchandise,  as  a  rich  trophy  of  his  discovery.  The  season  was 
advancing ;  the  cool  nights  gave  hints  of  approaching  winter ;  he 
resolved  therefore  not  to  proceed  farther  to  the  north,  nor  to  linger 
about  uncivilized  places,  which  eut  present  he  had  not  the  means  of 
colonizing.  Conceiving  himself  to  be  on  the  eastern  coast  of  Asia, 
he  determined  to  turn  to  the  east-southeast,  in  quest  of  Babeque, 
which  he  trusted  might  prove  some  rich  and  civilized  island. 

Before  leaving  the  river,  to  which  he  had  gi^ven  the  name  of  Rio 
de  Mares,  he'  took  several  of  the  natives  to  carry  with  him  to  Spain, 
for  the  purpose  of  teaching  them  the  language,  that  on  future 
voyages  they  might  serve  as  interpreters.  He  took  them  of  both 
sexes;  having  learned  from  the  Portuguese  discoverers,  that  the  men 
always  were  more  contented  on  the  voyage,  and  serviceable  on  their 
return,  when  accompanied  by  females^  In  his  own  enthusiasm,  and 
the  religious  temper  of  the  day,  he  anticipated  great  triumphs  to  the 
faith,  and  glory  to  the  crown^  from  the  conversion  of  these  savage 
nations,  through  the  means  of  the  natives  thus  instructed.  He 
ianagined  that  the  Indians  had  no  system  of  religion^  but  a  disposi- 
tion to  receive  its  impressions;  as  they  looked  on  with  great  reve- 
rence and  attention  at  the  religious  ceremonies  of  the  Spaniards; 
soon  repeating  by  rote  any  prayer  that  was  taught  them,  and 
making-  the  sign  of  the  cross  with  the  most  edifj^ing  devotion.  They 
had  an  idea  of  a  future  state,  but  limited  and  confused.  It  w^as 
difficult  for  mere  savages  to  coticeive  an  idea  of  pure  spiritual  exist- 
ence and  delight,  separate  from  the  joys  of  sense,  or  from  those  beau- 
tiful scenes  which  have  been  their  favourite  resorts  while  living. 
Peter  Martyr,  a  cooitemporary  of  Columbus,  mentions  the  idea  of  the 
Indians  on  this  subject.  "  They  confess  the  soul  to  be  immortal  j 
and  having  put  off  the  bodily  clothing,  they  imagine  it  goeth  forth 
to  the  woods  and  the  mountains,  and  that  it  liveth  there  perpetually 
in  caves;  nor  do  they  exempt  it  from  eating  and  drinking,  but  that  it 
should  be  fed  there.  The  answering  voices  heard  from  caves  and 
hollows,  which  the  Latins  call  echoes,  they  suppose  to  be  the  souls 
of  the  departed,  wandering  through  those  places."* 

From  the  naturai  tendency  to  devotion  which  Columbus  thought 


*  Peter  Martyr,  Decad.  8,  L.  9.    M.  Lok's  translation*    1612. 


Chap.  V.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  12 

he  discovered  among  these  poor  people,  from  their  gentle  natures, 
and  their  ignorance  of  all  warlike  arts,  he  pronounces  it  an  easy 
matter  to  make  them  all  devout  members  of  the  church,  and  loyal 
subjects  of  the  crown.  He  concludes  his  speculations  upon  the  ad- 
vantages to  be  derived  from  the  colonization  of  these  parts,  by  anti- 
cipating a  great  trade  there  for  gold,  which  must  abound  in  the  in- 
terior ;  for  pearls  and  precious  stones,  of  which,  though  he  had  seen 
none,  he  had  received  frequent  accounts ;  for  gums  and  spices,  of 
which  he  thought  he  had  found  indubitable  traces;  and  for  the 
cotton,  which  grew  wild  in  vast  quantities.  Many  of  these  articles, 
he  observed,  would  probably  find  a  nearer  market  than  Spain,  in  the 
ports  and  cities  of  tlie  Great  Khan,  at  which  he  had  no  doubt  of  soon 
arriving.* 


CHAPTER  V. 


SEABCH   AFTER    THE     SUPPOSED     ISLAND     OF     BABEQUE DESERTION 

OF    THE    PINTA. 

[1492.] 

On  the  12th  of  November  Columbus  turned  his  course  to  the  east- 
southeast,  to  follow  back  the  direction  of  the  coast.  This  may  be 
considered  another  critical  change  in  his  voyage,  which  had  a  great 
effect  on  his  subsequent  discoveries.  He  had  proceeded  far  within 
what  is  called  the  old  channel,  between  Cuba  and  the  Bahamas.  In 
two  or  three  days  more,  he  would  have  discovered  his  mistake  in  sup- 
posing Cuba  a  part  of  Terra  Firma ;  an  error  in  which  he  continued 
to  the  day  of  his  death.  He  might  have  had  intimation,  also,  of  the 
vicinity  of  the  continent,  and  have  stood  for  the  coast  of  Florida,  or 
have  been  carried  thither  by  the  gulf  stream ;  or,  continuing  along 
Cuba,  where  it  bends  to  the  southwest,  might  have  struck  over  to  the 
opposite  coast  of  Yucatan,  and  have  realized  his  most  sanguine 
anticipations,  in  becoming  the  discoverer  of  Mexico.  It  was  suffi- 
cient glory  for  Columbus,  however,  to  have  discovered  a  new  world. 
Its  more  golden  regions  were  reserved  to  give  splendour  to  succeeding 
enterprises. 

He  now  ran  along  the  coast  for  two  or  three  days,  without  atop- 

•  Primer  viage  de  Colon.    Navarrete,  T.  I, 

L8 


126f  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  IV, 

ping  to  explore  it.  No  populous  towns  or  cities  were  to  be  seen, 
which  if  near  the  sea,  would  have  been  visible  from  the  ships.  Passing 
by  a  great  cape,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Cape  Cuba,  he  struck 
eastward,  to  sea,  in  search  of  Babeque,  but  was  obliged,  on  the  14th, 
to  put  back,  in  consequence  of  a  head  wind  and  boisterous  sea.  He 
anchored,  therefore,  ig  a  deep  and  secure  harbour,  to  which  he  gave 
the  name  of  Puerto  del  Principe ;  and  passed  a  few  days  exploring 
with  his  boats  an  archipelago  of  small  but  beautiful  islands  in  the 
vicmity,  since  known  as  El  Jardin  del  Rey,  or  the  king's  garden. 
The  gulf  studded  with  these  islands,  he  named  the  Sea  of  Nuestra 
Senora :  in  modern  days  it  has  been  a  lurking  place  for  pirates,  who 
have  found  secure  shelter  and  concealment  among  the  channels  and 
solitary  harbours  of  this  archipelago.  These  islands  were  covered 
with  noble  trees,  among  which  the  Spaniards  fancied  they  discovered 
mastic  and  aloes.  While  at  the  Puerto  del  Principe,  Columbus  ele- 
vated a  cross  in  a  lofty  and  conspicuous  place  adjacent  to  the  harbour, 
his  usual  sign  of  having  taken  possession. 

On  the  19th  he  again  put  to  sea,  in  almost  a  calm ;  but  the  wind 
springing  from  the  eastward,  he  stood  away  off  to  the  north-north- 
east, and  at  sundown  was  seven  leagues  distant  from  Puerto  del  Prin- 
cipe. Land  was  now  descried  directly  east,  about  sixty  miles  distant, 
which,  from  the  signs  of  the  natives,  he  supposed  to  be  the  long- 
desired  island  of  Babeque.  He  continued  all  night  to  the  northeast. 
On  the  following  day,  the  wind  continued  contrary,  blowing  directly 
from  the  quarter  to  which  he  wished  to  steer.  He  was  for  some  time 
within  sight  of  the  island  of  Isabella,  but  forbore  to  touch  there,  lest 
his  Indian  interpreters,  who  were  from  the  island  of  Guanahani,  only 
eight  leagues  from  that  of  Isabella,*  might  desert ;  the  poor  savages 
keeping  a  wishful  eye  in  the  diiection  of  their  home. 

Finding  the  wind  obstinately  adverse,  and  the  sea  rough,  Colum- 
bus at  length  put  his  ship  about,  to  return  to  Cuba,  making  signals 
to  his  companions  to  do  the  same.  The  Pinta,  however,  commanded 
by  Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon,  had  by  this  time  gradually  worked  a  con- 
siderable distance  to  the  eastward.  As  he  could  speedily  rejoin  the 
other  vessels  with  the  wind  astern,  Columbus  repeated  his  signals, 
hut  still  they  were  unattended  to.  Night  coming  on,  he  shortened 
sail,  and  hoisted  signal  lights  to  the  mast  head,  thinking  that  Pinzon 
would  yet  join  him ;  but  when  morning  dawned  the  Pinta  was  na 
longer  to  be  seen.f 


*  Journal  of  Colomb.    Navarrete,  CoHec.  T.  1,  p.  $1. 

t  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.  T.  1,  C.  27.    Hist,  del  Almirante,  Cap.  99.    Joarnal  of 
Columbus.    Navarrete.  Collec.  T.  1. 


I 


Chap.  V.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  127 

Columbus  was  exceedingly  indignant  at  this  evident  desertion. 
Independent  of  its  being  a  flagrant  example  of  insubordination,  he 
suspected  some  sinister  design.  Pinzon  had  long  shown  great  impa- 
tience of  the  domination  of  the  admiral.  He  was  a  veteran  navi- 
gator, the  oracle  of  the  maritime  community  of  Palos,  and  accus- 
tomed, from  his  wealth  and  standing,  to  give  the  law  among  his  nau- 
tical associates.  He  had  ill  brooked,  therefore,  being  obliged  to  sail, 
in  a  subordinate  capacity,  in  an  expedition  which  had  in  a  great 
measure  been  aided  by  his  purse  and  manned  and  fitted  out  through 
his  influence  and  exertions.  On  various  occasions  he  had  assumed 
a  tone  of  authority  as  if  entitled  to  equal  command  with  the  admi- 
ral, and  several  disputes  had  in  consequence  ensued  between  them. 
When  Columbus,  therefore,  saw  him  thus  wilfully  depart  from  the 
squadron,  and  steer  widely  asunder,  in  these  unknown  seas,  without 
any  plan  or  point  of  reunion,  he  feared  his  being  actuated  by  selfish 
and  perfidious  motives.  Either  Pinzon  intended  to  take  upon  him- 
self a  separate  command  and  to  prosecute  the  enterprise  in  his  own 
name ;  if  so,  while  Columbus  might  be  wasting  his  time  in  explor- 
ing some  unprofitable  line  of  coast,  he  might  strike  at  once  to  the 
golden  point  and  anticipate  its  honours  and  advantages.  Or  it  might 
be  his  intention  to  hasten  back  to  Spain.  In  such  case  he  would 
doubtless  seek  to  excuse  his  conduct  by  misrepresentations  injurious 
to  the  character  of  Columbus,  and  detrimental  to  his  future  expedi- 
tions. He  might  even  try  to  forestall  him  with  the  public  and  to  bear 
off*  the  glory  of  the  discovery. 

All  these  considerations  were  extremely  embarrassing,  but  Colum- 
Dus  had  no  alternative.  To  pursue  the  track  of  Pinzon  was  fruitless ; 
he  was  already  far  out  of  sight,  his  vessel  was  a  superior  sailer,  and 
it  was  impossible  to  say  what  course  he  might  steer  in  the  watery 
wilderness  before  him.  Columbus  relinquished  the  attempt,  and, 
with  his  remaining  ships,  pursued  his  way  back  to  Cuba,  to  con- 
tinue to  explore  its  coasts  ;  but  he  no  longer  possessed  the  undisturbed 
unity  of  thought  and  purpose  that  had  hitherto  actuated  him,  for  his 
mind  was  occasionally  agitated  by  the  idea  that  Pinzon  might  be  tra- 
versing his  plans,  or  snatching  away  his  laurels. 

On  the  24th  of  November,  he  regained  Point  Cuba,  and  anchored 
in  a  fine  harbour  formed  by  the  mouth  of  a  river,  to  which  he  gave 
the  name  of  St.  Catharine.  It  was  bordered  by  rich  meadows,  the 
neighbouring  mountains  were  well  wooded,  there  were  pines  tall 
enough  to  make  masts  for  the  finest  ships,  and  noble  oaks.  In  the 
bed  of  the  river  they  found  stones  veined  with  gold. 

Columbus  continued  for  several  days  coasting  the  residue  of  Cuba, 
extolling  in  rapturous  terms  the  magnificence,  freshness,  and  verdure 


128 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP 


[Book  IV. 


of  the  scenery;  the  purity  of  the  rivers,  and  the  number  and  com- 
modiousness  of  its  harbours.  His  description  of  one  place,  to  which 
he  gave  the  name  of  Puerto  Santo,  is  a  specimen  of  his  vivid 
and  artless  feeling  for  the  beauties  of  nature.  ''  The  amenity  of 
this  river,  and  the  clearness  of  the  water,  through  which  the  sand 
at  the  bottom  may  be  seen ;  the  multitude  of  palm  trees  of  various 
forms,  the  highest  and  most  beautiful  that  I  have  met  with,  and  an 
infinity  of  other  great  and  green  trees ;  the  birds  in  rich  plumage, 
and  the  verdure  of  the  fields,  render  this  country,  most  serene  prin- 
ces, of  such  marvellous  beauty,  that  it  surpasses  all  others  in  charms 
and  graces,  as  the  day  doth  the  night  in  lustre.  For  which  reason 
I  often  say  to  my  people,  that,  much  as  I  endeavour  to  give  a  com- 
plete account  of  it  to  your  majesties,  my  tongue  cannot  express  the 
whole  truth,  nor  my  pen  describe  it;  and  I  have  been  so  over- 
whelmed at  the  sight  of  so  much  beauty,  that  I  have  not  known 
how  to  relate  it."* 

The  transparency  of  the  water  which  Columbus  attributed  to  the 
purity  of  the  rivers,  is  the  property  of  the  ocean  in  these  latitudes. 
So  clear  is  the  sea  in  the  neighbourhood  of  some  of  these  islands, 
that  in  still  weather,  the  bottom  may  be  seen  as  in  a  crystal  fountain, 
and  the  inhabitants  dive  down  four  and  five  fathoms  in  search  of 
conchs  and  other  shell-fish,  which  are  visible  from  the  surface.  The 
delicate  air,  and  pure  waters  of  these  islands,  are  among  their  great- 
est charms. 

As  a  proof  of  the  gigantic  vegetation  of  these  coasts,  Columbus 
mentions  the  enormous  size  of  the  canoes  formed  from  single  trunks 
of  trees.  One  that  he  saw  was  capable  of  containing  one  hundred 
and  fifty  persons.  Among  other  articles  found  in  the  Indian  dwell- 
mgs  was  a  cake  of  wax.  Columbus  took  it  to  present  to  the  Cas- 
tilian  sovereigns ;  "  for  where  there  is  wax,"  said,  he,  "  there  must 
be  a  thousand  other  good  things."!  It  is  since  supposed  to  have 
been  brought  from  Yucatan,  as  the  inhabitants  of  Cuba  were  not  ac- 
customed to  gather  wax.;}: 

On  the  5th  of  December,  Columbus  reached  the  eastern  end  of 
Cuba,  which  he  supposed  to  be  the  eastern  extremity  of  Asia,  or,  as 
he  always  termed  it,  India :  he  gave  it  therefore  the  name  of  Alpha 
and  Omega,  the  beginning  and  the  end.  He  was  now  greatly  per- 
plexed what  course  to  take.  He  felt  a  desire  to  follow  along  the 
coast,  as  it  bent  off  to  the  southwest,  which  might  bring  him  to  the 
more  civilized  and  opulent  parts  of  India.     On  the  other  hand,  if 


*  Hist,  del  Almirante,  Cap.  29. 
J  Herrera  Hist.  Ind.  Decad.  1. 


t  Journal  of  Columb.    Navarrete,  T.  1, 


Chap.  VI.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  129 

he  took  this  course,  he  must  abandon  all  hope  of  finding  the  Island 
of  Babeque,  which  the  Indians  now  said,  lay  to  the  northeast, 
and  of  which  they  still  continued  to  give  the  most  marvellous 
accounts.  It  was  a  state  of  embarrassment  characteristic  of  this 
extraordinary  voyage,  to  have  a  new  and  unknown  world  thus 
spread  out  to  the  choice  of  the  explorer,  where  wonders  and  beau- 
ties invited  him  on  every  side;  but  where,  whichever  way  he 
turned,  he  might  leave  the  true  region  of  profit  and  delight 
behind. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

DISCOVERY    OF    HISPANIOLA. 
[1492.] 


While  Columbus  was  steering  at  large  beyond  the  eastern  extremity 
of  Cuba,  undetermined  what  course  to  take,  he  descried  land  to  the 
southeast,  which  gradually  increased  upon  the  view ;  its  high  niGUIi" 
tains  towering  above  the  clear  horizon,  and  giving  evidence  of  an 
island  of  great  extent.  The  Indians  on  beholding  it  exclaimed 
Bohio,  the  name  by  which  Columbus  understood  them  to  designate 
some  country  which  abounded  in  gold.  When  they  saw  him  stand- 
ing on  in  that  direction,  they  showed  great  signs  of  terror,  imploring 
him  not  to  visit  it,  assuring  him  by  signs  that  the  inhabitants  were 
fierce  and  cruel,  that  they  had  but  one  eye,  and  were  cannibals. 
The  wind  being  unfavourable,  and  the  nights  long,  during  which 
they  did  not  dare  to  make  sail  in  these  unknown  seas,  they  were  a 
great  part  of  two  days  working  up  to  the  Island. 

In  the  transparent  atmosphere  of  the  tropics,  objects  are  descried 
at  a  great  distance,  and  the  purity  of  the  air,  and  serenity  of  the 
deep  blue  sky,  give  a  magical  effect  to  scenery.  Under  these  advan- 
tages, the  beautiful  island  of  Hayti  revealed  itself  to  the  eye  as  they 
approached.  Its  mountains  were  higher  and  more  rocky  than  those 
of  the  other  islands;  but  the  rocks  reared  themselves  from  among 
rich  forests.  The  mountains  swept  down  into  luxuriant  plains,  and 
green  savannahs,  while  the  appearance  of  cultivated  fields,  with 

Vol.  I.  9 


130 


UFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


[Book  IV. 


the  numerous  fires  at  night,  and  the  columns  of  smoke  which  rose 
in  various  parts  by  day,  all  showed  it  to  be  populous,  i  It  rose  before 
them  in  all  the  splendour  of  tropical  vegetation,  one  of  the  most 
beautiful  islands  in  the  world,  and  doomed  to  be  one  of  the  most  un- 
fortunate. 

In  the  evening  of  the  sixth  of  December,  Columbus  entered  a 
harbour  at  the  western  end  of  the  island,  to  which  he  gave  the  name 
of  St.  Nicholas,  by  which  it  is  called  at  the  present  day.  The  har- 
bour was  spacious  and  deep,  surrounded  with  large  trees,  many  of 
them  laden  with  fruit;  while  a  beautiful  plain  extended  in  front  of 
the  port,  traversed  by  a  fine  stream  of  water.  From  the  number  of 
canoes  seen  in  various  parts,  there  were  evidently  large  villages  in 
the  neighbourhood  but  the  natives  had  fled  with  terror  at  sight  of  the 
ships. 

Leaving  the  harbour  of  St.  Nicholas  on  the  7th,  they  coasted 
along  the  northern  side  of  t'he  island.  It  was  lofty  and  mountainous, 
but  with  green  savannahs  and  long  sweeping  plains.  At  one  place 
they  caught  a  view  up  a  rich  and  smiling  valley,  that  ran  far  into 
the  interior,  between  two  mountains,  and  appeared  to  be  in  a  high 
state  of  cultivation. 

For  several  days  they  were  detained  in  a  harbour  which  they 
called  Fort  Conception;  a  small  river  emptied  into  it,  after  winding 
through  a  delightful  country.  The  coast  abounded  with  fish,  some 
of  which  even  leapt  into  their  boats.  They  cast  their  nets,  there- 
fore, and  caught  great  quantities,  and  among  them  several  of  kinds 
similar  to  those  of  Spain ;  the  first  fish  they  had  met  with  resembling 
those  of  their  own  country.  They  heard  also  the  notes  of  the  bird 
which  they  mistook  for  the  nightingale,  and  of  several  others  to 
which  they  were  accustomed.  These,  by  the  simple  associations  of 
idea  which  speak  to  the  heart,  reminded  them  strongly  of  the  groves 
of  their  distant  Andalusia.  They  fancied  the  features  of  the  sur- 
rounding country  resembled  those  of  the  more  beautiful  provinces  of 
Spain,  and  in  consequence  of  this  idea,  the  admiral  named  the  island 
Hispaniola. 

There  were  traces  of  rude  cultivation  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the 
harbour,  but  the  natives  had  abandoned  the  coast  on  their  arrival. 
They  at  one  time  saw  five  lurking  at  a  distance,  who  escaped  on 
being  approached.  Columbus,  desirous  of  establishing  some  inter- 
course, dispatched  six  men  well  armed  into  the  interior.  They 
found  several  cultivated  fields,  and  traces  of  roads,  and  places  where 
fires  had  been  made,  but  the  inhabitants  had  fied  with  terror  to  the 
mountains. 

Though  the  whole  country  was  solitary  and  deserted,  Columbui 


CttAP.  VI.  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  131 

consoled  himself  with  the  idea,  that  there  must  be  populous  towns  in 
the  interior,  where  the  people  had  taken  refuge,  and  that  the  fires  he 
had  beheld,  had  been  signal  fires,  like  those  lighted  up  on  the  moun- 
tains in  the  old  countries,  in  the  times  of  Moorish  war  and  sudden 
ravages  of  the  seaboards,  to  warn  the  peasantry  to  fly  from  the  coast. 

On  the  12th  of  December,  Columbus,  with  great  solemnity,  erected 
a  cross  on  a  commanding  eminence  at  the  entrance  of  the  harbour, 
in  sign  of  having  taking  possession.  As  three  sailors  were  rambling 
about  the  vicinity,  they  beheld  a  large  number  of  the  natives,  who 
immediately  took  to  flight,  but  the  sailors  pursued  them,  and  with 
great  difficulty  succeeded  in  overtaking  a  young  and  handsome 
female,  and  brought  their  wild  beauty  in  triumph  to  the  ships.  She 
was  perfectly  naked,  which  was  a  bad  omen  as  to  the  civiUzation  of 
the  island,  but  an  ornament  of  gold  which  she  wore  in  the  nose,  gave 
hopes  that  the  precious  metals  were  to  be  found  there.  The  admiral 
soon  soothed  her  terrors  by  his  kindness.  He  had  her  clothed,  and 
made  her  presents  of  beads,  brass  rings,  hawks'  bells,  and  other 
trinkets,  and  sent  her  on  shore,  accompanied  by  several  of  the  crew, 
and  three  of  the  Indian  interpreters.  So  well  pleased  was  this  simple 
savage  with  her  finery,  and  so  won  by  the  kind  treatment  she  had 
experienced,  that  she  would  gladly  have  remained  with  the  Indian 
women  whom  she  found  on  board. 

The  party  which  had  been  sent  with  her  returned  on  board  late  in 
the  night,  finding  that  her  village  was  far  distant,  and  fearing  to 
venture  inland.  Confident  of  the  favourable  impression  which  the 
report  given  by  the  woman  must  produce,  the  admiral  on  the  fol- 
lowing day,  dispatched  nine  stouthearted,  well-armed  men,  to  seek 
the  village,  accompanied  by  a  native  of  Cuba,  as  an  interpreter. 
They  found  the  village  about  four  and  a  half  leagues  to  the  south- 
east, situated  in  a  fine  valley  on  the  banks  of  a  beautiful  river.*  It 
contained  one  thousand  houses,  but  all  deserted,  for  they  had  beheld 
the  inhabitants  flying  as  they  approached.  The  interpreter  was 
sent  after  them,  who  with  great  difficulty  quieted  their  terrors,  as- 
suring them  of  the  goodness  of  these  strangers,  who  had  descended 
from  the  skies,  and  went  about  the  world  making  precious  and 
beautiful  presents.  Thus  assured,  the  natives  ventured  back,  to  the 
number  of  two  thousand.  They  approached  the  nine  Spaniards 
with  slow  and  trembling  steps,  often  pausing  and  putting  their  hands 
upon  their  heads,  in  token  of  profound  reverence  and  submission. 


*  This  village  was  formerly  known  by  the  name  of  Gros  Mome,  situated  on  the 
banks  of  the  river  of  "  Trois  Rivieres,"  which  empties  itself  half  a  mile  west  ot 
Port  de  Paix.    Navarrete,  T.  1. 


132 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


[Book  IV. 


They  were  a  well  formed  race,  fairer  and  handsomer  than  the  na- 
tives of  the  other  islands.! 

While  the  Spaniards  were  conversing  with  them  by  means  of  their 
interpreter,  they  beheld  another  multitude  approaching.  These 
were  headed  by  the  husband  of  the  female  Indian  who  had  been  en- 
tertained on  board  of  the  ships  the  preceding  evening.  They  brought 
her  in  triumph  on  their  shoulders,  and  the  husband  was  profuse  in 
his  gratitude  for  the  kindness  with  which  she  had  been  treated,  and 
the  magnificent  presents  which  had  been  bestowed  upon  her. 

The  Indians  having  now  become  more  familiar  with  the  Span- 
iards, and  having  in  some  measure  recovered  from  their  extreme 
fear,  conducted  them  to  their  houses,  and  set  before  them  cassava 
bread,  fish,  roots,  and  fruit  of  various  kinds.  Learning  from  the  in- 
terpreter that  the  Spaniards  were  fond  of  parrots,  they  brought  great 
numbers  of  them  which  they  had  domesticated,  and  indeed  offered 
freely  whatever  they  possessed:  such  was  the  frank  hospitality  which 
reigned  throughout  the  island,  where  as  yet  the  passion  of  avarice 
was  unknown. 

The  great  river  which  flowed  through  this  valley  was  bordered 
with  noble  forests,  among  which  were  palms,  bananas,  and  many 
trees  covered  with  fruit  and  flowers.  The  air  was  mild  as  in  April; 
the  birds  sang  all  day  long,  and  some  were  even  heard  in  the  night. 
The  Spaniards  had  not  learnt  as  yet  to  account  for  the  diflference  of 
seasons  in  this  opposite  part  of  the  globe;  they  were  astonished  to 
hear  the  voice  of  this  supposed  nightingale  singing  in  the  midst  of 
December,  and  considered  it  a  proof  that  there  was  no  winter  in  this 
happy  climate.  They  returned  to  the  ships  enraptured  with  the 
beauty  of  the  country;  surpassing,  as  they  said,  even  the  luxuriant 
plains  of  Cordova.  All  that  they  complained  of  was  that  they  saw 
no  signs  of  riches  among  the  natives. 

And  here  it  is  impossible  to  refrain  from  dwelling  on  the  picture 
given  by  the  first  discoverers,  of  the  state  of  manners  in  this  eventful 
island  before  the  arrival  of  the  white  men.  According  to  their  ac- 
counts, the  people  of  Hayti  existed  in  that  state  of  primitive  and 
savage  simplicity,  which  some  philosophers  have  fondly  pictured  as 
the  most  enviable  on  earth:  surrounded  by  natural  blessings,  without 
even  a  knowledge  of  artificial  wants.  The  fertile  earth  produced 
the  chief  part  of  their  food  almost  without  culture;  their  rivers  and 
seacoast  abounded  with  fish,  and  they  caught  the  utia,  the  guana, 
and  a  variety  of  birds.  This,  to  beings  of  their  frugal  and  temperate 
habits,  was  great  abundance ;  and  what  nature  furnished  thus  spon- 


t  Las  Casas,  Lib.  1,  Cap.  53.  MS. 


I 


Chap.  VI.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  133 

taneously,  they  willingly  shared  with  all  the  world.  Hospi- 
tality, we  are  told,  was  with  them  a  law  of  nature  universally  ob- 
served; there  was  no  need  of  being  known,  to  receive  its  succours, 
every  house  was  as  open  to  the  stranger  as  his  own.*  Columbus, 
too,  in  a  letter  to  Luis  de  St.  Angel,  observes:  "  True  it  is,  that  after 
they  felt  confidence  and  lost  their  fear  of  us,  they  were  so  liberal 
with  what  they  possessed,  that  it  would  not  be  believed  by  those  who 
had  not  seen  it.  If  any  thing  was  asked  of  them  they  never  said 
no;  but  rather  gave  it  cheerfully,  and  showed  as  much  amity  as  if 
they  gave  their  very  hearts;  and  whether  the  thing  were  of  value  or 
of  little  price,  they  were  content  with  whatever  was  given  in  return. 
*  *  *  In  all  these  islands  it  appears  to  me  that  the  men  are  all 
content  with  one  wife,  but  they  give  twenty  to  their  chieftain  or 
king.  The  women  seem  to  work  more  than  the  men;  and  I  have 
not  been  able  to  understand  whether  they  possess  individual  pro- 
perty; but  rather  think  that  whatever  one  has,  all  the  rest  share, 
especially  in  all  articles  of  provisions."! 

One  of  the  most  pleasing  descriptions  of  the  inhabitants  of  this 
island  is  given  by  old  Peter  Martyr,  who  gathered  it,  as  he  says, 
from  the  conversations  of  the  admiral  himself. 

"It  is  certain,"  says  he,  "that  the  land  among  these  people  is  aa^ 
common  as  the  sun  and  water;  and  that  'mine  and  thine,'  the  seeds 
of  all  mischief,  have  no  place  with  them.  They  are  content  with  so 
little,  that  in  so  large  a  country  they  have  rather  superfluity  than 
scarceness;  so  that  they  seem  to  live  in  the  golden  world,  without 
toil;  living  in  open  gardens,  not  entrenched  with  dykes,  divided  with 
hedges,  or  defended  with  walls.  They  deal  truly  one  with  another, 
without  laws,  without  books,  and  without  judges.  They  take  him 
for  an  evil  and  mischievous  man,  who  taketh  pleasure  in  doing  hurt 
to  another;  and  albeit  they  delight  not  in  superfluities,  yet  they  make 
provision  for  the  increase  of  such  roots  whereof  they  make  their 
bread,  contented  with  such  simple  diet,  whereby  health  is  preserved 
and  disease  avoided  ."| 

Much  of  this  picture  may  be  overcoloured  by  the  imagination,  but 
it  is  generally  confirmed  by  contemporary  historians.  They  all 
concur  in  representing  the  life  of  these  islanders  as  approaching  to 
the  golden  state  of  poetical  felicity;  living  under  the  absolute,  but 
patriarchal,  and  easy  rule  of  their  caciques,  free  from  pride,  with  few 
wants,  an  abundant  country,  a  happily  tempered  climate,  and  a 
natural  disposition  to  careless  and  indolent  enjoyment. 

*  Charlevoix,  Hist.  St.  Doming.  L.  1. 

t  Letter  of  Columb.  to  Luis  de  St.  Angel.    Navarrete,  T.  1,  p.  167. 

X  P.  Martyr,  Dccad.  1,  Lib.  3.     Translat.  of  Rich'd  Ed«n,  1555. 

M 


134 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


[Book  IV. 


CHAPTER  VIL 


COASTING    OF    HISPANIOLA. 


[1492.] 

When  the  weather  became  favourable,  Columbus  made  another 
attempt,  on  the  14th  December,  to  find  the  island  of  pabeque,  but 
was  again  baffled  by  adverse  winds.  In  the  course  of  this  attempt 
he  visited  an  island  lying  opposite  to  the  harbour  of  Conception,  to 
which,  from  its  abounding  in  turtle,  he  gave  the  name  of  Tortugas. 
The  natives  had  fled  to  the  rocks  and  forests,  and  alarm  fires  blazed 
along  the  heights,  from  which  circumstance  he  inferred  that  they 
were  more  subject  to  invasion  than  the  other  islanders.  The  country 
was  so  beautiful,  that  he  gave  to  one  of  the  valleys  the  name  of  Valle 
de  Paraiso,  or  the  Vale  of  Paradise,  and  called  a  fine  stream  the 
Guadalquiver,  after  that  renowned  river  which  flows  through  some 
of  the  fairest  provinces  of  Spain.* 

Setting  sail  on  the  16th  December,  at  midnight,  Columbus  steered 
again  for  Hispaniola.  When  half  way  across  the  gulf  which 
separates  the  islands,  he  perceived  a  canoe  navigated  by  a  single 
Indian,  and,  as  on  a  former  occasion,  was  astonished  at  his  hardi- 
hood in  venturing  so  far  from  land  in  so  frail  a  bark,  and  at  his 
adroitness  in  keeping  it  above  water,  as  the  wind  was  fresh,  and 
there  was  some  sea  running.  He  ordered  both  him  and  his  canoe  to 
be  taken  on  board,  and  having  anchored  near  a  village  on  the  coast 
of  Hispaniola,  at  present  known  as  Puerto  de  Paz,  he  sent  him  on 
shore,  well  regaled,  and  enriched  with  various  presents. 

In  the  early  intercourse  with  these  people  kindness  never  seems  to 
have  failed  in  its  effect.  The  favourable  accounts  given  by  this 
Indian,  and  by  those  with  whom  the  Spaniards  had  communicated 
on  their  previous  landings,  dispelled  the  fears  of  the  islanders,  A 
friendly  intercourse  soon  took  place,  and  the  ships  were  visited  by  a 
cacique  of  the  neighbourhood.  From  this  chieftain  and  his  coun 
sellers  Columbus  had  further  information  of  the  island  of  Babeque, 
which  was  described  as  lying  at  no  great  distance.  No  mention  is 
afterwards  made  of  this  island,  nor  does  it  appear  that  Columbus  made 


•  Primer  viage  de  colon.    Natarrete,  Collec.  T.  1. 


Chap.  VII.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  135 

any  further  attempt  to  seek  it.  No  such  island  exists  on  the  ancient 
charts,  and  it  is  probable  that  this  was  one  of  the  numerous 
misinterpretations  of  Indian  words,  which  led  Columbus  and  others 
of  the  first  discoverers  into  so  many  fruitless  researches.  The  people 
of  Hispaniola  appeared  handsomer  to  Columbus  than  any  he  had 
yet  met  with,  and  of  a  gentle  and  peaceable  disposition ;  some  of  them 
had  trifling  ornaments  of  gold,  which  they  readily  gave  away,  or 
exchanged  for  any  trifle.  The  country  was  finely  diversified  with 
lofty  mountains,  and  green  valleys  which  stretched  away  inland  as 
far  as  the  eye  could  reach.  The  mountains  were  of  such  easy 
ascent,  that  the  highest  of  them  might  be  ploughed  with  oxen,  and 
the  luxuriant  growth  of  the  forests  manifested  the  fertility  of  the 
soil.  The  valleys  were  watered  by  numerous  clear  and  beautiful 
streams;  they  appeared  to  be  cultivated  in  many  places,  and  to  be 
fitted  for  grain,  for  orchards  and  pasturage. 

While  detained  at  this  harbour  by  contrary  winds,  Columbus  was 
visited  by  a  young  cacique  of  apparently  great  importance.  He  was 
borne  by  four  men  on  a  sort  of  litter,  and  attended  by  two  hundred 
of  his  subjects.  The  admiral  being  at  dinner  when  he  arrived,  the 
young  chieftain  ordered  his  followers  to  remain  without,  and,  enter^ 
ing  the  cabin  took  his  seat  beside  Columbus,  not  permitting  him  to 
rise  or  use  any  ceremony.  Only  two  old  men  entered  with  him, 
who  appeared  to  be  his  counsellors,  and  who  seated  themselves  at  his 
feet.  If  any  thing  were  given  him  to  eat  or  drink,  he  merely  tasted 
it,  and  sent  it  to  his  followers,  maintaining  an  air  of  great  gravity 
and  dignity.  He  spoke  but  little,  his  two  counsellors  watching  his 
lips,  and  catching  and  communicating  his  ideas.  After  dinner  he 
presented  the  admiral  with  a  belt  curiously  wrought,  and  two  pieces 
of  gold.  Columbus  gave  him  a  piece  of  cloth,  several  amber  beads, 
coloured  shoes,  and  a  flask  of  orange  flower  water.  He  showed  him 
Spanish  coin,  on  which  were  the  likenesses  of  the  king  and  queen, 
and  endeavoured  to  explain  to  him  the  power  and  grandeur  of  those 
sovereigns;  he  displayed  also  the  royal  banners  and  the  standard 
of  the  cross,  but  it  was  all  in  vain  to  attempt  to  convey  any  clear 
idea  by  these  symbols;  the  cacique  could  not  be  made  to  believe  that 
there  was  a  region  on  the  earth  which  produced  these  wonderful 
people  and  wonderful  things;  he  joined  in  the  common  idea  that  the 
Spaniards  were  more  than  mortal,  and  that  the  country  and 
sovereigns  they  talked  of  must  exist  somewhere  in  the  skies. 

In  the  evening  the  cacique  was  sent  on  shore  in  the  boat  with  great 
ceremony,  and  a  salute  fired  in  honour  of  him.  He  departed  in  the 
state  in  which  he  had  come,  carried  on  a  litter  accompanied  by  a 
great  concourse  of  his  subjects.     Not  far  behind  him  was  his  son, 


136  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  fBooK  IV. 

borne  and  escorted  in  like  manner;  and  his  brother,  on  foot,  supported 
by  two  attendants.  The  presents  which  he  had  received  from  the 
admiral  were  carried  before  him  with  great  ceremony. 

They  procured  but  little  gold  in  this  place,  though  whatever  orna- 
ments the  natives  possessed  they  readily  gave  away.  The  region  of 
promise  still  lay  farther  on,  and  one  of  the  old  counsellors  of  the 
cacique  told  Columbus  that  he  would  soon  arrive  at  islands  rich  in 
the  precious  ore.  Before  leaving  this  place,  the  admiral  caused  a 
large  cross  to  be  erected  in  the  centre  of  the  village,  and  from  the 
readiness  with  which  the  Indians  assisted,  and  their  implicit  imita- 
tion of  the  Spaniards  in  their  acts  of  adoration,  he  inferred  that  it 
would  be  an  easy  matter  to  convert  them  all  to  Christianity. 

On  the  19th  of  December  they  made  sail  before  daylight,  but  with 
unfavorable  wind;  and,  on  the  evening  of  the  20th  they  anchored 
in  a  fine  harbour,  to  which  Columbus  gave  the  name  of  St.  Thomas, 
supposed  to  be  what  at  present  is  called  tJie  Bay  of  Acul.  It  was 
surrounded  by  a  beautiful  and  well  peopled  country.  The  inhabit- 
ants came  off  to  the  ships,  some  in  canoes,  some  swimming,  bringing 
fruits  of  various  unknown  kinds  of  great  fragrance  and  flavour. 
These  they  gave  freely,  with  whatever  else  they  possessed,  espe- 
cially their  golden  ornaments,  which  they  saw  were  particularly 
coveted  by  the  strangers.  There  was  a  remarkable  frankness  and 
generosity  about  these  people;  they  had  no  idea  of  traffic,  but  gave 
every  thing  with  spontaneous  liberality.  Columbus  would  not  per- 
mit his  people,  however,  to  take  advantage  of  this  free  disposition, 
but  ordered  that  something  should  always  be  given  in  exchange. 
Several  of  the  neighbouring  caciques  visited  the  ships,  bringing 
presents  and  inviting  the  Spaniards  to  their  villages;  where  on  going 
to  land,  they  were  most  hospitably  entertained. 

On  the  22d  December  a  large  canoe  filled  with  natives  came  on  a 
mission  from  a  grand  cacique,  named  Guacanagari,  who  commanded 
all  that  part  of  the  island.  A  principal  servant  of  that  chieftain 
came  in  the  canoe,  bringing  the  Admiral  a  present  of  a  broad  belt 
wrought  ingeniously  with  coloured  beads  and  bones,  and  a  wooden 
mask,  the  eyes,  nose,  and  tongue  of  which  were  of  gold.  He 
delivered  also  a  message  from  the  cacique  begging  that  the  ships 
might  come  opposite  to  his  residence,  which  was  on  a  part  of  the 
coast  a  little  farther  to  the  eastward.  The  wind  preventing  an  imme- 
diate compliance  with  this  invitation,  the  admiral  sent  the  notary 
of  the  squadron,  with  several  of  the  crew  to  visit  the  cacique.  He 
resided  in  a  town  situated  on  a  river  at  what  they  called  Punta 
Santa,  at  present  Point  Honorata.  it  was  the  largest  and  best  built 
town  they  had  yet  seen.     The  cacique  received  thorn  in  a  kind  d 


Chap.  VIIL]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  137 

public  square,  which  had  been  swept  and  prepared  for  the  occasion, 
and  treated  them  with  great  honour,  giving  to  each  a  dress  of  cot- 
ton. The  inhabitants  crowded  round  them,  bringing  provisions  and 
refreshments  of  various  kinds.  The  seamen  were  received  into  their 
houses  as  distinguished  guests;  they  gave  them  garments  of  cotton, 
and  whatever  else  appeared  to  have  value  in  their  eyes,  asking 
nothing  in  return,  but  if  any  thing  were  given,  appearing  to  treasure 
it  up  as  a  sacred  relique. 

The  cacique  would  have  detained  them  all  night,  but  their  orders 
obliged  them  to  return.  On  parting  with  them  he  gave  them  presents 
of  parrots  and  of  pieces  of  gold  for  the  admiral;  and  they  were 
attended  to  their  boats  by  a  crowd  of  the  natives  carrying  the  pre^ 
sents  for  them,  and  vying  with  each  other  in  rendering  them  service. 

During  their  absence  the  admiral  had  been  visited  by  a  great  num- 
ber of  canoes,  and  several  inferior  caciques.  All  assured  him  that 
the  island  abounded  with  wealth ;  they  talked  especially  of  a  region 
in  the  interior,  farther  to  the  east,  which  they  called  Cibao,  the 
cacique  of  which,  as  far  as  they  could  be  understood,  had  banners  of 
wrought  gold.  Columbus,  deceiving  himself  as  usual,  fancied  that 
this  name  Cibao  must  be  a  corruption  of  Cipango,  and  that  this  chief- 
tain with  golden  banners  must  be  identical  with  the  magnificent 
prince  of  that  island  mentioned  by  Marco  Polo.* 


CHAPTER  VIIL 

SHIPWRECK. 

[1492.] 


On  the  morning  of  the  24th  of  December,  Columbus  set  sail  from 
Port  Conception  before  sunrise,  and  steered  to  the  eastward,  with  an 
intention  of  anchoring  at  the  harbour  of  the  cacique  Guacanagari. 
The  wind  was  from  the  land,  but  so  light  as  scarcely  to  fill  the  sails, 
and  the  ships  made  but  little  progress.  At  eleven  o'clock  at  night, 
being  Christmas  eve,  they  were  within  a  league,  or  a  league  and  a 
half,  of  the  residence  of  the  cacique,   and  Columbus,  who  had 


*  Journal  of  Columb.    Navarrete,  Collec.  T.  I.    Herrera,  Hist.  Ind.  D.  1,  L.  1. 
C.  15, 16.    Hist,  del  Almirante,  Cap.  30,  31,  M  2 


18S  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  JV 

hitherto  kept  watch,  finding  the  sea  calm  and  smooth,  and  the  ship 
ahuost  motionless,  retired  to  take  a  little  rest,  not  having  slept  the 
preceding  night.  He  was  in  general  extremely  wakeful  on  his 
coasting  voyages,  passing  whole  nights  upon  the  deck  in  all  wea- 
thers; never  trusting  to  the  watchfulness  of  others,  where  there 
was  any  difficulty  or  danger  to  be  provided  against.  In  the  present 
instance,  he  felt  perfectly  secure ;  not  merely  on  account  of  the  pro- 
found calm,  but  because  the  boats,  on  the  preceding  day  in  their  visit 
to  the  cacique,  had  reconnoitered-  the  coast,  and  had  reported  that 
there  were  neither  rocks  nor  shoals  in  their  course. 

Never  was  the  importance  of  the  eye  of  a  commander  more  clearly 
illustrated.  No  sooner  had  the  vigilant  admiral  retired,  than  the 
steersman  gave  the  helm  in  charge  to  one  of  the  ship  boys  and 
went  to  sleep.  This  was  in  direct  violation  of  one  of  the  invaria- 
ble orders  of  the  admiral,  that  the  helm  should  never  be  trusted  to 
the  boys.  The  rest  of  the  mariners,  who  had  the  watch,  took  like 
advantage  of  the  absence  of  Columbus,  and  in  a  little  while  the 
whole  crew  was  buried  in  sleep.  While  the  security  reigned  over 
the  ship,  the  treacherous  currents,  which  run  swiftly  along  this  coast, 
carried  her  quietly,  but  with  force  upon  a  sand  bank.  The  heedless 
boy  had  not  noticed  the  breakers,  although  they  made  a  roaring  that 
might  have  been  heard  a  league.  No  sooner,  however,  did  he  feel 
the  rudder  strike,  and  hear  the  tumult  of  the  rushing  sea,  than  he 
began  to  cry  for  aid,  Columbus,  whose  careful  thoughts  never  per- 
mitted him  to  sleep  profoundly,  was  the  first  to  take  the  alarm,  and 
mount  the  deck.  The  master  of  the  ship,  whose  duty  it  was  to  have 
been  on  watch,  next  made  his  appearance,  followed  by  others  of  the 
crew,  half  awake,  and  unconscious  of  the  peril  of  their  situation. 
The  admiral  ordered  them  to  take  the  boat,  and  carry  out  an  anchor 
astern,  that  they  might  endeavour  to  warp  the  vessel  off.  The  mas- 
ter and  the  sailors,  sprang  into  the  boat ;  but  they  were  confused  and 
seized  with  a  panic,  as  men  are  apt  to  be  when  suddenly  awakened 
by  an  alarm.  Instead  of  obeying  the  commands  of  Columbus,  they 
rowed  off  to  the  other  caravel,  which  was  about  half  a  league 
to  windward ;  while  he,  supposing  that  they  were  carrying  out  the 
anchor,  trusted  soon  to  get  the  vessel  again  into  deep  water. 

When  the  boat  arrived  at  the  caravel,  and  made  known  the  peril- 
ous state  in  which  they  had  left  their  vessel,  they  were  reproached 
with  their  pusillanimous  desertion,  and  refused  admission.  The 
commander  and  several  of  his  crew,  manning  their  boat,  hastened  to 
the  assistance  of  the  admiral,  and  were  followed  by  the  recreant 
^master  and  his  companions,  covered  with  shame  and  confusion. 

They  arrived  too  late  to  save  the  ship,  for  the  violent  current  had 


Chap.  VIII.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  139 

set  her  more  and  more  upon  the  bank.  The  admiral,  seeing  that 
his  boat  had  deserted  him,  that  the  ship  had  swung  across  the  stream, 
and  that  the  water  was  continually  gaining  upon  her,  had  ordered 
the  mast  to  be  cut  away,  with  the  hope  of  lightening  her  sufficiently 
to  float  her  off.  Every  effort  was  in  vain.  The  keel  was  firmly 
bedded  in  the  sand ;  the  shock  had  opened  several  seams ;  while  the 
swell  of  the  breakers  striking  against  her  broadside,  left  her  each 
moment  more  and  more  aground,  until  she  fell  over  on  one  side. 
Fortunately  the  weather  continued  calm,  otherwise  the  ship  must 
have  gone  to  pieces,  and  the  whole  crew  might  have  perished  amidst 
the  currents  and  breakers. 

The  admiral  and  his  men  took  refuge  on  board  the  caravel.  Diego 
de  Arana,  chief  judge  of  the  armament,  and  Pedro  Gutierrez,  the 
king's  butler,  were  immediately  sent  on  shore  as  envoys  to  the  ca- 
cique Guacaganari,  to  inform  him  of  the  intended  visit  of  the  ad- 
miral, and  of  his  disastrous  shipwreck.  In  the  meantime,  as  a  light 
wind  had  sprung  up  from  shorej  and  the  admiral  was  ignorant  of  his 
situation,  and  of  the  rocks  and  banks  which  might  be  lurking 
around  him,  he  lay  too  until  daylight. 

The  habitation  of  the  cacique  was  about  a  league  and  a  half 
from  the  wreck.  When  Guacanagari  heard  of  the  misfortune  of 
his  guests,  he  manifested  the  utmost  affliction,  and  even  shed  tears. 
He  immediately  sent  all  his  people,  with  all  the  canoes,  large  and 
small,  that  could  be  mustered ;  and  so  active  were  they  in  their  as- 
sistance, that  in  a  little  while  the  vessel  was  unloaded.  The  ca- 
cique himself,  and  his  brothers  and  relations,  rendered  all  the  aid  in 
their  power,  both  on  sea  and  land;  keeping  vigilant  guard  that 
every  thing  should  be  conducted  with  order,  and  the  property 
rescued  from  the  wreck  be  preserved  with  inviolable  fidelity.  From 
time  to  time,  he  sent  some  one  of  his  family,  or  some  principal  per- 
son of  his  attendants,  to  condole  with  the  admiral,  and  to  entreat 
him  not  to  be  distressed,  for  that  every  thing  he  possessed  should  be 
at  his  disposal. 

Never,  in  civilized  country,  were  the  vaunted  rites  of  hospitality 
more  scrupulously  observed,  than  by  this  uncultured  savage.  All 
the  effects  landed  from  the  ship  were  deposited  near  his  dwelling ;  and 
an  armed  guard  surrounded  them  all  night,  until  houses  could  be  pre- 
pared in  which  to  store  them.  There  seemed,  however,  even  among 
the  common  people,  no  disposition  to  take  advantage  of  the  misfor- 
tune of  the  strangers.  Although  they  beheld  what  must  in  their 
eyes  have  been  inestimable  treasures,  cast  as  it  were  upon  their  shores, 
and  open  to  depredation,  yet  there  was  not  the  least  attempt  to  pilfer, 
nor  in  transporting  the  effects  from  the  ship,  had  they  appropriated 


140  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  IV. 

the  most  trifling  article:  on  the  contrary,  a  general  sympathy  was 
visible  in  their  countenances  and  actions;  and  to  have  witnessed  their 
concern,  one  would  have  supposed  the  misfortune  had  happened  to 
themselves.* 

"  So  loving,  so  tractable,  so  peaceable  are  these  people,"  says  Co- 
lumbus in  his  journal,  "  that  I  swear  to  your  majesties  there  is  not 
in  the  world  a  better  nation,  or  a  better  land.  They  love  their  neigh- 
bours as  themselves ;  and  their  discourse  is  ever  sweet  and  gentle, 
and  accompanied  with  a  smile;  and  though  it  is  true  that  they  are 
naked,  yet  their  manners  are  decorous  and  praiseworthy." 


CHAPTER  IX. 

TRANSACTIONS    WITH    THE    NATIVES. 
[1492.] 

On  the  twenty-sixth  of  December,  Guacanagari  came  on  board 
of  the  caravel  Nina  to  visit  the  admiral;  and  observing  him  to  be 
very  much  dejected,  the  compassionate  heart  of  the  cacique  was  so 
much  moved,  that  he  shed  tears.  He  repeated  the  message  which 
he  had  sent,  entreating  Columbus  not  to  be  cast  down  by  his 
misfortune,  and  offering  every  thing  he  possessed,  that  might  render 
him  aid  or  consolation.  He  had  already  given  three  houses  to 
shelter  the  Spaniards,  and  to  receive  the  effects  landed  from  the 
wreck,  and  he  offered  to  furnish  more  if  necessary. 

While  they  were  conversing,  a  canoe  arrived  from  another  part 
of  the  island,  bringing  pieces  of  gold  to  be  exchanged  for  hawks' 
bells.  There  was  nothing  upon  which  the  natives  set  so  much 
value  as  upon  these  toys.  The  Indians  were  extravagantly  fond 
of  the  dance,  which  they  sometimes  performed  to  the  cadence 
of  certain  songs,  accompanied  by  the  sound  of  a  kind  of  drum,  made 
from  the  trunk  of  a  tree,  and  the  rattling  of  hollow  bits  of  wood;  but 
when  they  hung  the  hawks'  bells  about  their  persons,  and  heard 
their  clear  musical  sound  responding  to  their  movements  as  they 
danced,  nothing  could  exceed  their  wild  delight. 


*  Hist,  del  AUnirante,  C.  32.    Las  Casas,  Lib.  1,  C.  9. 


Chap.  IX.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  t4l 

The  sailors  who  came  from  the  shore,  informed  the  admiral  that 
considerable  quantities  of  gold  had  been  brought  to  barter,  and  large 
pieces  were  eagerly  given  for  the  merest  trifle.  This  information 
had  a  cheering  effect  upon  Columbus.  The  attentive  cacique, 
perceiving  the  lighting  up  of  his  countenance,  inquired  into  what 
the  sailors  had  communicated.  When  he  learnt  its  purport,  and 
found  that  the  admiral  was  extremely  desirous  of  procuring  gold,  he 
assured  him  by  signs,  that  there  was  a  place  not  far  off,  among  the 
mountains,  where  it  abounded  to  such  a  degree  as  to  be  held  in  little 
value.  He  promised  to  procure  hiii)  from  thence  as  much  as  he  desired. 
The  place  to  which  he  alluded,  ana  which  he  called  Cibao,  was  in 
fact  a  mountainous  region  v/bich  me  Spaniards  afterwards  found  to 
contain  valuable  mines;  but  Columbus  still  confounded  the  name 
with  that  of  Cipango.* 

Guacanagari  dined  on  board  of  the  caravel  with  the  admiral, 
after  which  he  invited  him  on  shore  to  visit  his  residence.  Here  he 
had  prepared  a  collation,  as  choice  and  abundant  as  his  simple  means 
afforded,  consisting  of  utias  or  ccnevs,  fish,  roots,  and  the  various 
fruits  with  which  the  island  abounded.  The  generous  cacique  did 
every  thing  in  his  power  to  honour  his  guest,  and  cheer  him  under 
his  misfortune,  showing  a  warmtn  of  sympathy,  yet  delicacy 
of  attention,  which  could  not  have  been  expected  from  his  savage 
state.  Indeed  there  was  a  degree  of  innate  dignity  and  refinement 
displayed  in  his  manners  that  often  surprised  the  Spaniards,  He 
was  remarkably  nice  and  decorous  in  his  mode  of  eating,  which  was 
slow  and  with  moderation,  washing  his  hands  when  he  had  finished, 
and  rubbing  them  with  sweet  and  odoriferous  herbs;  which  Colum- 
bus supposed  was  done  to  preserve  their  delicacy  and  softness.  He 
was  served  with  great  deference  by  his  subjects,  and  conducted 
himself,  towards  them  with  a  gracious  and  prince-like  majesty. 
His  whole  deportment,  in  the  enthusiastic  eyes  of  Columbus,  beto- 
kened the  inborn  grace  and  dignity  of  lofty  lineage. f 

In  fact,  the  sovereignty  among  tne  people  of  this  island  was 
hereditary,  and  they  had  a  simple  but  sagacious  mode  of  maintaining 
in  some  degree  the  verity  of  descent.  On  the  death  of  a  cacique 
without  children,  his  authority  passed  to  those  of  his  sisters,  in  pre- 
ference to  those  of  his  brothers,  being  considered  most  likely  to  be  of 
his  blood:  for  they  observed  that  a  brother's  reputed  children  may  by 
accident  have  no  consanguinity  witn  their  uncle,  but  those  of  his 
sister  must  certainly  be  the  children  of  their  mother.     The  form  of 

*  Primer  viage  de  Colon.    Navarrete,  T.  1,  p.  114. 

fLas  Casas,  L.  1,  C.  70.  MS.    Primer  viage  de  Colon,  Navarrete,  T.  1,  p.  114. 


!42  UFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  IV. 

government  was  completely  despotic;  the  caciques  had  entire  con- 
trol over  the  lives,  the  property,  and  even  over  the  religion  of  their 
subjects.  They  had  few  laws,  and  ruled  ac cording  to  their  judg- 
ment and  their  will;  but  they  ruled  mildly,  and  were  implicitly  and 
'^heerfully  obeyed.  Throughout  the  course  of  the  disastrous  history 
of  these  islanders,  after  their  discovery  by  the  Europeans,  there  are 
continual  proofs  of  their  affectionate  and  devoted  fidelity  to  their 
caciques. 

After  the  collation,  Guacanagari  conducted  Columbus  to  the 
beautiful  groves  which  surrounded  his  residence.  They  were  at- 
tended by  upwards  of  a  thousand  of  the  natives,  all  perfectly  naked. 
Under  the  shade  of  their  groves,  the  natives  performed  several  of 
their  national  games  and  dances,  which  Guacanagari  had  ordered, 
to  amuse  the  melancholy  of  his  guest. 

When  the  Indians  had  finished  their  games,  Columbus  gave  them 
an  entertainment  in  return,  calculated  at  the  same  time  to  impress 
them  with  a  formidable  idea  of  the  military  power  of  the  Spaniards. 
He  sent  on  board  the  caravel  for  a  Moorish  bow,  and  a  quiver  of 
arrows,  and  a  Castilian,  who  had  served  in  the  wars  of  Granada, 
and  was  skilful  in  the  use  of  them.  When  the  cacique  beheld  the 
accuracy  with  which  this  man  used  his  weapons,  he  was  greatly 
surprised,  being  himself  of  an  unwarlike  character,  and  little  accus- 
tomed to  the  use  of  arms.  He  told  the  admiral  that  the  Caribs,  who 
often  made  descents  upon  his  territory,  and  carried  off  his  subjects, 
were  likewise  armed  with  bows  and  arrows.  Columbus  assured  him 
of  the  protection  of  the  Castilian  monarchs,  who  would  destroy  the 
Caribs;  for  he  let  him  know  that  he  had  weapons  far  more  tremen- 
dous, against  which  there  was  no  defence.  In  proof  of  this,  he  or- 
dered a  Lombard  or  heavy  cannon  and  an  arquebus  to  be  discharged. 

At  the  sound  of  these  weapons,  the  Indians  fell  to  the  ground  as 
though  they  had  been  struck  by  a  thunderbolt ;  and  when  they  saw 
the  effect  of  the  ball,  rending  and  shivering  the  trees  like  a  stroke 
of  lightning,  they  were  filled  with  dismay.  On  being  told,  however, 
that  the  Spaniards  would  defend  them  with  these  arms,  against  the 
invasions  of  their  dreaded  enemies  the  Caribs,  their  alarm  was 
changed  into  confident  exultation;  for  they  considered  themselves 
under  the  protection  of  the  sons  of  heaven,  who  had  come  from  the 
skies,  armed  with  thunder  and  lightning. 

The  cacique  now  presented  Columbus  with  several  of  feis  national 
jewels:  a  mask  carved  of  wood,  with  the  eyes,  ears,  and  various 
other  parts  of  gold;  he  hung  plates  of  the  same  metal  around  his 
neck,  and  placed  a  kind  of  golden  coronet  upon  his  head.  He  dis- 
played also  the  natural  munificence  of  his  spirit,  by  dispensing 


Chap.  IX.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  143 

various  presents  among  the  followers  of  the  admiral;  acquitting  him- 
self, in  all  things,  in  his  simple  and  savage  state,  in  a  manner  that 
would  have  done  honour  to  an  accomplished  prince,  in  civilized  life. 

Whatever  trifles  Columbus  gave  in  return,  were  regarded  with 
reverence  as  celestial  gifts.  The  Indians,  in  admiring  all  articles  of 
European  manufacture,  continually  repeated  the  word  Turey,  which 
in  their  language  signifies  heaven.  They  pretended  to  distinguish 
the  different  qualities  of  gold  by  the  smell:  in  the  same  way  when 
any  article  of  tin,  of  silver,  or  other  white  metal  was  given  them,  to 
which  they  were  unaccustomed,  they  smelt  it,  and  declared  it  turey 
of  excellent  quality,  giving  in  exchange  pieces  of  the  finest  gold. 
Every  thing,  in  fact,  from  the  hands  of  the  Spaniards  was  precious 
in  their  eyes;  a  rusty  piece  of  iron,  an  end  of  a  strap,  a  head  of  a 
nail,  every  thing  had  an  occult  and  supernatural  value,  and  smell  of 
turey.  Hawks'  bells,  however,  were  sought  by  them  with  a  mania 
only  equalled  by  that  of  the  Spaniards  for  gold.  They  could  not 
contain  their  ecstacies  at  their  sound,  dancing,  and  playing  a  thou- 
sand antics.  On  one  occasion  an  Indian  gave  half  a  handful  of  gold 
dust  in  exchange  for  one  of  these  toys,  and  no  sooner  was  in  posses- 
sion of  it,  than  he  bounded  away  to  the  woods,  looking  often  behind 
him,  and  fearful  that  the  Spaniard  would  repent  of  having  parted  so 
cheaply  with  such  an  inestimable  jewel.* 

The  extreme  kindness  of  the  cacique,  the  gentleness  of  his  people, 
the  quantities  of  gold  which  were  daily  brought  to  be  exchanged  for 
the  veriest  trifles,  and  the  information  continually  re(?feived  of  sources 
of  wealth  in  the  bosom  of  this  beautiful  island,  all  contributed  to 
console  the  admiral  for  the  misfortune  he  had  suffered. 

The  shipwrecked  crew  also,  living  on  shore,  and  mingling  freely 
with  the  natives,  became  fascinated  with  their  easy  and  idle  mode  of 
life.  Exempted  by  their  simplicity  from  the  painful  cares  and  toils 
which  civilized  man  inflicts  upon  himself,  by  his  many  artificial 
wants,  the  existence  of  these  islanders  seemed  to  the  Spaniards  like 
a  pleasant  dream.  They  disquieted  themselves  about  nothing.  A 
few  fields,  cultivated  almost  without  labour,  furnished  the  roots  and 
vegetables  which  formed  a  great  part  of  their  diet.  Their  rivers  and 
coasts  abounded  with  fish;  their  trees  were  laden  with  fruits  of 
golden  or  blushing  hue,  and  heightened  by  a  tropical  sun  to  delicious 
flavour  and  fragrance.  Softened  by  the  indulgence  of  nature,  a  great 
part  of  their  day  was  passed  in  indolent  repose,  in  that  luxury  of 
sensation  inspired  by  a  serene  sky,  and  a  voluptuous  climate;  and  in 


144  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  IV. 

the  evenings,  they  danced  in  their  fragrant  groves,  to  their  national 
eongs,  or  the  rude  sound  of  their  sylvan  drums. 

Such  was  the  indolent  and  holj^-day  life  of  these  simple  people; 
which  if  it  had  not  the  great  scope  of  enjoyment,  nor  the  high-sea- 
poned  poignancy  of  pleasure,  which  attends  civilization,  was  cer- 
tainly destitute  of  most  of  its  artificial  miseries.  The  venerable  Las 
Casas,  speaking  of  their  perfect  nakedness,  observes,  it  seemed  almost 
as  if  they  were  existing  in  the  state  of  primeval  innocence  of  our  first 
parents,  before  their  fall  brought  shame  into  the  world.  He  might 
have  added,  that  they  seemed  exempt,  likewise,  from  the  penalty  in- 
flicted on  the  children  of  Adam,  that  they  should  eat  their  bread  by 
the  sweat  of  their  brow. 

When  the  Spanish  mariners  looked  back  upon  their  toilsome  and 
painful  life;  and  reflected  on  the  cares  and  hardships  that  must  still 
be  their  lot,  if  they  returned  to  Europe ;  it  is  no  wonder  that  they  re 
garded  with  a  wistful  eye  the  easy  and  idle  existence  of  these  In- 
dians. Wherever  they  went,  they  met  with  caressing  hospitality. 
The  men  were  simple,  frank  and  cordial;  the  women  loving  and 
compliant,  and  prompt  to  form  those  connexions  which  anchor  the 
most  wandering  heart.  They  saw  gold  glittering  around  them,  to 
be  had  without  labour,  and  every  enjoyment  to  be  procured  without 
cost.  Captivated  by  these  advantages,  many  of  the  seamen  sur- 
rounded the  admiral;  they  represented  the  difficulties  and  sufferings 
which  they  must  encounter  on  a  return  voyage,  where  so  many 
would  be  crowded  in  a  small  caravel;  and  they  entreated  permission 
to  remain  in  the  island.* 


*  Primer  viage  de  Colon.    Navarrete,  T.  1,  p.  116. 


CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  145 


CHAPTER  X. 

BUILDING    OF    THE    FORTRESS    OF    LA    NAVIDAD. 
[1492,] 

The  solicitude  expressed  by  many  of  his  people  to  fce  left  behind, 
added  to  the  friendly  and  pacific  character  of  the  natives,  now  sug 
gested  to  Columbus  the  idea  of  forming  the  germ  of  a  future  colony. 
The  wreck  of  the  caravel  would  afford  abundant  materials  to  con- 
struct a  fortress,  which  might  be  defended  by  her  guns,  and  supplied 
with  her  ammunition;  and  he  could  spare  provisions  enough  to  main- 
tain a  small  garrison  for  a  year.  The  people  wlio  thus  remained  on 
the  island  could  explore  it,  and  make  themselves  acquainted  with  its 
mines,  and  other  sources  of  wealth;  they  might,  at  the  same  time, 
procure  by  traffic  a  large  quantity  of  gold  from  the  natives;  they 
could  learn  their  language,  and  accustom  themselves  to  their  habits 
and  manners,  so  as  to  be  of  great  use  in  future  intercourse.  In  the 
meantime,  the  admiral  could  return  to  Spain,  report  the  success  of 
his  enterprise,  and  bring  out  reinforcements. 

No  sooner  did  this  idea  break  upon  the  mind  of  Columbus,  than  he 
set  about  accomplishing  it  with  his  accustomed  promptness  and 
celerity.  The  wreck  was  broken  up  and  brought  piecemeal  to  shore; 
and  a  site  chosen,  and  preparations  made  for  the  erection  of  a  tower. 
When  Guacanagari  was  informed  of  the  intention  of  the  admiral  to 
leave  a  part  of  his  men  for  the  defence  of  the  island  from  the  Caribs, 
while  he  returned  to  his  country  for  more,  he  was  greatly  overjoyed. 
His  subjects  manifested  equal  delight  at  the  idea  of  retaining  these 
wonderful  people  among  them;  and  at  the  prospect  of  the  future  arri- 
val of  the  admiral,  with  ships  freighted  with  hawks'  bells,  and  other 
precious  articles.  They  eagerly  lent  their  assistance  in  building  the 
fortress ;  little  dreaming  that  they  were  assisting  to  place  on  their 
necks  the  galling  yoke  of  perpetual  and  toilsome  slavery. 

The  preparations  for  the  fortress  were  scarcely  commenced,  when 
certain  Indians,  arriving  at  the  harbour,  brought  a  report  that  a 
great  vessel,  like  those  of  the  admiral,  had  anchored  in  a  river,  at  the 
eastern  end  of  the  island.  These  tidings,  for  a  time,  dispelled  a 
thousand  uneasy  conjectures  v/hich  had  harassed  the  mind  of  Co- 
lumbus, for  of  course  this  vessel  could  be  no  other  than  the  Pinta, 

Vol.  I.  10  N 


l^  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  IV 

He  immediately  procured  a  canoe  from  Guacanagari,  with  several 
Indians  to  navigate  it,  and  he  dispatched  a  Spaniard  in  it  with  a 
letter  to  Pinzon,  couched  in  amicable  terms,  making  no  complaints  of 
his  desertion,  but  urging  him  to  join  company  immediately. 

After  three  days'  absence  the  canoe  returned.  The  Spaniard  re- 
ported that  he  had  pursued  the  coast  for  twenty  leagues,  but  had 
neither  seen  nor  heard  any  thing  of  the  Pinta ;  he  considered  the 
eport,  therefore,  as  incorrect.  Other  rumours,  however,  were  im- 
mediately afterwards  circulated  at  the  harbour,  of  this  large  vessel  to 
the  eastward ;  but,  on  investigation,  they  appeared  to  Columbus,  to 
be  equally  undeserving  of  credit.  He  relapsed  therefore  into  his 
doubts  and  anxieties  in  respect  to  Pinzon.  Since  the  shipwreck  of 
his  vessel,  the  desertion  of  that  commander  had  become  a  matter  of 
still  more  serious  moment,  and  had  obliged  him  to  alter  all  his  plans. 
Should  the  Pinta  be  lost,  as  was  very  possible  in  a  voyage  of  such 
extent  and  exposed  ^o  so  many  uncommon  perils,  there  would  then 
be  but  one  ship  surviving,  of  the  three  which  had  set  sail  from 
Palos ;  and  that  one  an  indifferent  sailor.  On  the  precarious  return 
of  that  crazy  barque,  across  an  immense  expanse  of  ocean,  would 
depend  the  ultimate  success  of  the  expedition.  Should  that  one 
likewise  perish,  every  record  of  this  great  discovery  would  be  swal- 
lowed up  with  it ;  the  name  of  Columbus  would  only  be  remembered 
as  that  of  a  mad  adventurer,  who,  despising  the  opinions  of  the 
learned  and  the  counsels  of  the  wise,  had  departed  into  the  wilds  of 
the  ocean  never  to  return;  the  obscurity  of  his  fate,  and  its  imagin- 
ed horrors,  might  deter,  all  future  enterprise,  and  thus  the  New 
World  might  remain,  as  heretofore,  unknown  to  civilized  man. 
These  considerations  determined  Columbus  to  abandon  all  further 
prosecution  of  his  voyage,  to  leave  unexplored  the  magnificent  re- 
gions which  were  inviting  him  on  every  hand,  to  give  up  all  hope 
for  the  present  of  finding  his  way  to  the  dominions  of  the  Grand 
Khan,  and  to  lose  no  time  in  returning  to  Spain,  and  reporting  his 
discovery. 

While  the  fortress  was  building,  the  admiral  continued  to  receive 
every  day  new  proofs  of  the  amity  and  kindness  of  Guacanagari. 
Whenever  he  went  on  shore,  to  superintend  the  works,  he  was  en- 
tertained in  the  most  hospitable  manner  by  that  chieftain.  He  had 
the  largest  house  in  the  place  prepared  for  his  reception,  strewed  or 
carpeted  with  palm  leaves,  and  furnished  with  low  stools  of  a  black 
and  shining  wood  that  looked  like  jet.  When  he  received  the  ad- 
miral, it  was  always  in  a  style  of  princely  generosity,  hanging 
around  his  neck  some  jewel  of  gold,  or  making  him  some  present 
of  similar  value. 


Chap.  X.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  147 

On  one  occasion  he  came  to  meet  him  on  his  landing,  attended 
by  five  tributary  caciques,  each  wearing  a  coronet  of  gold ;  they 
conducted  him  with  great  deference  to  the  house  already  mentioned, 
where,  seating  him  in  one  of  the  chairs,  Guacaij^gari  took  off 
his  own  coronet  of  gold  and  placed  it  upon  his  head;  Columbus  in 
return  took  from  his  neck  a  collar  of  fine  coloured  beads,  which  he 
put  round  that  of  the  cacique,  he  invested  him  in  a  mantle  of  fine 
cloth  which  he  wore,  gave  him  a  pair  of  coloured  boots,  and  put  on 
his  finger  a  large  silver  ring ;  upon  which  metal  the  Indians  set  a 
great  value,  it  not  being  found  in  their  island.  Such  were  the  acts 
of  kindness  and  amity  continually  interchanged  between  Columbus 
and  this  warm  hearted,  open-handed  cacique. 

The  latter,  also,  exerted  himself  to  the  utmost,  to  procure  a  great 
quantity  of  gold  for  the  admiral  before  his  departure.  The  supplies 
thus  furnished,  and  the  vague  accounts  collected  through  the  medium 
of  signs  and  imperfect  interpretations,  filled  the  mind  of  Columbus 
with  magnificent  ideas  of  the  wealth  which  must  exist  in  the  inte- 
rior of  this  island.  The  names  of  caciques,  mountains,  and  provin- 
ces were  confused  together  in  his  imagination,  and  supposed  to  mean 
various  places  where  great  treasure  was  to  be  found;  above  all  the 
name  of  Cibao  continually  occurred,  which  was  understood  to  be 
some  golden  region  among  the  mountains,  from  whence  the  natives 
procured  most  of  the  ore  for  their  ornaments.  In  the  pimiento  or 
red  pepper  which  abounded  in  the  island,  Columbus  fancied  he  found 
a  trace  of  oriental  spices,  and  he  thought  he  had  met  with  speci- 
mens of  rhubarb. 

Passing,  with  his  usual  buoyancy  of  spirit,  from  a  state  of  doubt 
and  anxiety  to  one  of  sanguine  anticipation,  he  now  considered  his 
shipwreck  as  one  of  those  providential  events  mysteriously  ordained 
by  heaven  to  work  out  the  success  of  his  enterprise.  Without  this 
seeming  disaster,  he  should  never  have  remained  to  find  out  the 
secret  wealth  of  the  island,  bat  should  merely  have  touched  at  vari- 
ous parts  of  its  coast  and  have  passed  on.  As  a  proof  that  the  par- 
ticular hand  of  providence  was  exerted  in  it,  he  cites  the  circumstance 
of  his  having  been  wrecked  in  a  perfect  calm,  without  wind  or  wave; 
and  the  desertion  of  the  pilot  and  mariners  when  sent  to  carry  out 
an  anchor  astern;  for  had  they  performed  his  orders  the  vessel  would 
have  been  hauled  oflf;  they  would  have  pursued  their  voyage,  and 
the  treasures  of  the  island  would  have  remained  a  secret  to  them. 
But  now  he  looked  forward  to  glorious  fruits  to  be  reaped  from  this 
seeming  evil;  "for  he  hoped  in  God,"  he  said,  "that  when  he  returned 
from  Spain  he  should  find  a  ton  of  gold  collected  in  trafiic  by  those 
whom  he  had  left  behind,  and  mines  and  spices  discovered  in  such 


i4S  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  IV. 

quantities  that  the  sovereigns,  before  three  years,  would  be  able  to 
undertake  a  crusade  for  the  deliverance  of  the  holy  sepulchre,  the 
grand  object  to  which  he  had  proposed  that  they  should  dedicate 
the  fruits  of  this  enterprise. 

Such  was  the  visionary,  yet  generous,  enthusiasm  of  Columbus, 
the  moment  that  prospects  of  vast  wealth  broke  upon  his  mind. 
What  in  some  spirits  would  have  awakened  a  grasping  and  sordid 
avidity  to  accumulate,  immediately  filled  his  imagination  with  plans 
of  magnificent  expenditure.  But  how  vain  are  our  attempts  to 
interpret  the  inscrutable  decrees  of  providence!  The  shipwreck 
which  Columbus  considered  an  act  of  divine  favour,  to  reveal  to  him 
the  secrets  of  the  land,  shackled  and  limited  all  his  after  discoveries. 
It  linked  his  fortunes,  for  the  remainder  of  his  life,  to  this  island, 
which  was  doomed  to  be  to  him  a  scene  of  cares  and  troubles,  to 
involve  him  in  a  thousand  perplexities,  and  to  becloud  his  declining 
years  with  humiliation  and  disappointment. 


CHAPTER  XL 

RE6ULATI0N  OF  THE  FORTRESS  OF  LA  NAVIDAD DEPARTURE 

OF  COLUMBUS  FOR  SPAIN. 

So  great  wa&  the  activity  of  the  Spaniards  in  the  construction  of 
their  fortress,  and  so  ample  the  assistance  rendered  by  the  natives, 
that  in  ten  days  it  was  sufficiently  complete  for  service.  A  large 
vault  had  been  made,  over  which  was  erected  a  strong  wooden  tower, 
and  the  whole  was  surrounded  by  a  wide  ditch.  It  was  stored  with 
all  the  ammunitions  that  had  been  saved  from  the  wreck,  or  that 
could  be  spared  from  the  caravel,  and  the  guns  being  mounted,  the 
whole  had  a  formidable  aspect,  sufficient  to  overawe  and  repulse  this 
naked  and  unwarlike  people.  Indeed  Columbus  was  of  opinion 
that  but  little  force  was  necessary  to  subjugate  the  whole  island. 
He  considered  a  fortress,  and  the  restrictions  of  a  garrison  more 
requisite  to  keep  the  Spaniards  themselves  in  order,  and  to  prevent 
their  wandering  about,  and  committing  acts  of  licentiousness  among 
the  natives. 

The  fortress  being  finished,  he  gave  to  it,  as  well  as  to  the  adjacent 
village,  and  the  harbour,  the  name  of  La  Navidad,  or  The  Nativity, 


Chap.  XI.l  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  149 

in  memorial  of  their  having  escaped  from  shipwreck  on  Christmas 
day.  There  were  many  volunteers  to  remain  on  the  island ;  from 
whom  he  selected  thirty-nine  of  the  most  able  and  exemplary.  The 
command  of  the  whole  was  given  to  Diego  de  Arana,  a  native 
of  Cordova,  and  notary  and  alguazil  to  the  armament,  who  was  to 
retain  all  the  powers  which  had  been  vested  in  him  by  the  Catholic 
sovereigns.  In  case  of  his  death  he  was  to  be  succeeded  by  Pedro 
Gutierrez,  and  he  dying,  by  Rodrigo  de  Escobedo.  There  were  also 
among  the  number  a  physician,  a  ship  carpenter,  a  caulker,  a  cooper, 
a  tailor,  and  a  gunner;  all  expert  at  their  several  callings.  The 
boat  of  the  wreck  was  left  with  them,  to  be  used  in  fishing;  a  variety 
of  seeds  to  sow;  and  a  large  quantity  of  articles  used  in  Indian 
traffic,  that  they  might  procure  as  much  gold  as  possible  against  the 
admiral's  return.* 

As  the  time  drew  nigh  for  his  departure,  Columbus  assembled  the 
men  who  were  to  remain  in  the  island,  and  addressed  them  in  the 
most  earnest  and  emphatic  language.  He  charged  them,  in  the 
name  of  the  sovereigns,  to  be  obedient  to  the  officer  to  whom  he  had 
intrusted  the  command:  that  they  should  rhaintain  the  utmost  respect 
and  reverence  for  the  cacique  Guacanagari  and  his  chieftains;  recol- 
lecting how  deeply  they  were  indebted  to  his  goodness,  and  how  im- 
portant a  continuance  of  it  was  to  their  welfare:  that  they  should 
be  circumspect  in  their  intercourse  with  the  natives,  treating  them 
always  with  gentleness  and  justice;  avoiding  all  acts  of  violence, 
and  all  disputes ;  and  above  all  being  discreet  in  their  conduct  to- 
wards the  Indian  women,  the  frequent  source  of  troubles  and  disas- 
ters in  the  intercourse  with  savage  nations.  He  warned  them, 
moreover,  not  to  scatter  themselves  asunder,  but  to  keep  together,  as 
tKey  derived  safety  from  their  united  number ;  and  that  they  should 
not  stray  beyond  the  friendly  territory  of  Guacanagari.  He  enjoined 
it  upon  Arana,  and  the  other  persons  in  command,  to  do  their  utmost 
to  acquire  a  knowledge  of  the  productions  and  mines  of  the  island; 
to  procure  gold  and  spices ;  and  to  explore  the  coast  in  search  of  a 
better  situation  for  a  settlement,  the  present  harbour  being  inconven- 
ient and  dangerous,  on  account  of  the  rocks  and  shoals  which  beset 
its  entrance. 

On  the  2d  of  January,  1493,  Columbus  landed  to  take  a  farewell 
of  the  generous  cacique  and  his  chieftains,  intending  next  day  to 
set  sail.  He  gave  them  all  a  parting  feast  at  the  house  which  had 
been  devoted  to  his  use,  and  commended  to  their  kindness  the  men 


♦  Primer  Viage  de  Colon,    Navaxrete,  T.  1.    Hist,  del  Almirante,  C.  33. 

N2 


150 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


[Book.  IV. 


who  were  to  remain,  especially  Diego  de  Arana,  Pedro  Gutierrez, 
and  Rodrigo  de  Escobedo,  his  lieutenants,  assuring  them  that  when 
he  returned  from  Castile,  he  would  bring  abundance  of  jewels  more 
precious  than  any  thing  he  or  his  people  had  yet  seen.  The  worthy 
Guanacagari  showed  great  concern  at  the  idea  of  his  departure,  and 
assured  him  that,  as  to  those  who  remained,  he  should  furnish  them 
with  provisions,  and  render  them  every  service  in  his  power. 

Once  more  to  impress  the  islanders  with  an  idea  of  the  v/arlike 
powers  of  the  white  men,  Columbus  had  skirmishes  and  mock  fights 
performed  by  his  crews.  In  these  they  made  use  of  their  various 
arms  and  weapons ;  their  swords,  bucklers,  lances,  crossbows,  arque- 
busses  and  cannon.  The  Indians  were  astonished  at  the  keenness  of 
the  swords,  and  at  the  deadly  power  of  the  crossbows  and  arquebus- 
ses ;  but  when  the  heavy  lombards  were  discharged  from  the  fortress, 
wrapping  it  in  wreaths  of  smoke,  shaking  the  forests  with  their 
thunder,  and  shivering  the  trees  with  the  balls  of 'stone,  which  in 
those  times  were  used  in  artillery;  there  was  the  deepest  awe  min- 
gled with  their  admiration.  Conceiving  that  these  tremendous  pow- 
ers were  all  to  be  employe'd  for  their  protection,  they  rejoiced  while 
they  trembled;  since  no  Carib  would  now  dare  to  invade  the  trail' 
quillity  of  their  island,  and  carry  them  into  captivity.* 

When  the  festivities,  of  the  day  were  over,  Columbus  embraced 
the  cacique  and  his  principal  chieftains,  and  took  a  final  leave  of 
them.  Guacanagari  was  greatly  affected,  and  shed  tears;  for  while 
he  had  been  awed  by  the  dignified  demeanour  of  the  admiral,  and 
the  idea  of  his  superhuman  nature,  he  had  been  completely  won  by 
the  benignity  of  his  manners.  Indeed,  the  parting  scene  was  sor- 
rowful on  all  sides.  The  arrival  of  the  ships  had  been  an  event  of 
wonder  and  excitement  to  the  islanders,  who  had  as  yet  known 
nothing  but  the  good  qualities  of  their  guests,  and  had  been  enriched 
by  their  celestial  gifts;  while  the  rude  seamen  had  been  flattered  by 
the  blind  deference  paid  them,  and  captivated  by  the  kindness  and 
unlimited  indulgence  with  which  they  had  been  treated. 

The  sorest  parting  was  between  the  Spaniards  who  embarked,  and 
those  who  remained  behind;  for  there  is  a  strong  sympathy  arising 
from  a  companionship  in  perils  and  adventures,  which  binds  the 
hearts  of  men  together.  The  little  garrison,  however,  evinced  a 
cheerful  spirit  and  stout  resolution.  They  looked  forward  with 
bright  anticipations  to  the  day  when  the  admiral  should  return  from 
Spain  with  large  reinforcements,  and  they  promised  to  give  him  a 


*  Primer  viagc  de  Colon.    Navarrete,  T.  1,  p.  121. 


Chap.  XI.l  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  151 

good  account  of  all  things  in  the  island.  The  caravel  was  detained 
one  day  longer  by  the  absence  of  some  of  the  Indians  whom  they 
were  to  take  to  Spain.  At  length  the  signal  gun  was  fired;  they 
gave  a  parting  cheer  to  the  handful  of  comrades  thus  left  in  the 
wilderness  of  an  unknown  world,  who  echoed  their  cheering  as  they 
gazed  wistfully  after  them  from  the  beach,  but  who  were  destined 
never  to  welcome  their  return. 


LIFE   AND   VOYAGES 

OF 

CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS 


BOOK  V. 


CHAPTER  I. 


COASTING    TOWARDS    THE    EASTERN    END    OF    HISPANIOLA MEET- 
ING   WITH    PINZON AFFAIR    WITH   THE  NATIVES  AT   THE  GULF 

OF    SAMANA. 

[1493.] 

It  was  on  tne  4th  of  January  that  Columbus  set  sail  from  La 
Navidad  on  his  return  to  Spain.  The  wind  being  light,  it  was 
necessary  to  tow  the  caravel  out  of  the  harbour,  and  clear  of  the  reefs 
which  environed  it.  They  then  stood  eastward,  towards  a  lofty 
promontory,  destitute  of  trees,  but  covered  with  grass,  and  shaped 
like  a  tent,  having  at  a  distance  the  appearance  of  a  towering  island, 
being  connected  with  Hispaniola  by  a  low  neck  of  land.  To  this 
bold  promontory  Columbus  gave  the  name  of  Monte  Christi,  by 
which  it  is  still  known.  The  country  in  the  immediate  neighbour- 
hood was  level,  but  further  inland  rose  high  ranges  of  mountains, 
well  wooded,  with  broad  fruitful  valleys  between  them,  watered  hy 
abundant  streams.  The  wind  being  contrary,  they  were  detained 
for  two  days  in  a  large  bay  to  the  west  of  the  promontor3\  On  the 
6th  they  again  made  sail  with  a  land  breeze,  and  weathering  the 
cape,  advanced  ten  leagues,  when  the  wind  again  turned  to  blow 
freshly  from  the  east.  At  this  time  a  sailor,  stationed  at  the  mast- 
head to  look  out  for  rocks,  cried  out  that  he  beheld  the  Pinta  at  a 
distance.  The  certainty  of  the  fact  gladdened  the  heart  of  the 
admiral,  and  had  an  animating  effect  throughout  the  ship;  for  it 
was  a  joyful  event  to  the  mariners  once  more  to  meet  with  their 
comrades,  and  to  have  a  companion  barque  in  their  voyage  through 
these  lonely  seas. 

The  Pinta  came  sweeping  towards  them,  directly  before  the  wind, 


Chap.  I.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  153 

with  flowing  canvas.  The  admiral  was  desirous  of  having  a  con- 
versation with  Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon,  and,  seeing  that  all  attempt 
to  proceed  was  fruitless  from  the  obstinacy  of  the  adverse  wind,  and 
that  there  was  no  safe  anchorage  in  the  neighbourhood,  he  put  back 
to  the  bay  a  little  west  of  Monte  Christi,  whither  he  was  followed  by 
the  Pinta. 

When  Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon  came  on  board  of  the  admiral's 
vessel  he  was  evidently  agitated  and  confused.  He  pretended  that 
his  desertion  had  been  involuntary,  and  accounted  for  it  by  various 
reasons  which  Columbus  considered  weak  and  inconsistent.  He 
said  that  on  being  separated  from  Columbus  he  had  cruised  about 
for  some  time,  touching  at  various  small  islands,  until  about  six  days 
since  when  he  had  anchored  in  a  river  in  the  island  of  Hayti,  about 
fifteen  leagues  east  of  the  harbour  of  Nativity.  He  pretended  to 
have  been  entirely  ignorant  that  Columbus  was  in  a  neighbouring 
part  of  the  island,  and  declared  that  he  was  actually  in  search  of  him 
when  they  had  thus  fortunately  met  off  Monte  Christi. 

Columbus  listened  passively,  though  incredulously  to  his  story; 
and  forbore  to  express  the  suspicions  which  had  acquired  additional 
force  in  his  mind.  These  were  confirmed  by  subsequent  informa- 
tion derived  from  various  sources,  and  it  was  clear  that  Pinzon  had 
wilfully  deserted  him  for  selfish  and  mercenary  motives.  It  appeared 
that  at  the  time  the  squadron  was  in  search  of  the  supposed  island 
of  Babeque,  Pinzon  had  received  extravagant  accounts  from  one 
of  the  Indians  on  board  of  his  vessel,  of  the  wealth  of  that,  or  some 
other  island  or  region,  with  offers  to  guide  him  to  the  place. 
His  avarice  was  suddenly  awakened.  The  wind  was  blowing 
almost  from  the  quarter  in  which  this  land  was  said  to  be  situated, 
his  vessel  however  was  an  excellent  sailer  and  could  ply  easily  to 
windward,  while  he  beheld  the  other  ships  gradually  falling  far 
astern,  and  at  length  abandoning  the  attempt.  Here  then  was  an 
opportunity  of  being  the  first  to  discover  this  golden  region,  of  enjoy- 
ing its  fiist  fruits,  and,  at  one  blow  making  a  princely  fortune.  The 
sudden  temptation  ofifered  to  his  avarice,  added  to  his  previous 
discontent,  was  too  powerful  for  his  sense  of  duty.  Forgetting  in  a 
moment  what  was  due  to  the  admiral  as  his  commander,  and  what 
was  due  to  the  great  enterprise  in  which  he  was  embarked,  he 
disregarded  every  signal,  and  keeping  on  to  the  eastward,  with  the 
advantage  of  his  superior  sailing,  he  gradually  separated  himself 
from  the  squadron. 

He  now  made  diligent  search  for  this  land  of  imaginary  wealth, 
and  was  entangled  for  some  time  among  a  cluster  of  small  islands, 
which  it  is  supposed  must  have  been  the  Caicos.     After  wasting 


154  UFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  V. 

several  days  among  them  to  no  purpose  he  was  at  length  guided  by 
the  Indians  to  Hispaniola.  Here  he  remained  for  three  weeks,  trad- 
ing in  various  places  with  the  natives  in  the  river  already  mentioned. 
He  collected  a  considerable  quantity  of  gold,  one  half  of  which  he 
retained  as  captain,  the  rest  he  divided  among  his  men  to  secure 
their  fidelity  and  secrecy.  While  at  anchor  in  the  river  he  received 
intelligence  of  the  shipwreck  of  the  admiral  at  the  harbour  of  Na- 
tivity. He  delayed  sailing  to  his  assistance,  however,  until  he  had 
drained  the  neighbourhood  of  gold,  and  amassed  sufficient  booty. 

Columbus  repressed  the  indignation  which  burned  within  him  on 
becoming  informed  of  the  preceding  circumstances.  Pinzon  had  a 
powerful  party  in  the  armament ;  most  of  the  mariners  were  his 
townsmen,  several  of  them  his  relatives,  and  one  of  the  command- 
ers his  brother;  whereas  Columbus  was  a  stranger  among  them,  the 
what  was  worse,  a  foreigner.  The  latter  had  already  experienced 
the  disadvantages  under  which  he  laboured  from  these  circum- 
stances, in  several  disputes  which  had  occurred  with  Pinzon,  and 
he  was  unwilling  to  provoke  any  fresh  altercations  which  might 
disturb  the  remainder  of  the  voyage.  He  had  lost  all  confidence, 
however,  in  the  Pinzons :  he  found  himself  subject  to  be  treated  by 
them  with  arrogance  and  contradiction,  and  he  had  no  security 
that  Martin  Alonzo  might  not  again  desert  him  on  the  least  instiga- 
tion of  interest  or  caprice.  He  determined  therefore,  to  release  him* 
self  as  soon  as  possible  from  all  connexion  with  his  confederates, 
by  hastening  his  arrival  at  Spain,  though,  under  any  other  circum- 
stances, he  should  have  been  encouraged,  on  being  rejoined  by  the 
Pinta,  to  continue  his  voyage  along  the  coast,  in  which  case  he 
had  no  doubt  of  being  able  to  load  his  ships  with  treasure.* 

The  boats  were  accordingly  dispatched  to  a  large  river  which 
empties  itself  into  the  bay,  to  take  in  a  supply  of  wood  and  water 
for  the  voyage.  This  river,  called  by  the  natives  the  Yagui,  de- 
scends from  the  mountains  of  the  interior,  and  in  its  course  to  the 
ocean  receives  the  contributions  of  various  minor  streams.  Colum- 
bus observed  among  the  sands  at  its  mouth  many  particles  of  gold,t 
and  found  others  adhering  to  the  hoops  of  the  water  casks,  where- 
fore he  gave  to  this  stream  the  name  of  Rio  del  Oro,  or  the  Golden 
River;  it  is  at  present  called  the  Santiago.  In  this  neighbourhood 
were  turtles  of  a  great  size.     Columbus  also  mentions  in  his  journal 


*  Hist,  del  Almirante,  C.  34. 

tLas  Casas  suggests  that  these  may  have  been  particles  of  marcasite,  which 
abounds  in  this  river,  and  in  the  other  streams,  which  fall  from  the  mountains  of 
Cibao.    Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.  L.  1,  C,  76. 


Chap.  I.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  155 

that  he  saw  three  mermaids,  which  elevated  themselves  above  the 
surface  of  the  sea ;  and  he  observes  that  he  had  before  seen  such 
on  the  coast  of  Africa.  He  adds  that  they  were  by  no  means  the 
beautiful  beings  they  had  been  represented,  although  they  possessed 
some  traces  of  the  human  countenance.  It  is  supposed  that  these 
must  have  been  manate  or  sea-calves,  seen  indistinctly  and  at  a  dis- 
tance; and  that  the  imagination  of  Columbus,  disposed  to  give  a 
wonderful  character  to  every  thing  in  this  new  world,  had  identified 
these  misshapen  animals  with  the  syrens  of  ancient  story. 

On  the  evening  of  the  9th  January  they  again  made  sail,  and  on 
the  following  day  arrived  at  the  river  where  Pinzon  had  been  trad- 
ing, to  which  Columbus  gave  the  name  of  Rio  de  Gracia ;  but  it 
took  the  appellation  of  its  original  discoverer,  and  long  continued 
to  be  known  as  the  river  of  Martin  Alonzo.  Here  he  met  with 
proofs  of  the  falsehood  of  part  of  Pinzon' s  statement;  the  latter 
had  pretended,  and  had  obliged  his  crew  to  declare,  that  he  had 
been  but  six  days  trading  in  the  river,  though  it  was  proved  that  he 
had  been  sixteen,  and  that  in  the  course  of  the  time  he  had  received 
tidings  of  the  admiral's  disaster,  of  which,  on  their  meeting  he  had 
professed  entire  ignorance.  The  natives  complained,  likewise,  that 
Pinzon  had  violently  carried  off  four  men  and  two  girls.  The  ad- 
miral finding  this  to  be  the  fact,  and  that  they  were  retained  on 
board  of  the  Pinta  to  be  carried  to  Spain  and  sold  as  slaves,  ordered 
that  they  should  be  immediately  restored  to  their  homes,  well  cloth- 
ed, and  with  many  presents,  to  atone  for  the  wrong  they  had  ex- 
perienced, and  to  prevent  its  prejudicing  the  natives  against  the 
Spaniards.  This  restitution  was  made  with  great  unwillingness, 
and  many  high  words,  on  the  part  of  Pinzon. 

The  wind  being  favourable,  for  in  these  regions  the  trade  wind  is 
often  alternated  during  autumn  and  winter,  by  northwesterly  breezes, 
they  continued  coasting  the  island,  until  thoy  came  to  a  high  and 
beautiful  head-land,  to  which  they  gave  the  name  of  Cape  del  Ena- 
morado,  or  the  Lover's  Cape,  but  which  at  present  is  known  as 
Cape  Cabron.  A  little  beyond  this,  they  anchored  in  a  vast  bay, 
or  rather  gulf,  three  leagues  in  breadth,  and  extending  so  far  inland, 
that  Columbus  at  first  supposed  it  might  be  an  arm  of  the  sea,  se- 
parating Hispaniola  from  some  other  land.  On  landing  they  found 
the  natives  quite  different  from  the  gentle  and  pacific  people  they 
had  hitherto  met  with  on  this  island.  These  were  of  a  ferocious 
aspect,  and  of  a  turbulent  and  warlike  deportment.  They  were 
hideously  painted,  and  wore  their  hair  long  and  tied  behind,  and 
decorated  with  the  feathers  of  parrots  and  other  birds  of  gaudy  plu- 
mage     They  were  armed  with  bows  and  arrows,  war  clubs,  and 


156  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  V. 

swords  of  a  formidable  kind.  Their  bows  were  of  the  length  of 
those  used  bj  the  English  archers ;  their  arrows  were  of  slender 
reeds,  pointed  with  hard  wood,  and  sometimes  tipped  with  bone  or 
with  the  tooth  of  a'  fish.  Their  swords  were  of  palm  wood,  as 
hard  and  heavy  as  iron ;  they^  were  not  sharp,  but  broad,  nearly 
of  the  thickness  of  two  fingers,  and  capable  with  one  blow  of 
cleaving  through  a  helmet  to  the  very  brains.*  Though  thus  pre- 
pared for  combat,  the  natives  made  no  attempt  to  molest  the  Span- 
iards ;  on  the  contrary,  they  sold  the  latter  two  of  their  bows  and 
several  of  their  arrows,  and  one  of  them  was  prevailed  upon  to  go 
on  board  of  the  admiral's  ship. 

When  Columbus  beheld  the  ferocious  looks,  and  hardy,  undaunt- 
ed manner  of  this  wild  warrior,  he  was  persuaded  that  he  and  his 
companions  must  be  of  the  nation  of  Caribs  so  much  dreaded 
throughout  these  seas,  and  that  the  gulf  in  which  he  was  anchor- 
ed must  be  a  strait  separating  their  island  from  Hispaniola.  On 
inquiring  of  the  Indian,  however,  he  still  pointed  to  the  east,  as 
the  quarter  in  which  were  situated  the  Caribbean  islands.  He  spoke 
also  of  an  island  which  he  called  Mantinino,  which,  Columbus  fan- 
cied him  to  say,  was  peopled  merely  by  women,  who  received  the 
Caribs  among  them  once  in  the  course  of  the  year,  for  the  sake  of 
continuing  the  population  of  their  island.  All  the  male  progeny 
resulting  from  such  visits  were  delivered  to  the  fathers,  the  female 
remained  with  the  mothers.  This  Amazonian  island  is  repeatedly 
mentioned  in  the  course  of  the  voyages  of  Columbus,  and  is  another 
of  his  self-delusions,  which  are  to  be  explained  by  the  work  of 
Marco  Polo.  That  traveller  describes  two  islands  near  the  coast  of 
Asia,  one  inhabited  solely  by  women,  the  other  by  men,  between 
which  a  similar  intercourse  subsists;!  and  Columbus  supposing  him- 
self in  that  vicinity,  easily  interpreted  the  signs  of  the  Indians  to 
coincide  with  the  descriptions  of  the  Venetian. 

Having  regaled  this  warrior  on  board  of  the  caravel,  and  made 
him  various  presents,  the  admiral  sent  him  on  shore,  in  hopes, 
through  his  mediation,  of  opening  a  trade  for  gold  with  his  coun 
trymen.  As  the  boat  approached  the  land,  upwards  of  fifty  savages, 
armed  with  bows  and  arrows,  war  clubs  and  javelins,  were  seen 
lurking  among  the  trees.  On  a  word  from  the  Indian  who  was  in 
the  boat,  they  laid  by  their  arms,  and  came  forth  to  meet  the  Span- 
iards. The  latter  according  to  directions  from  the  admiral,  endea- 
voured to  purchase  several  of  their  weapons,  to  take  as  curiosities  to 
Spain.     They  parted  with  two  of  their  bows;  but  suddenly  conceiv 

*  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.  L.  1,  C.  77.  . 

t  Marco  Polo,  B.  3,  C.  34.    Eng.  Edition  of  Marsden. 


i^.  I.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  157 

ing  some  distrust,  or  thinking  to  overpower  this  handful  of  strangers, 
they  rushed  to  the  place  where  they  had  left  their  weapons,  snatched 
them  up,  and  returned  with  menacing  looks,  and  provided  with 
cords,  as  if  to  bind  the  Spaniards.  The  latter  immediately  attacked 
them,  wounded  two,  and  put  the  rest  to  flight,  terrified  at  the  flashing 
lustre  and  keen  edge  of  the  European  weapons.  The  Spaniards 
would  have  pursued  and  put  several  to  the  sword,  but  they  were  re- 
strained by  the  pilot  who  commanded  the  boat.  This  was  the  first 
contest  they  had  with  the  Indians,  and  the  first  time  that  native 
blood  had  been  shed  by  the  white  men  in  the  new  world.  Co- 
lumbus lamented  to  see  all  his  exertions  to  maintain  an  amicable  in- 
tercourse vain;  he  consoled  himself  with  the  idea,  however,  that  if 
these  were  Caribs,  or  frontier  Indians  of  warlike  character,  they 
would  be  inspired  with  a  dread  of  the  force  and  the  weapons  of  the 
white  men,  and  would  thus  be  deterred  from  molesting  the  little  gar- 
rison of  Fort  Nativity.  The  fact  was,  that  these  were  of  the  tribe 
of  the  Ciguayans,  a  bold  and  hardy  race  of  Indians,  inhabiting  a 
mountainous  district,  extending  five  and  twenty  leagues  along  the 
coast,  and  several  leagues  into  the  interior.  They  differed  in  lan- 
guage, looks  and  manners  from  the  other  natives  of  tl^  island,  and 
had  more  of  the  rude,  but  independent  and  vigorous  character  which 
belongs  to  mountaineers.  Their  frank  and  bold  spirit  was  evinced 
on  the  day  after  the  skirmish,  when,  a  multitude  appearing  on  the 
beach,  the  admiral  sent  a  large  party,  well  armed,  on  shore  in  the 
boat.  The  natives  immediately  approached  as  freely  and  confi-, 
dingly  as  if  nothing  had  happened;  neither  did  they  betray,  through- 
out their  subsequent  intercourse,  any  signs  of  lurking  fear  or  enmity. 
The  cacique  who  ruled  over  the  neighbouring  country  was  on  the 
shore.  He  sent  to  the  boat  a  string  of  beads  formed  of  small  stones, 
or  rather  of  the  har  d  part  of  shells,  which  the  Spaniards  understood 
to  be  a  token  and  assurance  of  amity;  they  were  not  yet  aware  of 
the  full  meaning  of  this  symbol,  which  was  the  wampum  belt,  the 
pledge  of  peace  held  sacred  among  the  Indians.  The  chieftain  fol- 
lowed shortly  after,  and  entering  the  boat  with  only  three  attendants, 
was  conveyed  on  board  of  the  caravel. 

This  frank  and  confiding  conduct,  so  indicative  of  a  brave  and 
generous  nature,  was  properly  appreciated  by  Columbus;  he  received 
the  cacique  with  cordial  friendship,  sat  before  him  a  collation  such 
fts  the  caravel  afforded,  particularly  biscuits  and  honey,  which  ap- 
pear to  have  been  great  dainties  with  the  Indians,  and,  after  showing 
him  the  wonders  of  the  vessel,  and  making  him  and  his  attendants 
many  presents,  sent  them  to  land  highly  gratified  by  their  entertain- 


158  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  V 

ment.  The  residence  of  the  cacique  was  at  such  a  distance  that  he 
could  not  repeat  his  visit,  but  as  a  token  of  high  regard  and  grati- 
tude, he  sent  the  admiral  his  coronet  of  gold.  In  speaking  of  these 
incidents,  the  historians  of  Columbus  have  made  no  mention  of  the 
name  of  this  mountain  chief;  he  was  doubtless  the  same  who,  a  few 
years  afterwards,  appears  in  the  history  of  the  island  under  the  name 
of  Mayonabex,  cacique  of  the  Ciguayans,  and  will  be  found  ac- 
quitting himself  with  valour,  frankness  and  magnanimity,  under  the 
most  trying  circumstances. 

Columbus  remained  a  day  or  two  longer  in  the  bay,  during  which 
time  the  most  friendly  intercourse  prevailed  with  the  natives,  who 
brought  cotton,  and  various  fruits  and  vegetables,  but  still  manifested 
their  warrior  character,  being  always  armed  with  bows  and  arrows. 
From  four  young  Indians  who  came  on  board  of  the  caravel,  Co- 
lumbus received  such  interesting  accounts  of  the  islands  said  to  lie  to 
the  east,  that  he  determined  to  touch  there  on  his  way  to  Spain,  and 
he  prevailed  on  these  young  men  to  accompany  him  as  guides. 
Taking  advantage  of  a  favourable  wind,  therefore,  he  sailed  before 
daylight  on  the  16th  January,  from  this  bay,  to  which,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  skirmish  with  the  natives,  he  gave  the  name  of  Golfo 
de  las  Fleches,  or  the  Gulf  of  Arrows,  but  which  is  now  known  by 
the  name  of  the  Gulf  of  Samand. 

On  leaving  the  bay,  Columbus  at  first  steered  to  the  northeast,  in 
which  direction  the  young  Indians  assured  him  he  would  find  the 
island  of  the  Caribs,  and  that  of  Mantinino,  the  abode  of  the  Ama- 
zons; it  being  his  desire  to  take  several  of  the  natives  of  each,  to  pre- 
sent to  the  Spanish  sovereigns.  After  sailing  about  sixteen  leagues, 
however,  his  Indian  guides  changed  their  opinion,  and  pointed  to  the 
southeast.  This  would  have  brought  him  to  Porto  Rico,  which,  in 
fact,  was  known  among  -the  Indians  as  the  island  of  Carib.  The 
admiral  immediately  shifted  sail,  and  stood  in  this  direction.  He 
had  not  proceeded  two  leagues,  however,  when  a  most  favourable 
breeze  sprang  up  for  the  voyage  to  Spain.  He  observed  a  gloom 
gathering  on  the  countenances  of  the  sailors  as  they  diverged  from 
the  homeward  route.  Reflecting  upon  the  little  hold  he  had  upon 
the  feelings  and  affections  of  these  men,  the  insubordinate  spirit  they 
had  evinced  on  former  occasions  in  the  voyage,  the  want  of  faith  and 
loyalty  on  the  part  of  Pinzon,  and  also  the  leaky  condition  of  his 
ships,  he  was  suddenly  brought  to  a  pause.  As  long  as  he  pro- 
tracted his  return,  the  whole  fate  of  his  discovery  was  at  the  mercy 
of  a  thousand  contingencies,  and  an  adverse  accident  might  bury 
himself,  his  crazy  barks,  and  all  the  records  of  his  voyage,  for  ever 


Chap.  II.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  159 

in  the  ocean.  Repressing,  therefore,  the  strong  incHnation  to  seek 
further  discoveries,  and  determined  to  place  what  he  had  already 
made  beyond  the  reach  of  accident,  he  once  more  shifted  sail,  to  the 
great  joy  of  his  crews,  and  resumed  his  course  for  Spain.* 


CHAPTER  II. 

RETURN    VOYAGE — VIOLENT    STORMS ARRIVAL    AT    THE    AZORES. 

[1493.] 

The  trade  winds,  which  had  been  so  propitious  to  Columbus  on  his 
outward  voyage,  wafting  him  with  flowing  sail  to  the  new  world, 
were  equally  adverse  to  him  on  his  return.  The  favourable 
breeze  soon  died  away,  and  for  the  remainder  of  January  there  was 
a  prevalence  of  light  winds  from  the  eastward,  which  prevented  his 
making  any  great  progress.  He  was  frequently  detained  also  by 
the  bad  sailing  of  the  Pinta ;  her  foremast  was  defective,  so  that  it 
could  carry  but  little  sail,  an  evil  which  Pinzon  had  neglected  to 
remedy  while  in  port,  in  his  eager  search  after  gold.  The  wea- 
ther continued  mild  and  pleasant,  and  the  sea  so  calm  that  the 
Indians,  whom  they  were  taking  to  Spain,  would  frequently  plunge 
into  the  water,  and  swim  about  the  ships.  They  saw  many  tunny 
fish,  one  of  which  they  killed,  as  likewise  a  large  shark ;  these 
gave  them  a  temporary  supply  of  provisions,  of  which  they  soon 
began  to  stand  in  need,  their  sea  stock  being  reduced  to  bread  and 
wine  and  agi-peppers,  which  they  had  learnt  from  the  Indians  to  use 
as  an  important  article  for  food. 

In  the  early  part  of  February,  having  run  to  about  the  thirty-eighth 
degree  of  north  latitude,  and  got  out  of  the  tract  of  ocean  swept  by 
the  trade  winds,  they  began  to  have  more  favourable  breezes,  and 
were  enabled  to  steer  direct  for  Spain.  In  consequence  of  the  fre- 
quent change  of  course,  the  pilots  became  extremely  perplexed  in 
their  reckonings,  differing  widely  among  themselves,  and  still  more 


*  Journal  of  Columb.  Navarrete,  T.  1.    Las  Casas,  Hist.  lad.  L.  1,  C.  77. 
Uist.  del  Almirante,  Cax>.  34,  35. 


160  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  ^  [Book  V. 

widely  from  the  truth.  Columbus,  beside  keeping  a  reckoning  with 
great  care,  was  a  vigilant  observer  of  all  those  phenomena  by  which 
experienced  seamen  ascertain  latitudes  and  longitudes,  in  what,  to 
an  unpractised  eye,  appears  to  be  a  blank  expanse  of  ocean.  In  all 
his  voyages  he  studied  the  simple  indications  furnished  by  the  sea^ 
the  air,  and  the  sky,  with  the  watchful  and  anxious  eye  of  a  com 
mander ;  the  fate  of  himself  and  his  ships,  in  the  unknown  regions 
which  he  traversed,  often  depended  upon  these  observations ;  and  the 
sagacity  at  which  he  arrived,  in  deciphering  the  signs  of  the  ele- 
ments was  looked  upon  by  the  common  seamen  as  something  almost 
supernatural.  In  the  present  instance,  on  his  return  homewards,  he 
had  noticed  where  the  great  bands  of  floating  weeds  commenced. 
and  where  they  finished;  and  in  emerging  from  among  them, 
concluded  himself  to  be  in  about  the  same  degree  of  longitude  as 
when  he  encountered  them  on  his  outward  voyage :  that  is  to  say, 
about  two  hundred  and  sixty  leagues  west  of  Ferro.  On  the  10th 
February,  Vincente  Yanez  Pinzon,  and  the  pilots  Ruiz  and  B-arto- 
lomeo  Roldan,  who  were  on  board  the  admiral's  ship,  examined  the 
charts  and  compared  their  reckonings  to  determine  their  situa- 
tion, but  could  not  come  to  any  agreement.  They  all  supposed 
themselves  at  least  one  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  nearer  Spain  than 
what  Columbus  believed  to  be  the  true  reckoning;  and  in  the 
latitude  of  Madeira,  whereas  he  knew  them  to  be  nearly  in  a  direc- 
tion for  the  Azores.  He  suffered  them,  however,  to  remain  in  their 
error,  and  even  added  to  their  perplexities,  that  they  might  retain 
but  a  confused  idea  of  the  voyage,  and  he  alone  possess  a  clear 
knowledge  of  the  route  to  the  newly  discovered  countries.* 

On  the  12th  of  February,  as  they  were  flattering  themselves  with 
soon  coming  in  sight  of  land,  the  wind  came  on  to  blow  violently, 
and  the  sea  to  be  greatly  agitated ;  they  still  kept  their  course  to 
the  east,  but  with  great  labour  and  peril  from  the  turbulence  of  the 
elements.  On  the  following  day,  after  sunset,  the  wind  and  sea 
increased ;  there  were  three  flashes  of  lightning  in  the  north-north- 
east ;  considered  by  Columbus  as  signals  of  an  approaching  tempest^ 
either  from  that  or  the  opposite  quarter.  It  soon  burst  upon  them  with 
frightful  violence :  their  small  and  crazy  vessels,  open  and  without 
decks,  were  little  fitted  for  the  wild  storms  of  the  Atlantic;  all  night 
they  were  obliged  to  remain  under  bare  poles,  driven  along  by  the 
fury  of  the  winds.  As  the  morning  dawned  of  the  14th,  there  was 
a  transient  pause  and  they  made  a  little  sail ;  but  the  wind  arose 
again,  with  redoubled  vehemence,  from  the  south,  raging  thr^iugh- 


•  Las  Casas^  Hi&t.  Ind.  L.  1,  Cap.  7ft. 


Chap.  IL]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  161 

out  the  day,  and  increasing  in  fury  in  the  night,  while  the  vessels 
laboured  terribly  in  a  cross  sea,  the  broken  waves  of  which  threat- 
ened at  each  moment  to  overwhelm  them,  or  dash  them  to  pieces. 
For  three  hours  they  lay  with  just  sail  enough  to  keep  them  above 
the  waves ;  but  the  tempest  still  augmenting,  they  were  obliged  to 
give  up  all  attempt  to  withstand  it,  and  to  scud  before  the  wind. 
The  Pinta  was  soon  lost  sight  of  in  the  darkness  of  the  night.  The 
admiral  kept  as  much  as  possible  to  the  northeast,  to  approach  to 
the  coast  of  Spain,  and  made  signal  lights  at  the  mast  head  for  the 
Pinta  to  do  the  same,  and  to  keep  in  company.  The  latter,  however, 
from  the  weakness  of  her  foremast,  could  not  hold  the  wind,  and 
was  obliged  to  scud  before  it,  directly  north.  For  some  time  she 
replied  to  the  signals  of  the  admiral,  but  her  lights  gleamed  more 
and  more  distant,  until  they  ceased  entirely,  and  nothing  more  was 
seen  of  her. 

Columbus  continued  to  scud  all  the  night,  full  of  forebodings  of 
the  fate  of  his  own  vessel,  and  of  fears  for  the  safety  of  that  of  Pin- 
zon.  As  the  day  dawned  the  sea  presented  a  frightful  waste  of 
wild  broken  waves,  lashed  into  fury  by  the  gale ;  he  looked  around 
anxiously  for  the  Pinta,  but  she  was  nowhere  to  be  seen.  He  now 
made  a  little  sail  to  keep  his  vessel  ahead  of  the  sea,  lest  its  huge 
waves  should  break  over  her.  As  the  sun  rose  the  wind  and  the 
waves  rose  with  it,  and  throughout  a  dreary  day  the  helpless  bark 
was  driven  along  by  the  fury  of  the  tempest. 

Seeing  all  human  skill  baffled  and  confounded,  Columbas  now 
endeavoured  to  propitiate  the  heavens,  by  solemn  vows  and  acts  of 
penance.  By  his  orders  a  number  of  beans,  equal  to  the  number 
of  persons  on  board,  were  put  into  a  cap,  on  one  of  which  was  cut 
the  sign  of  the  cross.  Each  of  the  crew  made  a  vow  that,  should 
he  draw  forth  the  marked  bean,  he  would  make  a  pilgrimage  to 
the  shrine  of  Santa  Maria  de  Guadalupe,  bearing  a  wax  taper  of 
five  pounds  weight.  The  admiral  was  the  first  to  put  in  his  hand, 
and  the  lot  fell  upon  him.  From  that  moment  he  considered  himself 
a  pilgrim  bound  to  perform  the  vow,  Another  lot  was  cast  in  the 
same  way,  for  a  pilgrimage  to  the  chapel  of  our  Lady  of  Loretto, 
which  fell  upon  a  seaman,  named  Pedro  de  Villa,  and  the  admiral 
engaged  to  bear  the  expenses  of  his  journey.  A  third  lot  was  also 
cast  for  a  pilgrimage  to  Santa  Clara  de  Moguer,  to  perform  a  solemn 
mass,  and  to  watch  all  night  in  the  chapel,  and  this  likewise  fell 
upon  Columbus. 

The  tempest  still  raging  with  unabated  riolence,  the  admiral  and 
all  the  mariners  made  a  solemn  vow,  that  if  they  were  spared  to  reach 
the  land,  wherever  they  first  went  on  shore  they  would  go  in  pro* 

Vol.  I.  U  0  2 


162  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  tBooK  Y. 

cession^  barefooted  and  in  their  shirts^  to  offer  up  prayers  and  thanks- 
giving in  some  church  of  the  invocation  of  the  holy  Virgin.  Besides 
these  general  acts  of  propitiation,  each  one  made  his  private  vow, 
binding  himself  to  some  pilgrimage,  or  vigil,  or  other  rite  of  peni- 
tence and  thanksgiving  at  his  favourite  shrine.  Such  has  alwa3^s 
been  the  custom  with  mariners  of  the  Catholic  countries,  in  times 
of  tempest  and  peril;  but  it  was  especially  the  case  in  that  supersti- 
tious age.  The  heavens,  however,  seemed  deaf  to  these  pious  vows; 
the  storm  grew  still  more  wild  and  frightful,  and  each  man  gave 
himself  up  for  lost.  The  danger  of  the  ship  was  augmented  by  the 
want  of  ballast,  the  consumption  of  the  water  and  provisions  bav- 
ins: lightened  her  so  much,  that  she  rolled  and  tossed  about  at  the 
mercy  of  the  waves.  To  remedy  this,  and  to  render  her  more  steady, 
the  admiral  ordered  that  all  the  empty  casks  should  be  filled  with 
sea-water,  which  in  some  measure  gave  relief. 

During  this  long  and  awful  conflict  of  the  elements,  the  mind 
of  Columbus  was  a  prey  to  the  most  distressing  anxiety.  He  feared 
the  Pinta  had  foundered  in  the  storm.  In  such  case  the  whole  his 
tory  of  his  discovery,  the  secret  of  the  new  world,  depended  upon 
his  own  feeble  bark;  and  one  surge  of  the  ocean  might  bury  it  for 
ever  in  oblivion.  The  tumult  of  his  thoughts  may  be  judged  from 
his  own  letter  to  the  sovereigns,  "I  could  have  supported  this  evil 
fortune  with  less  grief,"  said  he,  "had  my  person  alone  been  in 
jeopardy,  since  I  am  a  debtor  for  my  life  to  the  supreme  Creator, 
and  have  at  other  times  been  within  a  step  of  death.  But  it  was 
a  cause  of  infinite  sorrow  and  trouble  to  think,  that  after  having 
been  illuminated  from  on  high  with  faith  and  certainty  to  undertake 
this  enterprise;  after  having  victoriously  achieved  it,  and  when  oh 
the  point  of  convincing  my  opponents,  and  securing  to  your  high- 
nesses great  glory  and  vast  increase  of  dominion,  it  should  please 
the  divine  Majesty  to  defeat  all  by  my  death.  It  would  have  been 
more  supportable,  also,  had  I  not  heen  accompanied  by  others,  who 
had  been  drawn  on  by  my  persuasions,  and  who  in  their  distress 
cursed  not  only  the  hour  of  their  coming,  but  the  fear  inspired  by  my 
words,  which  prevented  their  turning  back,  as  they  had  at  various 
times  determined.  Above  all^  my  grief  was  doubled  when  I  thought 
of  my  two  sons,  whom  I  had  left  at  school  in  Cordova,  destitute,  in 
a  strange  land,  without  any  testimony  of  the  services  rendered  by 
their  father,  which  if  known,  might  have  inclined  your  highnesses 
to  befriend  them.  And  although,4on  the  one  hand,  I  was  comforted 
by  a  faith  that  the  Deity  would  not  permit  a  work  of  such  great 
exaltation  to  his  church,  wrought  through  so  many  troubles  and 
contradictions,  to  remain  imperfect ;  yet,  on  the  other  hand,  I  re- 


Chap.  H.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  163 

fleeted  on  my  sins,  for  which  he  might  intend  as  a  punishment,  that 
I  should  be  deprived  of  the  glory  which  would  redound  to  me  in  this 
world."* 

In  the  midst  of  these  gloomy  apprehensions  an  expedient  sug- 
gested itself  to  Columbus,  by  which,  though  he  and  his  ship  should 
perish,  the  glory  of  his  achievement  might  survive  to  his  name,  and 
its  advantages  be  secured  to  his  sovereigns.  He  wrote  on  parch- 
ment a  brief  account  of  his  voyage  and  discovery,  and  of  his  having 
taken  possession  of  the  newly  found  lands  in  the  name  of  their 
Catholic  majesties.  This  he  sealed  and  directed  to  the  king  and 
queen,  and  superscribed  also  a  promise  of  a  thousand  ducats  to  who- 
soever should  deliver  the  pacquet  unopened.  He  then  wrapped  it 
in  a  waxed  cloth,  which  he  placed  in  the  centre  of  a  cake  of  wax, 
and  enclosing  the  whole  in  a  large  barrel,  threw  it  into  the  sea,  giv- 
ing his  crew  to  suppose  that  he  was  performing  some  religious  vow. 
Lest  this  memorial  should  never  reach  the  land,  he  enclosed  a  copy 
in  a  similar  manner,  and  placed  it  upon  the  poop,  so  that,  should  the 
caravel  be  swallowed  up  by  the  waves,  the  barrel  might  float  off  and 
survive. 

These  precautions  in  some  measure  mitigated  his  anxiety,  and  he 
was  still  more  relieved  when,  after  heavy  showers,  there  appeared  at 
sunset  a  streak  of  clear  sky  in  the  west,  giving  hopes  that  the  wind 
was  about  to  shift  to  that  quarter.  These  hopes  were  confirmed :  a 
favourable  breeze  succeeded,  but  the  sea  still  ran  so  high  and  tumul- 
tuously,  that  but  little  sail  could  be  carried  during  the  night. 

On  the  morning  of  the  15th  at  daybreak,  the  cry  of  land  was 
given  by  Rui  Garcia,  a  mariner  stationed  in  the  main  top.  The  trans- 
ports of  the  crew  at  once  more  gaining  sight  of  the  Old  World,  were 
almost  equal  to  what  they  had  experienced  on  first  beholding  the 
New.  The  land  was  seen  east-northeast,  directly  over  the  prow 
of  the  caravel;  and  the  usual  diversity  of  opinion  concerning  it  arose 
among  the  pilots.  One  thought  that  it  must  be  the  island  of  Ma- 
deira; another  the  rock  of  Cintra,  near  Lisbon;  the  most  part 
deceived  by  their  ardent  wishes,  placed  it  near  to  Spain.  Colum- 
Jdus,  however,  judging  from  his  private  reckonings  and  observations, 
concluded  it  to  be  one  of  the  Azores.  A  nearer  approach  proved  it 
to  be  an  island:  it  was  but  five  leagues  distant,  and  the  voyagers 
were  congratulating  themselves  upon  the  assurance  of  speedily  being 
in  port,  when  suddenly  the  wind  veered  again  to  the  east-northeast, 
blowing  directly  from  the  land,  while  a  heavy  sea  kept  •  oiling  from 
the  west, 

*  Hist,  del  Almirante,  Cap.  30. 


164  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  V. 

For  two  days  they  remained  hovering  in  sight  of  the  island,  vainly 
striving  to  reach  it,  or  to  arrive  at  another  island  of  which  they 
caught  glimpses  occasionally  through  the  mist  and  rack  of  the  tem- 
pest. On  the  evening  of  the  17th  they  approached  so  near  the  first 
island  they  had  seen,  as  to  cast  anchor,  but  they  immediately  parted 
their  cable  and  had  to  put  to  sea  again,  where  they  remained  beating 
about  until  the  following  morning,  when  they  anchored  under  shel- 
ter of  its  northern  side.  For  several  days  past  Columbus  had  been 
in  such  a  state  of  agitation  and  anxiety,  that  he  had  scarcely  taken 
food  or  repose.  Although  suffering  greatly  from  a  gouty  affection 
to  which  he  was  subject,  yet  he  had  maintained  his  watchful  post  on 
deck,  exposed  to  wintrj'-  cold,  to  the  pelting  of  the  storm,  and  the 
drenching  surges  of  the  sea.  It  was  not  until  the  night  of  the  17th 
that  he  was  enabled  to  get  a  little  sleep,  more  from  the  exhaustion 
of  nature  than  from  any  tranquillity  of  mind.  Such  were  the  diffi- 
culties and  perils  which  attended  his  return  to  Europe;  had  one  tenth 
part  of  them  beset  his  outward  voyage,  his  timid  and  factious  crew 
would  have  risen  in  arms  against  the  enterprise,  and  he  never  would 
have  discovered  the  New  World. 


CHAPTER  III. 


On  sending  the  boat  to  land,  Columbus  ascertained  that  the  island 
where  he  had  thus  arrived  was  St.  Mary's,  the  most  southern  of 
the  Azores,  and  a  possession  of  the  crown  of  Portugal.  The  inhabit- 
ants, when  they  beheld  the  light  caravel  riding  at  anchor,  were  as- 
tonished that  it  had  been  able  to  live  through  the  gale,  which  had 
raged  for  fifteen  days  with  unexampled  fury  ;  but  when  they  heard 
that  this  tempest-tost  vessel  brought  tidings  of  a  strange  country 
beyond  the  ocean,  they  were  filled  with  wonder  and  curiosity.  To 
the  inquiries  of  the  boat's  crew  about  a  place  where  the  caravel 
might  anchor  securely,  they  pointed  out  a  harbour  in  the  vicinity ; 
but  when  the  boat  was  about  to  depart,  they  prevailed  on  three  of  the 
mariners  to  remain  on  shore  and  gratify  them  with  further  particu- 
lars of  this  unparalleled  voyage. 

In  the  evening  three  men  of  the  island  hailed  the  caravel,  and  a 
boat  being  sent  for  them  they  brought  on  board  fowls,  bread  and  re- 
freshments of  various  kinds,  from  Juan  de  Castanedaj  governor  of  the 


Chap.  Ill,]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  165 

island,  who  claimed  an  acquaintance  with  Columbus,  and  sent  him 
many  compliments  and  congratulations.  He  apologized  for  not 
coming  in  person,  owing  to  the  lateness  of  the  hour,  and  the  distance 
of  his  residence,  but  promised  to  visit  him  the  next  morning,  and  to 
bring  further  refreshments,  and  the  three  men  whom  he  still  kept 
with  him,  to  satisfy  his  extreme  curiosity  respecting  the  voyage. 
As  there  were  no  houses  on  the  neighbouring  shore,  the  messengers 
remained  on  board  all  night. 

On  the  following  morning  Coliuubus  reminded  his  people  of  the 
vow  made  during  their  recent  peril,  to  perform  a  pious  procession  at 
the  first  place  where  they  should  land.  On  the  neighbouring  shore, 
fit  no  great  distance  from  the  sea,  was  a  small  hermitage  or  chapel, 
dedicated  to  the  virgin,  which  was  favourable  for  the  purpose,  and 
he  made  immediate  arrangements  for  the  performance  of  the  rite. 
The  three  messengers,  on  returning  to  the  village,  sent  a  priest  to 
perform  mass,  and  one  half  of  the  crew  landing,  walked  in  proces- 
sion, barefooted  and  in  their  shirts,  to  the  chapel ;  while  the  admiral 
awaited  their  return  to  perform  the  same  ceremony  with  the  re- 
mainder of  his  men. 

An  ungenerous  reception,  however,  awaited  the  poor  tempest-tost 
mariners,  on  their  first  return  to  the  abode  of  civilized  man,  far  dif- 
ferent from  the  sympathy  and  hospitality  they  had  experienced 
among  the  savages  of  the  New  World.  Scarcely  had  they  began 
their  prayers  and  thanksgivings,  when  the  whole  rabble  of  the  vil- 
lage, horse  and  foot,  headed  by  the  governor,  surrounded  the  hermit- 
age, and  took  them  all  prisoners. 

As  an  intervening  point  of  land  hid  the  hermitage  from  the  view 
of  the  caravel,  the  admiral  remained  in  ignorance  of  this  transaction. 
When  eleven  o'clock  arrived  without  the  return  of  the  pilgrims,  he 
began  to  fear  that  they  were  detained  by  the  Portuguese,  or  that  the 
boat  had  been  shattered  upon  the  surf-beaten  rocks  which  bordered 
the  island.  Weighing  anchor,  therefore,  he  stood  in  a  direction  to 
command  a  view  of  the  chapel  and  the  adjacent  shore.  From  hence 
he  beheld  a  number  of  armed  horsemen,  who  dismounting,  entered 
the  boat  and  made  for  the  caravel.  The  admiral's  ancient  suspicions 
of  Portuguese  hostility  towards  himself  and  his  enterprises  were 
immediately  revived,  and  he  ordered  his  men  to  arm  themselves,  but 
to  keep  out  of  sight,  ready  either  to  defend  the  vessel,  or  surprise  the 
boat.  The  latter,  however,  approached  in  a  pacific  manner ;  the 
governor  of  the  island  was  on  board,  and  coming  within  hail,  de- 
manded assurance  of  personal  safety  in  case  he  entered  the  caravel. 
This  the  admiral  readily  gave,  but  the  Portuguese  still  distrustful, 
vnd  conscious  of  their  own  sinister  designs,  continued  to  mamtain  a 


166  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  V 

wary  distance.  The  indignation  of  Columbus  now  broke  forth;  he 
reproached  the  governor  with  his  perfidy,  and  with  the  wrong  he 
did,  not  merely  to  the  Spanish  monarchs,  but  to  his  own  sovereign, 
by  such  a  dishonourable  outrage.  He  informed  him  of  his  own  rank 
and  dignity,  displayed  his  letters  patent,  sealed  with  the  royal  seal  of 
Castile,  and  threatened  him  with  the  vengeance  of  his  government. 
The  reply  of  Castaneda  was  in  an  arrogant  vein  of  contempt  for  the 
letters  of  the  monarchs,  and  of  defiance  of  Columbus ;  and  he  con- 
cluded by  declaring  that  all  he  had  done  was  in  conformity  to  the 
commands  of  the  king  his  sovereign. 

After  an  unprofitable  altercation,  the  boat  returned  to  shore,  leaving 
Columbus  much  perplexed  by  this  unexpected  hostility,  and  fearful 
that  a  war  might  have  broken  out  between  Spain  and  Portugal 
during  his  absence.  The  next  day  the  weather  became  so  tem- 
pestuous that  they  were  driven  from  their  anchorage  and  obliged  to 
stand  to  sea,  toward  the  island  of  St.  Michael.  For  two  days  the 
ship  continued  beating  about  in  great  peril,  half  of  her  crew  being 
detained  on  shore,  and  the  greater  part  of  those  on  board  being  lands- 
men and  Indians,  almost  equally  useless  in  difficult  navigation. 
Fortunately,  although  the  waves  ran  high,  there  were  none  of  those 
cross  seas  which  recently  prevailed,  otherwise,  being  so  feebly 
manned,  the  caravel  could  scarcely  have  lived  through  the  storm. 

On  the  evening  of  the  22d,  the  weather  having  moderated,  Colum  ■■ 
bus  returned  once  more  to  his  anchorage  at  St.  Mar/s.  Shortly 
after  his  arrival  a  boat  came  oflf,  bringing  two  priests  and  a  notary. 
After  a  cautious  parley,  and  an  assurance  of  safety,  they  came  on 
board  of  the  caravel,  and  requested  a  sight  of  the  papers  of  Columbus 
on  the  part  of  Castaneda,  assuring  hiiti  that  it  was  the  disposition 
of  the  governor  to  render  him  every  service  in  his  power,  provided  he 
really  sailed  in  the  service  of  the  Spanish  sovereigns.  Columbus  saw 
that  this  was  a  mere  manoeuvre  of  Castaneda  to  cover  a  retreat  from 
the  hostile  position  he  had  assumed;  h^  restrained  his  indignation, 
however,  expressing  his  thanks  for  the  friendly  disposition  of  the 
governor,  and  showing  his  letters  of  cominission,  easily  satisfied  the 
priests  and  the  notary.  On  the  following  morning  the  boat  and 
mariners  were  liberated.  The  latter  during  their  detention  had 
collected  information  from  the  inhabitants  which  elucidated  the  con- 
duct of  Castaneda.  The  king  of  Portugal,  jealous  lest  the  expe- 
dition of  Columbus  might  interfere  with  his  own  discoveries,  had 
sent  orders  to  his  commanders  of  islands  and  distant  ports,  to  seize 
and  detain  him  wherever  he  should  be  met  with.*    In  compliance 


Hist,  del  Almirante,  C.  39.    Las  Casaa,  Hist.  Ind.  L.  1,  C.  72, 


Chap.  IV.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS-  167 

with  these  oraers  Castaneda  had  in  the  first  instance  hoped  to  sur- 
prise Columbus  in  the  chapel,  and,  failing  in  that  attempt,  had 
intended  to  get  him  in  his  power  by  stratagem,  but  was  deterred 
from  finding  him  on  his  guard.  Such  was  the  first  reception  of  the. 
admiral  on  his  return  to  the  Old  World;  an  earnest  of  the  crosses 
and  troubles  with  which  he  was  to  be  requited  throughout  life,  for 
one  of  the  greatest  benefits  that  ever  man  had  conferred  upon  his 
fellow  beings. 


k:t 


CHAPTER  IV. 

ARRIVAL    AT    PORTUGAL VISIT    TO    THE    COURT. 

[1493.] 

Columbus  remained  two  days  longer  at  the  island  of  St.  Mary's, 
endeavouring  to  take  in  wood  and  ballast;  but  was  prevented  by  the 
heavy  surf  which  broke  upon  the  shore.  The  wind  veering  to  the 
south,  and  being  dangerous  for  vessels  at  anchor  off  the  island,  but 
favourable  for  the  voyage  to  Spain,  he  set  sail  on  the  24th  of  February, 
and  had  pleasant  weather  until  the  27th,  when,  being  within  one 
hundred  and  twenty-five  leagues  of  Cape  St.  Vincent,  he  again 
entountered  contrary  gales,  and  a  boisterous  and  laborious  sea.  The 
fortitude  of  Columbus  was  scarcely  proof  against  these  perils  and 
delays,  which  appeared  to  increase  the  nearer  he  approached  his 
home;  and  he  could  not  help  uttering  a  complaint  at  thus  being 
repulsed,  as  it  were,  "from  the  very  door  of  the  house."  He  con- 
trasted the  rude  storms  which  raged  about  the  coasts  of  the  old  world, 
with  the  genial  airs,  the  tranquil  seas,  and  balmy  weather,  which  he 
supposed  perpetually  to  prevail  about  the  favoured  countries  he  had 
discovered.  "Well,"  says  he,  "may  the  sacred  theologians  and 
sage  philosophers  declare,  that  the  terrestrial  paradise  is  in  the 
ultimate  end  of  the  east,  for  it  is  the  most  temperate  of  regions." 

After  experiencing  several  days  of  stormy  and  adverse  weather, 
about  midnight  of  Saturday,  the  2d  March,  the  caravel  was  suddenly 
struck  by  a  squall  of  wind,  which  rent  all  her  sails ;  and  continuing 
to  blow  with  resistless  violence,  she  was  obliged  again  to  scud  under 
bare  poles,  threatened  each  moment  with  destruction.  In  this  hour 
of  darkness  and  peril,  the  crew  again  called  upon  the  aid  of  heaven. 


9 


168  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  V 

A  lot  was  cast  for  the  performance  of  a  barefooted  pilgrimage  to  the 
shrine  of  Santa  Maria  de  la  Cueva,  in  Huelva,  and,  as  usual,  the  lot 
fell  upon  Columbus.  There  was  something  singular  in  the  recur- 
rence of  this  circumstance.  Las  Casas  devoutly  considers  it  an 
intimation  from  the  Deity  to  the  admiral,  that  these  storms  were  all 
on  his  account,  to  humble  his  pride,  and  prevent  his  arrogating  to 
himself  the  glory  of  a  discovery,  which  was  the  work  of  God,  and 
for  which  he  had  merely  been  chosen  as  an  instrument.* 

Various  signs  appeared  of  their  being  in  the  vicinity  of  land,  which 
they  supposed  must  be  the  coast  of  Portugal;  the  tempest  however 
increased  to  such  a  degree,  that  they  doubted  whether  any  of  them 
would  survive  to  reach  a  port.  The  whole  crew  made  a  vow,  in 
case  their  lives  were  spared,  to  fast  upon  bread  and  water  the  fol- 
lowing Saturda3^  The  turbulence  of  the  elements  was  still  greater 
in  the  course  of  the  following  night.  The  sea  was  broken,  wild  and 
mountainous;  at  one  moment  the  light  caravel  was  tost  high  in  the 
air,  and  the  next  moment  seemed  sinking  in  a  yawning  abyss.  The 
rain  at  times  fell  in  torrents,  and  the  lightning  flashed  and  the  thun- 
der pealed  from  various  parts  of  the  heavens. 

In  the  first  watch  of  this  fearful  night,  the  seamen  gave  the 
usually  welcome  cry  of  land ;  but  it  now  only  increased  the  general 
alarm.  They  knew  not  where  they  were,  nor  where  to  look  for  a 
harbour;  they  dreaded  being  driven  on  shore,  or  dashed  upon  the 
rocks;  and  thus  the  very  land  they  had  so  earnestly  desired,  was 
rendered  a  terror  to  them.  Taking  in  sail,  therefore,  they  kept  to 
sea  as  much  as  possible,  and  waited  anxiously  for  the  morning  light. 

At  daybreak  on  the  4th  of  March,  they  found  themselves  off  the 
rock  of  Cintra,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Tagus.  Though  entertaining  a 
strong  distrust  of  the  good  will  of  Portugal,  the  prevailing  tempest 
left  Columbus  no  alternative  but  to  run  in  for  shelter,  and  he  accord- 
ingly anchored  about  three  o'clock,  opposite  to  Rastello,  to  the  great 
joy  of  the  crew,  who  returned  thanks  to  God  for  their  escape  from  so 
many  perils. 

The  inhabitants  came  off  from  various  parts  of  the  shore,  congratu- 
lating them  upon  what  they  considered  a  miraculous  preservation. 
They  had  been  watching  the  vessel  the  whole  morning,  with  great 
anxiety,  and  putting  up  prayers  for  her  safety.  The  oldest  mariners 
of  the  place  assured  Columbus  that  they  had  never  known  so  tem- 
pestuous a  winter;  many  vessels  had  remained  for  months  in  port, 
weatherbound,  and  there  had  been  numerous  shipwrecks  during  the 
season. 


Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.  Lib.  1,  Cap.  73. 


Chap.  IV,]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  169 

Immediately  on  his  arrival,  Columbus  dispatched  a  courier  to  the 
king  and  queen  of  Spain,  with  the  great  tidings  of  his  discovery. 
He  wrote  also  to  the  king  of  Portugal,  who  was  then  at  Valparaiso, 
requesting  permission  to  go  with  his  vessel  to  Lisbon ;  for  a  report  had 
got  abroad  that  his  caravel  was  laden  with  gold,  and  he  felt  himself 
insecure  in  the  mouth  of  the  Tagus,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  a  place 
like  Rastello,  scantily  peopled  by  needy  and  adventurous  inhabitants. 
To  prevent  any  misunderstanding  as  to  the  nature  of  his  voyage,  he 
assured  the  king  that  he  had  not  been  on  the  coast  of  Guinea,  nor  to 
any  other  of  the  Portuguese  colonies,  but  had  come  from  Cipango 
and  the  extremity  of  India,  which  he  had  discovered  by  sailing  to 
the  west. 

On  the  following  day,  Don  Alonzo  de  Acuna,  the  captain  of  a 
large  Portuguese  man  of  war  stationed  at  Rastello,  summoned  Co- 
lumbus on  board  his  ship,  to  give  an  account  of  himself  and  his 
vessel.  The  latter  immediately  asserted  his  rights  and  dignities,  as 
admiral  of  their  Castilian  majesties,  and  refused  to  leave  his  vessel, 
or  to  send  any  one  in  his  place.  No  sooner,  however,  did  the  com- 
mander learn  his  rank,  and  the  extraordinary  nature  of  his  voyage, 
than  he  came  to  the  caravel  with  great  sound  of  drums,  fifes,  and 
trumpets,  showing  Columbus  the  courtesies  of  a  brave  and  generous 
spirit,  and  making  the  fullest  offer  of  his  services. 

When  the  tidings  reached  Lisbon  of  this  wonderful  bark,  which 
lay  anchored  in  the  Tagus,  freighted  with  the  people  and  the  pro- 
ductions of  a  newly  discovered  world,  the  effect  may  be  more  easily 
conceived  than  described.  Lisbon  for  nearly  a  century  had  derived 
its  chief  glory  from  its  maritime  discoveries,  but  here  was  an  achieve- 
ment that  eclipsed  them  all.  Curiosity  could  scarcely  have  been 
more  excited  had  the  vessel  come  freighted  with  the  wonders  of 
another  planet.  For  several  days  the  Tagus  presented  a  gay  and 
moving  picture,  covered  with  barges  and  boats  of  every  kind,  swarm- 
ing round  the  caravel.  From  morning  till  night  the  vessel  was 
thronged  with  visiters,  among  whom  were  cavaliers  of  high  distinc- 
tion, and  various  officers  of  the  crown.  All  hung  with  rapt  atten- 
tion upon  the  accounts  given  by  Columbus  and  his  crew  of  the  events 
of  their  voyage,  and  of  the  new  world  they  had  discovered;  and 
gazed  with  insatiable  curiosity  upon  the  specimens  of  unknown 
plants  and  animals;  but  above  all  upon  the  Indians,  so  different  from 
any  race  of  men  hitherto  known.  Some  were  filled  with  generous 
enthusiasm  at  the  idea  of  a  discovery  so  sublime,  and  so  beneficial  to 
mankind;  the  avarice  of  others  was  inflamed  by  the  descriptions  ot 
wild  unappropriated  regions,  teeming  with  gold,  with  pearls  and 
spices;  while  others  repined  at  the  incredulity  of  the  king  and  his 

P 


170  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  V, 

counsellors,  by  which  so  immense  an  acquisition  had  been  for  ever 
lost  to  Portugal. 

On  the  eighth  of  March,  a  cavalier,  called  Don  Martin  de  Norona, 
came  with  a  letter  from  king  John,  congratulating  Columbus  on  his 
arrival,  and  inviting  him  to  court,  which  was  then  held  at  Valpa- 
raiso, about  nine  leagues  from  Lisbon.  The  king,  with  his  usual 
munificence,  issued  orders  at  the  same  time,  that  every  thing  which 
the  admiral  required,  for  himself,  his  crew,  or  his  vessel,  should  be 
furnished  promptly  and  abundantly,  without  cost. 

Columbus  would  gladly  have  declined  the  royal  invitation,  feeling 
distrust  of  the  good  faith  of  the  king;  but  the  tempestuous  weather 
placed  him  in  his  power,  and  he  thought  it  prudent  to  avoid  all  ap- 
pearance of  suspicion.  He  set  forth,  therefore,  that  very  evening  for 
Valparaiso,  accompanied  by  his  pilot.  The  first  night  he  slept  at 
Sacamben,  where  preparations  had  been  made  for  his  honourable 
entertainment.  The  weather  being  rainy  he  did  not  reach  Valpa- 
raiso until  the  following  night.  On  approaching  the  royal  residence, 
the  principal  cavaliers  of  the  king's  household  came  forth  to  meet 
him,  and  attended  him  with  great  ceremony  to  the  palace.  His  re- 
ception by  the  monarch  was  worthy  of  an  enlightened  prince.  He 
ordered  him  to  seat  himself  in  his  presence,  an  honour  only  granted 
to  persons  of  royal  dignity;  and  after  many  congratulations  on  the 
glorious  result  of  his  enterprise,  assured  him  that  every  thing  in  his 
kingdom  that  could  be  of  service  to  his  sovereigns  or  himself,  was  at 
his  command. 

A  long  conversation  ensued,  in  which  Columbus  gave  an  account 
of  his  voyage,  and  of  the  countries  he  had  discovered.  The  king 
listened  with  much  seeming  pleasure,  but  with  secret  grief  and 
mortification ;  the  idea  was  incessantly  preying  upon  his  mind  that 
this  splendid  enterprise  had  once  been  oflfered  to  himself,  had  in  a 
manner  been  begging  for  patronage  at  his  court,  and  had  been  re- 
jected. A  casual  observation  showed  what  was  passing  in  his 
thoughts.  He  expressed  a  doubt  whether  the  discovery  did  not 
really  appertain  to  the  crown  of  Portugal,  according  to  the  capitu- 
lations of  the  treaty  of  1479,  with  the  Castilian  sovereigns.  Co- 
lumbus replied  that  he  had  never  seen  those  capitulations,  nor 
knew  any  thing  of  their  nature;  his  orders  had  been  not  to  go  to 
La  Mina,  or  the  coast  of  Gumea,  which  orders  he  had  carefully 
observed.  The  king  made  a  gracious  reply,  expressing  himself 
satisfied  that  he  had  acted  correctly,  and  persuaded  that  these  mat- 
ters would  be  readily  adjusted  between  the  two  powers,  without  the 
need  of  umpires.  On  dismissing  Columbus  for  the  night,  he  gave 
him  in  charge,  as  guest,  to  the  prior  of  Crato,  the  principal  per- 


Chap.  IV.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  171 

sonage  present,  by  whom  he  was  honourably  and  hospitably  enter- 
tained. 

On  the  following  day,  the  king  had  further  conversation  with  the 
admiral,  in  which  he  made  minute  inquiries,  as  to  the  soil,  produc- 
tions, and  people  of  the  newly  discovered  countries,  and  the  route 
he  had  taken  in  his  voyage;  to  all  which  Columbus  gave  the  fullest 
replies ;  endeavouring  to  convince  the  royal  mind,  in  the  clearest 
manner,  that  these  were  regions  heretofore  undiscovered  and  unap- 
propriated by  any  Christian  power.  Still  the  king  was  uneasy,  lest 
this  vast  and  undefined  discovery  should  in  some  way  interfere  with 
his  own  newly  acquired  territories.  He  doubted  whether  Colum- 
bus had  not  found  a  short  way  to  those  very  countries  which  were 
the  object  of  his  own  expeditions,  and  which  were  comprehended 
in  the  papal  bull,  granting  to  the  crown  of  Portugal  all  the  lands 
which  it  should  discover  from  Cape  Non  to  the  Indias. 

On  suggesting  these  doubts  to  his  counsellors,  they  eagerly  con- 
firmed them,  ^ome  of  these  were  the  very  persons  who  had  once 
derided  this  enterprise,  and  scoffed  at  Columbus  as  a  dreamer.  To 
them,  its  success  was  a  source  of  confusion;  every  demonstration 
of  its  importance  was  felt  as  a  reproach,  and  the  return  of  Colum- 
bus, covered  with  glory,  was  a  deep  humiliation.  Incapable  of 
conceiving  the  high  and  generous  thoughts  which  elevated  him  at 
that  moment  above  all  mean  considerations,  they  attributed  to  all 
his  actions  the  most  petty  and  ignoble  motives.  His  rational  ex- 
ultation was  construed  into  an  insulting  triumph ;  and  they  accus- 
ed him  of  assuming  a  boastful  and  vainglorious  tone,  when  talking 
with  the  king  of  his  discovery ;  as  if  he  would  revenge  himself 
upon  the  monarch  for  having  rejected  his  propositions.*  It  was 
with  the  greatest  eagerness,  therefore,  that  they  sought  to  foster 
those  doubts,  which  had  sprung  up  in  the  royal  mind.  Some,  who 
had  seen  the  natives  brought  in  the  caravel,  declared  that  their  co- 
lour, hair,  and  manners,  agreed  with  the  descriptions  of  the  people 
of  that  part  of  India  which  lay  within  the  route  of  the  Portuguese^ 
discoveries,  and  which  had  been  included  in  the  papal  bull.  Others 
observed  that  there  was  but  little  distance  between  the  Tercera 
islands,  and  those  which  Columbus  had  discovered,  and  that  the 


*  Vascbncelos,  Vida  de  don  Juan,  11,  Lib.  6. 

The  Portuguese  historians  in  general,  charge  Columbus  with  having  conduct- 
himself  loftily,  and  talked  in  vaunting  terms  of  his  discoveries,  in  his  conversa- 
tions with  the  king.  It  is  evident  their  information  must  have  been  derived  from 
prejudiced  courtiers.  Faria  y  Souza,  in  his  Europa  Portuguesa.  (Parte  III.  C.  4.) 
goes  so  far  as  to  say  that  Columbus  entered  into  the  port  of  Rastello  merely  to 
make  Portugal  sensible,  by  the  sight  of  the  trophies  of  his  discovery,  how  much 
•he  had  lost  by  not  accepting  his  propositions. 


172  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  V. 

latter,  therefore,  clearly  appertained  to  Portugal.  Seemg-  the  kmg 
deeply  perturbed  in  spirit,  some  even  went  so  far  as  to  propose,  as  a 
means  of  impeding  the  prosecution  of  these  enterprises,  that  Co- 
lumbus should  be  assassinated:  declaring  that  he  deserved  death  for 
attempting  to  deceive  and  embroil  the  two  nations  by  his  pretended 
discoveries.  It  was  suggested  that  his  assassination  might  easily 
be  accomplished  without  incurring  any  odium :  advantage  might 
be  taken  of  his  lofty  deportment  to  pique  his  pride,  provoke  him 
into  an  altercation,  and  then  dispatch  him,  as  if  in  casual  and  ho- 
nourable encounter. 

It  is  difficult  to  believe  that  such  wicked  and  dastardly  counsel 
could  have  been  preferred  to  a  monarch  so  uprfght  as  John  II;  but 
the  fact  is  asserted  by  various  historians,  Portuguese  as  well  as 
Spanish;*  and  it  accords  with  the  perfidious  advice  formerly  given 
to  the  monarch  in  respect  to  Columbus.  There  is  a  spurious  loyalty 
about  courts,  which  is  often  prone  to  prove  its  zeal  by  its  baseness 
and  it  is  the  weakness  of  kings  to  tolerate  the  grossest  faults  thai 
appear  to  arise  from  personal  devotion. 

Happily,  the  king  had  too  much  magnanimity  to  adopt  the  ini^ 
quitous  measure  proposed.  He  did  justice  to  the  great  merit  of 
Columbus,  and  honoured  him  as  a  distinguished  benefactor  to  man- 
kind ;  and  he  felt  it  his  duty  as  a  generous  prince,  to  protect  al) 
strangers,  driven  by  adverse  fortune  to  his  ports.  Others  of  his 
counsel  suggested  a  more  bold  and  martial  line  of  policy.  They 
advised  that  Columbus  should  be  permitted  to  return  to  Spain ;  but 
that  before  he  could  fit  out  a  second  expedition,  a  powerful  arma- 
ment should  be  dispatched,  under  the  guidance  of  two  Portuguese 
mariners,  who  had  sailed  with  the  admiral,  to  take  possession  of 
the  newly  discovered  countries;  possession  being  after  all  the  best 
title,  and  an  appeal  to  arms  the  clearest  mode  of  settling  so  doubt- 
ful a  question. 

This  counsel,  in  which  there  was  a  mixture  of  courage  and  craft, 
was  more  relished  by  the  king,  and  he  resolved  privately  but 
promptly,  to  put  it  in  execution,  fixing  upon  Dom.  Francisco  de 
Almeida,  one  of  the  most  distinguished  captains  of  the  age,  to 
command  the  expedition.! 

In  the  meantime,  Columbus,  after  being  treated  with  distinguish- 
ed attention,  was  escorted  back  to  his  ship  by  Don  Martin  de  No- 
rona  and  a  numerous  train  of  cavaliers  of  the  court,  a  mule  being 
provided  for  himself,  and  another  for  his  pilot,  to  whom  the  king 

•  Vasconcelos,  Vida  del  Rei  Don  Juan  II.  L.  6.    Garcia  de  Reseade,,  Vida  dt 
Dom  Joam  II.    Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.  L.  1,  C.  74.  MS. 
t  Vasconcelos,  L.  6. 


2/ 
/ 


Chap.  V.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS-  173 

made  a  present  of  twenty  Espadinos  or  ducats  of  gold.*  On  his 
waj  Columbus  stopped  at  the  monastery  of  St.  Antonio,  at  Villa 
Franca,  to  visit  the  queen,  who  had  expressed  an  earnest  wish  to 
see  him.  He  found  her  attended  by  a  few  of  her  favourite  ladies, 
and  experienced  the  most  flattering  reception.  Her  majesty  made 
him  relate  the  principal  events  of  his  voyage,  and  describe  the  coun- 
tries he  had  found,  while  she  and  her  ladies  hung  with  eager  curi- 
osity upon  the  narrative  of  this  extraordinary  and  enterprising  man 
whose  achievement  was  the  theme  of  every  tongue.  That  night  Z-  2. 
he  slept  at  Llandra,  and  being  on  the  point  of  departing  in  the 
morning,  a  servant  of  the  king  arrived,  offering  on  the  part  of  his 
majesty,  to  attend  him  to  the  frontier,  if  he  preferred  to  return  to 
Spain  by  land,  and  to  provide  horses,  lodgings,  and  every  thing  he 
might  stand  in  need  of,  at  the  royal  expense.  The  weather,  how- 
ever, having  moderated,  he  preferred  returning  in  his  caravel.  Put- 
ting to  sea  once  more,  therefore,  on  the  13th  March,  he  arrived 
safely  at  the  bar  of  Saltes  on  sunrise  of  the  15th,  and  at  mid-day 
entered  the  harbour  of  Palos,  from  whence  he  had  sailed  on  the  [ 
third  of  August  in  the  preceding  year;  having  taken  not  quite  seyca..  « 
months  and  a  hal^  to  accomplish  this  most  momentous  of  all  mari-  \ 
time  enterprises.f     '  /  j 


r 


CHAPTER  V. 

RECEPTION  OF  COLUMBUS  AT  PALOS. 

[1493.] 

The  triumphant  return  of  Columbus  was  a  prodigious  event  in  the 
history  of  the  little  port  of  Palos;  where  every  body  was  more  or 
less  interested  in  the  fate  of  his  expedition.  The  most  important  and 
wealthy  sea-captains  of  the  place  had  engaged  in  it,  and  scarcely  a 
family  but  had  some  relative  or  friend  among  the  navigators.     The 

•  28  Dollars  in  gold  of  the  present  day,  and  equivalent  to  74  dollars,  consideruvo; 
the  depreciation  of  the  precious  metals. 

t  Works  generally  consulted  on  this  chapter— Las  Casas,  Hist.  fnd.  L.  1,  C. 
74.  HiNt.  del  Almirante,  C   39  40  41.     Jourjial  of  Columb.  Navarrete,  T.  I. 

P8 


174  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  V. 

departure  of  the  ships  upon  what  appeared  a  chimerical  and  despe- 
rate cruise,  had  spread  gloom  and  dismay  over  the  place;  and  tho 
storms  which  had  raged  throughout  the  winter  had  heightened  the 
public  despondency.  Many  lamented  their  friends  as  lost,  while  the 
imagination  lent  mysterious  horrors  to  their  fate;  picturing  them  as 
driven  about  over  wild  and  desert  wastes  of  water 'without  a  shore; 
or  as  perishing  amidst  rocks,  and  quicksands,  and  whirlpools;  or  a 
prey  to  those  monsters  of  the  deep,  with  which  credulity,  in  those 
days,  peopled  every  distant  and  unfrequented  sea.*  There  was  some- 
thing more  awful  in  such  a  mysterious  fate,  tlian  in  death  itself 
imder  any  defined  and  ordinary  form. 

When  the  news  arrived,  therefore,  that  one  of  the  adventurous 
ships  was  standing  up  the  river,  the  inhabitants  were  thrown  into 
great  agitation;  but  when  they  heard  that  she  returned  in  triumph 
from  the  discovery  of  a  world,  and  beheld  her  furling  her  sails  in 
their  harbour,  the  whole  community  broke  forth  into  transports  of  joy. 
The  bells  were  rung,  the  shops  shut,  all  business  was  suspended;  for 
a  time  there  was  nothing  but  the  hurry  and  tumult  of  sudden  exulta- 
tion and  breathless  curiosity.  Some  were  anxious  to  know  the  fate 
of  a  relative,  others  of  a  friend;  and  all  to  learn  particulars  of  so 
wonderful  a  voyage.  When  Columbus  landed,  the  multitude  throng- 
ed to  see  and  welcome  him,  and  a  grand  procession  was  formed  to 
the  principal  church,  to  return  thanks  to  God  for  so  signal  a  dis- 
covery, made  by  the  people  of  that  place;  the  unthinking  populace 
forgetting,  in  their  exultation,  the  thousand  difficulties  which  they 
had  thrown  in  the  way  of  the  enterprise.  Wherever  Columbus 
passed,  the  streets  resounded  with  shouts  and  acclamations;  he 
received  such  honours  as  are  paid  to  sovereigns,  but  to  him  they 
were  rendered  with  tenfold  warmth  and  sincerity.  What  a  contrast 
was  this  to  his  departure  a  few  months  before,  followed  by  murmurs 
and  execrations;  or  rather,  what  a  contrast  to  his  first  arrival  at  Palos, 
a  poor  pedestrian,  craving  bread  and  water  for  his  child  at  the  gate 
of  a  convent! 

Understanding  that  the  court  was  at  Barcelona,  Columbus  felt 
disposed  to  proceed  thither  immediately  in  his  caravel;  reflecting, 
however,  on  the  dangers  and  disasters  he  had  already  experienced 
on  the  seas,  he  resolved  to  proceed  by  land.     He  dispatched  a  letter 


*  In  the  maps  and  charts  of  those  times,  and  even  in  those  of  a  much  later  date, 
the  variety  of  formidable  and  hideous  monsters  depicted  in  all  remote  parts  of  the 
ocean,  evince  the  terrors  and  dangers  with  which  the  imagination  clothed  it.  The 
same  may  also  be  said  of  distant  and  unknown  lands.  The  remote  parts  of  Asia 
and  Africa  have  monsters  depicted  in  them  which  it  would  be  difficult  to  trace  to 
any  originals  in  natural  history. 


Chap.  V.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  175 

to  the  kin^  and  queen,  informing  them  of  his  arrival,  and  soon  after 
departed  for  Seville  to  avirait  their  orders ;  taking  with  him  six  of  the 
natives  whom  he  had  brought  from  the  new  world.  One  had  died 
at  sea,  and  three  were  left  ill  at  Palos. 

It  is  a  singular  coincidence,  which  appears  to  be  well  authenti- 
cated, that  on  the  very  evening  of  the  amval  of  Columbus  at  Palos, 
and  while,  as  it  were,  the  peals  of  triumph  v/ere  still  ringing  from 
its  towers,  the  Pinta,  commanded  by  Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon,  like- 
wise entered  the  river.  After  her  separation  from  the  admiral  in 
the  storm  she  had  been  driven  before  the  gale  into  the  bay  of  Bis- 
cay, and  had  made  the  port  of  Bayonne.  Doubting  whether  Colum- 
bus had  survived  the  tempest,  and,  at  all  events,  anxious  to  an- 
ticipate him,  and,  to  secure  the  favourable  prepossessions  of  the 
court  and  the  public,  Pinzon  had  immediately  written  to  the 
sovereigns,  giving  information  of  the  discovery  he  had  made,  and 
had  requested  permission  to  come  to  court,  and  communicate  the 
particulars  in  person.  As  soon  as  the  weather  permitted,  he  had 
again  set  sail,  anticipating  a  triumphant  reception  in  his  native 
port  of  Palos.  When  on  entering  the  harbour,  he  beheld  the  vessel 
of  the  admiral  riding  at  anchor,  and  learnt  the  enthusiasm  with 
which  he  had  been  received,  and  the  rejoicings  with  which  his  return 
had  been  celebrated,  the  heart  of  Pinzon  died  within  him.  He 
called  to  mind  his  frequent  arrogance  and  insubordination,  and  his 
wilful  desertion  off  the  coast  of  Cuba,  by  which  he  had  impeded  the 
prosecution  of  the  voyage.  It  is  said  that  he  feared  to  meet  Colum- 
bus in  this  hour  of  his  triumph,  lest  he  might  put  him  under  arrest; 
but  it  is  more  probable  that  he  was  ashamed  to  appear  before  the 
public  in  the  midst  of  its  rejoicings,  as  a  recreant  to  the  cause  which 
excited  such  universal  admiration.  Getting  into  his  boat,  therefore, 
he  landed  privately,  and  kept  himself  out  of  sight  until  he  heard  of 
the  admiral's  departure.  He  then  returned  to  his  home,  broken  in 
health  and  deeply  dejected.  Palos  had  been  his  little  world,  in 
which  he  had  moved  with  unrivalled  importance;  but  now  he  found 
himself  fallen  in  public  opinion,  and  fancied  the  finger  of  scorn 
continually  pointed  at  him.  All  the  honours  lavished  on  Columbus, 
all  the  rapturous  eulogiums  of  his  enterprise,  sunk  into  the  soul  of 
Pinzon,  as  so  many  reproaches  on  himself;  and  when,  at  length,  he 
received  a  severe  and  reproachful  reply  to  the  letter  he  had  written  to 
'  the  sovereigns,  his  morbid  feelings  added  virulence  to  his  malady, 
and  in  a  few  days  he  sunk  into  the  grave  the  victim  of  humiliation 
and  remorse.* 


Muaoz  Hist.  N.  Mundo,  L.  4,  $  14.    Charlevoix,  Hist.  S.  Doming.  L.  2. 


176  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  fBooK  V 

He  was  a  man  of  great  spirit  and  enterprise,  one  of  the  ablest 
seamen  of  the  age,  and  the  head  of  a  family  that  continued  to 
distinguish  itself  among  the  early  discoverers.  He  had  contributed 
greatly  to  encourage  Columbus,  when  poor  and  unknown  in  Spain ; 
offering  his  purse,  and  entering  with  hearty  concurrence  into  his 
plans.  He  had  assisted  him  by  his  personal  influence  at  Palos; 
combating  the  public  prejudices,  and  promoting  the  manning  and 
equipping  of  his  vessels,  when  even  the  orders  of  the  sovereigns 
were  of  no  avail;  he  had  advanced  the  part  of  the  funds  to  bo 
borne  by  the  admiral ;  finally,  he  had  embarked,  with  his  brothers, 
in  the  expedition,  staking  life  as  well  as  property  on  the  event.  He  , 
had  thus  entitled  himself  to  participate  largely  in  the  glory  of  this 
immortal  enterprise,  but,  forgetting  the  grandeur  of  the  cause,  he 
had  deserted  the  high  object  in  view ;  and  by  yielding  to  the  im- 
pulse of  a  low  and  sordid  passion,  had  tarnished  his  character  for 
ever.  That  he  was  a  man  naturally  of  generous  sentiments,  is 
evident  from  the  poignancy  of  his  remorse  ;  a  mean  man  could  not 
have  fallen  a  victim  to  self-upbraiding  for  having  committed  a  mean 
action.  His  story  shows  how  one  lapse  from  duty  may  counterbalance 
the  merits  of  a  thousand  services;  how  one  moment  of  weakness 
may  mar  the  beauty  of  a  whole  life  of  virtue ;  and  how  important 
it  is  for  a  man,  under  all  circumstances,  to  be  true,  not  merely  to 
others,  but  to  himself.* 

*  The  misconduct  of  Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon  appears  to  have  been  highly  resented 
for  a  time  by  the  Catholic  sovereigns ;  still  much  may  be  said  in  palliation  of 
his  error.  The  squadron  was  in  part  his  property  and  had  been  principally 
fitted  out  through  his  means  and  exertions.  Familiarity  having  diminished  his 
first  feelings  of  deference  for  Columbus,  he  forgot  the  infinite  difference  in  merit 
between  the  projector  of  the  enterprise,  and  he  who  merely  assisted  to  carry  it 
into  effect ;  hence  he  appears,  at  times  to  have  considered  himself  entitled  in  justice 
to  an  equal  share  in  the  command. 

After  a  lapse  of  years  the  descendants  of  thePinzons  made  strenuous  represen- 
tations to  the  crown  of  the  merits  and  services  of  their  family,  endeavouring  to 
prove,  among  other  things,  that,  but  for  the  aid  and  encouragement  of  Martin  Alonzo 
and  his  brothers,  Columbus  would  never  have  made  his  discovery.  Some  of  the 
testimony  rendered  on  this  and  another  occasion,  was  rather  extravagant  and 
absurd,  as  will  be  shown  in  another  part  of  this  work.*  The  Emperor  Charles  V. 
however,  taking  into  consideration  the  real  services  of  the  brothers  in  the  first 
voyage,  and  the  subsequent  expeditions  and  discoveries  of  that  able  and  intrepid 
navigator,  Vicente  Yanez  Pinzon,  granted  to  the  family  the  well-merited  rank  and 
privileges  of  Hidalguia,  a  degree  of  nobility  which  constituted  them  noble  hidalgos 
■with  the  right  of  prefixing  the  title  of  Don  to  their  names.  A  coat  of  arms  was 
also  given  them,  emblematical  of  their  services  as  discoverers.  These  privileges 
and  arms  are  carefully  preserved  by  the  family  at  the  present  day. 

*  Vide  DlustFi^tions.    Article,  Martin  Alonzo  Pimon. 


Chap.  VI.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  177 


CHAPTER  VI. 

RECEPTION  OF  COLUMBUS  BY  THE  SPANISH  COURT  AT 
BARCELONA. 

The  letter  of  Columbus  to  the  Spanish  moAarchs,  announcing  his 
discovery,  had  produced  the  greatest  sensation  at  court.  The  event 
It  communicated  was  considered  the  most  extraordinary  of  their 
prosperous  reign  ;  and  following  so  close  upon  the  conquest  of  Gra- 
nada, was  pronounced  a  signal  mark  of  divine  favour,  for  that 
triumph  achieved  in  the  cause  of  the  true  faith.  The  sovereigns 
themselves  were  for  a  time  dazzled  and  bewildered  by  this  sudden 
and  easy  acquisition  of  a  new  empire,  of  indefinite  extent,  and 
apparently  boundless  wealth;  and  their  first  idea  was  to  secure  it 
beyond  the  reach  of  question  or  competition.  Shortly  after  his 
arrival  in  Seville,  Columbus  received  a  letter  from  them,  expressing 
their  great  delight,  and  requesting  him  to  repair  immediately  to 
court,  to  concert  plans  for  a  second  and  more  extensive  expedition. 
As  the  summer  was  already  advancing,  the  time  favourable  for  a 
voyage,  they  desired  him  to  make  any  arrangements  at  Seville,  or 
elsewhere,  that  might  hasten  the  expedition,  and  to  inform  them  by 
tne  return  of  the  courier,  what  was  necessary  to  be  done  on  their 
part.  This  letter  was  addressed  to  him  by  the  title  of  "  Don  Chris- 
topher Columbus,  our  admiral  of  the  Ocean  sea,  and  viceroy  and 
governor  of  the  islands  discovered  in  the  Indias ;"  at  the  same  time 


*  The  Pinzons  at  present  reside  principally  in  the  little  city  of  Moguer,  about  a 
league  from  Palos ;  and  possess  vineym-ds  and  estates  about  the  neighbourhood. 
They  are  in  easy,  if  not  affluent  circumstances,  and  inhabit  the  best  houses  in 
Moguer.  Here  they  have  continued,  from  generation  to  generation,  since  tho 
time  of  the  discovery,  filling  places  of  public  trust  and  dignity,  enjoying  the  good 
opinion  and  good  will  of  their  fellow  citizens,  and  flourishing  in  nearly  the  same 
state  in  which  they  were  found  by  Columbus,  on  his  first  visit  to  Palos.  It  is 
rare  indeed  to  find  a  family,  in  this  fluctuating  world,  so  little  changed  by  the  re- 
volutions of  nearly  three  centuries  and  a  half. 

Whatever  Palos  may  have  been  in  the  time  of  Columbus,  it  is  now  a  paltry 
village  of  about  four  hundred  inhabitants,  who  subsist  chiefly  by  labouring  in  the 
fields  and  vineyards.  The  convent  of  La  Rabida  still  exists,  but  is  inhabited 
merely  by  two  friars,  with  a  novitiate  and  a  lay  brother.  It  is  situated  on  a  hill, 
surrounded  by  a  scattered  forest  of  pine  trees,  and  overlooks  the  low  sandy  coun- 
try of  the  seacoast,  and  the  windings  of  the  river  by  which  Columbus  sallied 
forth  upon  the  ocean. 

Vol.  I.  12 


178  LIFE  AITO  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  V. 

he  was  promised  still  further  rewards.  Columbus  lost  no  time  in 
complying  with  the  commands  of  the  sovereigns.  He  sent  a  me- 
morandum of  the  ships,  men  and  munitions  that  would  be  requisite ; 
and  having  made  such  dispositions  at  Seville  as  circumstances  per- 
mitted, set  out  on  his  journey  for  Barcelona,  taking  with  him  the 
six  Indians,  and  the  various  curiosities  and  productions  which  he 
had  brought  from  the  New  World. 

The  fame  of  his  discovery  had  resounded  throughout  the  nation, 
and  as  his  route  lay  through  several  of  the  finest  and  most  populous 
provinces  of  Spain,  his  journey  appeared  like  the  progress  of  a  sove- 
reign. Wherever  he  passed,  the  surrounding  country  poured  forth 
its  inhabitants,  who  lined  the  road  and  thronged  the  villages.  In 
the  large  towns,  the  streets,  windows  and  balconies,  were  filled  with 
eager  spectators,  who  rent  the  air  with  acclamations.  His  journey 
was  continually  impeded  by  the  multitude  pressing  to  gain  a  sight 
of  him,  and  of  the  Indians,  who  were  regarded  with  as  much  admi- 
ration as  if  they  had  been  natives  of  another  planet.  It  was  impos- 
sible to  satisfy  the  craving  curiosity  which  assailed  himself  and  his 
attendants,  at  every  stage,  with  innumerable  questions;  popular 
rumour,  as  usual,  had  exaggerated  the  truth,  and  had  filled  the  newly 
found  country  with  all  kinds  of  wonders. 

It  was  about  the  middle  of  April  that  Columbus  arrived  at  Bar- 
celona, where  every  preparation  had  been  made  to  give  him  a 
solemn  and  magnificent  reception.  The  beauty  and  serenity  of  the 
weather  in  that  genial  season,  and  favoured  climate,  contributed  to 
give  splendour  to  this  memorable  ceremony.  As  he  drew  near  the 
place,  many  of  the  more  youthful  courtiers,  and  hid-algos  of  gallant 
bearing,  together  with  a  vast  concourse  of  the  populace,  came  forth 
to  meet  and  welcome  him.  His  entrance  into  this  noble  city  has 
been  compared  to  one  of  those  triumphs  which  the  Romans  were 
accustomed  to  decree  to  conquerors.  First  were  paraded  the  Indians, 
painted  according  to  their  savage  fashion,  and  decorated  with  tropi- 
cal feathers,  and  with  their  national  ornaments  of  gold ;  after  these 
were  borne  various  kinds  of  live  parrots,  together  with  stuflTed  birds 
and  animals  of  unknown  species,  and  rare  plants  supposed  to  be 
of  precious  qualities :  while  great  care  was  taken  to  make  a  con- 
spicuous display  of  Indian  coronets,  bracelets,  and  other  decorations 
of  gold,  which  might  give  an  idea  of  the  wealth  of  the  newly  dis- 
covered regions.  After  these  followed  Columbus,  on  horseback, 
surrounded  by  a  brilliant  cavalcade  of  Spanish  chivalry.  The 
streets  were  almost  impassable  from  the  countless  multitude;  the 
windows  and  balconies  were  crowded  with  the  fair ;  the  very  roofs 
were  covered  with  spectators.     It  seemed  as  if  the  public  eye  could 


Chap.  VI.  J  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  179 

not  be  sated  with  gazing  on  these  trophies  of  an  unknown  world; 
or  on  the  remarkable  man  by  whom  it  had  been  discovered.  There 
was  a  sublimity  in  this  event  that  mingled  a  solemn  feeling  with  the 
public  joy.  It  was  looked  upon  as  a  vast  and  signal  dispensation 
of  providence  in  reward  for  the  piety  of  the  monarchs ;  and  the  ma- 
jestic and  venerable  appearance  of  the  discoverer,  so  different  from 
the  youth  and  buoyancy  that  are  generally  expected  from  roving 
enterprise,  seemed  in  harmony  with  the  grandeur  and  dignity  of  his 
achievement. 

To  receive  him  with  suitable  pomp  and  distinction,  the  sovereigns 
had  ordered  their  throne  to  be  placed  in  public,  under  a  rich  canopy 
of  brocade  of  gold,  in  a  vast  and  splendid  saloon.  Here  the  king  and 
queen  awaited  his  arrival,  seated  in  state,  with  the  prince  Juan  beside 
them ;  and  attended  by  the  dignitaries  of  their  court,  and  the  principal 
nobility  of  Castile,  Valentia,  Catalonia  and  Aragon ;  all  impatient 
to  behold  the  man  who  had  conferred  so  incalculable  a  benefit  upon 
the  nation.  At  length  Columbus  entered  the  hall,  aiurrounded  by  a 
brilliant  crowd  of  cavaliers,  among  whom,  says  Las  Casas,  he  was 
conspicuous  for  his  stately  and  commanding  person,  which,  with  his 
countenance  rendered  venerable  by  his^  gray  hairs,  gave  him  the 
august  appearance  of  a  senator  of  Rome.  A  modest  smile  lighted 
up  his  features,  showing  that  he  enjoyed  the  state  and  glory  in  which 
he  came  ;*  and  certainly  nothing  could  be  more  deeply  moving  to  a 
mind  inflamed  by  noble  ambition,  and  conscious  of  having  greatly 
deserved,  than  these  testimonials  of  the  admiration  and  gratitude  of 
a  nation,  or  rather  of  a  world.  As  Columbus  approached,  the  sove- 
reigns rose,  as  if  receiving  a  person  of  the  highest  rank.  Bending 
his  knees,  he  requested  to  kiss  their  hands ;  but  there  was  some  hesi- 
tation on  the  part  of  their  majesties  to  permit  this  act  of  vassalage. 
Raising  him  in  the  most  gracious  manner,  they  ordered  him  to  seat 
himself  in  their  presence ;  a  rare  honour  in  this  proud  and  punctil- 
ious court.t 

At  the  request  of  their  majesties,  Columbus  now  gave  an  account 
of  the  most  striking  events  of  his  voyage,  and  a  description  of  the 
islands,  which  he  had  discovered.  He  displayed  the  specimens  he 
had  brought  of  unknown  birds  and  other  animals;  of  rare  plants 
of  medicinal  and  aromatic  virtue ;  of  native  gold  in  dust,  in  crude 
masses,  or  laboured  into  barbaric  ornaments;  and  above  all,  the 
natives  of  these  countries,  who  were  objects  of  intense  and  inex- 
haustible interest ;  since  there  is  nothing  to  man  so  curious  as  the 
varieties  of  his  own  species.     All  these  he  pronounced  mere  harbin- 


I 


Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.  L.  1,  C .  78.  MS.      t  Idem.  Hist,  del  Almirante,  Cap  41 . 


180  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  '  [Book  V. 

gers  of  greater  discoveries  he  had  yet  to  make,  which  would  add 
realms  of  incalculable  wealth  to  the  dominions  of  their  majesties 
and  whole  nations  of  proselytes  to  the  true  faith. 
•  The  words  of  Columbus  were  listened  to  with  profound  emotion 
by  the  sovereigns.  When  he  had  finished,  they  sunk  on  their 
knees,  and,  raising  their  clasped  hands  to  heaven,  their  eyes  filled 
with  tears  of  joy  and  gratitude,  they  poured  forth  thanks  and  praises 
to  God  for  so  great  a  providence;  all  present  followed  their  example, 
a  deep  and  solemn  enthusiasm  pervaded  that  splendid  assembly,  and 
prevented  all  common  acclamations  of  triumph.  The  anthem  of 
Te  Deum  laudamua,  chanted  by  the  choir  of  the  royal  chapel,  with 
the  melodious  accompaniments  of  the  instruments,  rose  up  from  the 
midst  in  a  full  body  of  sacred  harmony,  bearing  up,  as  it  were,  the 
feelings  and  thoughts  of  the  auditors  to  heaven,  "  so  that,"  says  the 
venerable  Las  Casas,  "it  seemed  as  if  in  that  hour  they  communi- 
cated with  celestial  delights."  Such  was  the  solemn  and  pious  man- 
ner in  which  lihe  brilliant  court  of  Spain  celebrated  this  sublime 
event ;  offering  up  a  grateful  tribute  of  melody  and  praise,  and  giv- 
ing glory  to  God  for  the  discovery  of  another  world. 

When  Columbus  retired  ^om  the  royal  presence  he  was  attended 
to  his  residence  by  all  the  court,  and  followed,  by  the  shouting  popu- 
lace. For  many  days  he  was  the  object  of  universal  curiosity,  and 
wherever  he  appeared  he  was  surrounded  by  an  admiring  multitude. 

While  the  mind  of  Columbus  was  thus  teeming  with  glorious 
anticipations,  his  pious  scheme  for  the  deliverance  of  the  holy  sepul- 
chre was  not  forgotten.  It  has  been  shown  that  he  suggested  it  to 
the  Spanish  sovereigns  at  the  time  of  first  making  his  propositions, 
holding  it  forth  as  the  great  object  to  be  efifected  by  the  profits  of  his 
discoveries.  Flushed  with  the  idea  of  the  vast  wealth  that  was 
now  to  accrue  to  himself,  he  made  a  vow  to  furnish  within  seven 
years  an  army  consisting  of  five  thousand  horse,  and  fifty  thousand 
foot,  for  the  rescue  of  the  holy  sepulchre,  and  a  similar  force  within 
the  five  following  years.  This  vow  was  recorded  in  one  of  his  let- 
ters to  the  sovereigns,  to  which  he  refers,  but  which  is  no  longer 
extant;  nor  is  it  certain  whether  it  was  made  at  the  end  of  his  first 
voyage,  or  at  a  subsequent  date,  when  the  magnitude  and  wealthy 
result  of  his  discoveries  became  more  fully  manifest.  He  often 
alludes  to  it  vaguely  in  his  writings,  and  he  refers  to  it  expressly  in 
a  letter  to  Pope  Alexander  VI.  written  in  1502,  in  which  he  ac- 
counts also  for  its  non fulfilment.  It  is  essential  to  a  full  comprehen- 
sion of  the  (^aracter  and  motives  of  Columbus,  that  this  wild  and 
visionary  project  should  be  borne  in  recollection.  It  will  be  found 
to  l\ave  entwined  itself  in  his  mind  with  his  enterprise  of  discove 


Chap.  V^II.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUiS.  181 

and  that  a  holy  crusade  was  to  be  the  consummation  of  those  divine 
purposes  for  which  he  considered  himself  selected  by  heaven  as  an 
agent.  It  shows  how  much  his  mind  was  elevated  above  selfish  and 
mercenary  views.  How  it  was  filled  with  those  devout  and  heroic 
schemes,  which  in  the  time  of  the  crusades  had  inflamed  the  thoughts, 
aad  directed  the  enterprises,  of  the  bravest  warriors  and  most  illus- 
trious princes. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

SOJOURN    OF    COLUMBUS    AT    BARC:EL0NA ATTENTIONS    PAID 

HIM    BY    THE    SOVEREIGNS    AND    COURTIERS.  ^ 

The  joy  occasioned  by  the  great  discovery  of  Columbus  was  not 
confined  to  Spain;  the  tidings  were  spread  far  and  wide  by  the  com- 
munications of  ambassadors,  the  correspondence  of  the  learned,  the 
negotiations  of  merchants,  and  the  reports  of  travellers,  and  the 
whole  civilized  world  was  filled  with  wonder  and  delight.  How 
gratifying  would  it  have  been,  had  the  press  at  that  time,  as  at  pre- 
sent, poured  forth  its  daily  tide  of  speculation  on  every  passing  occur- 
rence. With  what  eagerness  should  we  seek  to  know  the  first  ideas 
and  emotions  of  the  public,  on  an  event  so  unlocked  for  and  sublime.* 
Even  the  first  announcement  of  it  by  contemporary  -writers,  though 
brief  and  incidental,  derive  interest  from  being  written  at  the  time; 
and  from  showing  the  casual  way  in  which  such  great  tidings 
were  conveyed  about  the  world.  Allegretto  Allegretti,  in  his  annals 
of  Sienna  for  1493,  mentions  it  as  just  made  known  there  by  the 
letters  of  their  merchants  who  were  in  Spain,  and  by  the  mouths  of 
various  travellers.*  The  nev/s  was  brought  to  Genoa  by  the  return 
of  her  ambassadors  Francisco  Marchesi  and  Giovanni  Antonio 
Grimaldi,  and  was  recorded  among  the  triumphant  events  of  the 
year  :t  for  the  republic,  though  she  may  have  slighted  the  opportu- 
nity of  making  herself  mistress  of  the  discovery,  has  ever  since  been 
tenacious  of  the  glory  of  having  given  birth  to  the  discoverer.  The 
tidings  were  soon  carried  to  England,  which  as  yet  was  but  a  mari- 
time power  of  inferior  importance.     They  caused,  however,  much 


*  Dirarj  Senesi  de  Alleg.  Allegre-tti.    Muratori,  Ital.  Script.  T.  23. 
t  Foglieta,  Istoria  de  Genova,  L.  2. 

Q 


cf 

.^i^/^ 


182  LIFE  AND  VOYAGFS  OF  [Book  V 

wonder  in  London,  and  great  talk  and  admiration  in  the  court  of 
Henry  VII.  where  the  discovery  was  pronounced  "a  thing  more  di- 
vine than  human.  We  have  this  on  the  authority  of  Sebastian 
Cabot,  himself,  the  future  discoverer  of  the  northern  continent  of 
America,  who  was  in  London  at  the  time,  and  was  inspired  by  the 
event  with  a  generous  spirit  of  emulation.* 

Every  member  of  civilized  society,  in  fact,  rejoiced  in  the  occur- 
rence, as  one  in  which  he  was  more  or  less  interested.  To  some  it 
opened  a  new  and  unbounded  field  of  inquiry;  to  others  of  enterprise, 
and  every  one  awaited  with  intense  eagerness  the  further  develope- 
ment  of  this  unknown  world,  still  covered  with  mystery,  the  partial 
glimpses  of  which  were  so  full  of  wonder.  We  have  a  brief  testi- 
mony of  the  emotions  of  the  learned  in  a  letter,  written  at  the  time, 
by  Peter  Martyr  to  his  friend  Pomponius  Loetus.  "  You  tell  me, 
my  amiable  Pomponius,"  he  writes,  "  that  you  leaped  for  joy,  and 
that  your  delight  was  mingled  Vith  tears,  when  you  read  my  epistle, 
certifying  to  you  the  hitherto  hidden  world  of  the  antipodes.  You 
have  felt  and  acted  as  became  a  man  eminent  for  learning,  for  I  can 
conceive  no  aliment  more  delicious,  than  such  tidings,  to  a  cultivated 
and  ingenuous  mind.  I  feel  a  wonderful  exultation  of  spirits  when 
I  converse  with  intelligent  men  who  have  returned  from  these  re- 
gions. It  is  like  an  accession  of  wealth  to  a  miser.  Our  minds 
soiled  and  debased  by  the  common  concerns  of  life  and  the  vices  of 
society,  become  elevated  and  meliorated  by  contemplating  such  glo- 
rious events.! 

Notwithstanding  this  universal  enthusiasm,  however,  no  one  was 
*aware  of  the  real  importance  of  the  discovery.  No  one  had  an  idea 
that  this  was  a  totally  distinct  portion  of  the  globe,  separated  by 
oceans  from  the  ancient  world.  The  opinion  of  Columbus  was  uni- 
versally adopted,  that  Cuba  was  the  end  of  the  Asiatic  continent, 
and  that  the  adjacent  islands  were  in  the  Indian  seas.  This  agreed 
with  the  opinions  of  the  ancients,  heretofore  cited  about  the  moderate 
distance  from  Spain  to  the  extremity  of  India,  sailing  westwardly. 
The  parrots  were  also  thought  to  resemble  those  described  hy  Pliny, 
as 'abounding  in  ihe  remote  parts  of  Asia.  The  lands,  therefore, 
which  Columbus  had  visited  were  called  the  West  Indias;  and  as  he 
seemed  to  have  entered  upon  a  vast  region  of  unexplored  countries, 
existing  in  a  state  of  nature,  the  whole  received  the  comprehensive 
appellation  of  "  The  New  World." 

During  the  whole  of  his  sojourn  at  Barcelona,  the  sovereigns  took 


*  Hackluyt,  Collect.  Voyages,  V.  3,  p. 
t  Letters  of  P.  Martyr,  Let.  153. 


Chap.  VII.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  183 

every  occasion  to  bestow  on  Columbus  personal  marks  of  their  high 
consideration.  He  was  admitted  at  all  times  to  the  royal  presence, 
and  the  queen  delighted  to  converse  with  him  on  the  subject  of  his 
enterprises.  The  king  too,  appeared  occasionally  on  horseback, 
with  prince  Juan  on  one  side,  and  Columbus  on  the  other.  To  per- 
petuate in  his  family  the  glory  of  his  achievement,  a  coat  of  arms  was 
assigned  him,  in  which  the  royal  arms,  the  castle  and  lion,  were 
quartered  with  his  proper  bearings,  which  were  a  group  of  islands 
surrounded  by  waves.  To  these  arms  was  afterwards  annexed  the 
motto:  ^ 

A  CastiHa  y  a  Leon, 

Nuevo  raundo  dio  Colon. 

(To  Castile  and  Leon 
Columbus  gave  a  new  world.) 

The  pension  of  thii'ty  crowns,*  which  had  been  decreed  by  the 
sovereigns  to  him  who  in  the  first  voyage  should  discover  land,  was 
adjudged  to  Columbus,  for  having  firs  t  seen  the  light  on  the  shore. 
It  is  said  that  the  seaman  who  first  descried  the  land,  was  so  incensed 
at  being  disappointed  of  what  he  conceived  his  merited  reward,  that 
he  renounced  his  country  and  his  faith,  and  going  into  Africa  turned 
Mussulman;  an  anecdote  which  rests  merely  on  the  authority  of 
Oviedo,t  who  is  extremely  incorrect  in  his  narration  of  this  voyage, 
and  inserts  many  falsehoods  told  him  by  the  enemies  of  the  admiral. 

It  may,  at  first  sight,  appear  but  little  accordant  with  the  acknow- 
ledged magnanimity  of  Columbus,  to  have  borne  away  the  prize 
from  this  poor  sailor,  but  this  was  a  subject  in  which  his  whole 
ambition  was  involved,  and  he  was  doubtless  proud  of  the  honour 
of  being  personally  the  discoverer  of  the  land  as  well  as  projector 
of  the  enterprise. 

Next  to  the  countenance  shown  him  by  the  king  and  queen,  may 
be  mentioned  that  of  Pedro  Gonzalez  de  Mendoza,  the  grand  cardinal 
of  Spain,  and  first  subject  of  the  realm;  a  man  whose  elevated 
character  for  piety,  learning,  and  high  prince-like  qualities,  gave 
signal  value  to  his  favours.  He  invited  Columbus  to  a  banquet, 
where  he  assigned  him  the  most  honourable  place  at  table,  and  had 
him  served  with  the  ceremonials  which  in  those  punctilious  times 
were  observed  towards  sovereigns.  At  this  repast  is  said  to  have 
occurred  the  well  known  anecdote  of  the  egg.  A  shallow  courtier 
present,  impatient  of  the  honours  paid  to  Columbus,  and  meanly 
jealous  of  him  as  a  foreigner,  abruptly  asked  him  whether  he  thought 

*  Equal  to  a  value  in  gold  of  39  dollars,  and  equivalent  to  117  dollars  in  our  day. 
t  Oviedo  Cronica  de  las  Indias,  L.  2,  C.  5. 


184  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  V 

that,  in  case  he  had  not  discovered  the  Indias,  there  were  not  other 
men  in  Spain,  who  would  have  been  capable  of  the  enterprise?  To 
this  Columbus  made  no  immediate  reply,  but,  taking  an  egg,  invited 
the  company  to  make  it  stand  upon  one  end.  Every  one  attempted 
it,  but  in  vain;  whereupon  he  struck  it  upon  the  table  so  as  to  break 
the  end,  and  left  it  standing  on  the  broken  part;  illustrating  in  this 
simple  manner,  that  when  he  had  once  shown  the  way  to  the  New 
World,  nothing  was  easier  than  to  follow  it.* 

The  favour  shown  Columbus  by  the  sovereigns^  ensured  him  for  a 
time  the  caresses  of  tlje  nobiUty ;  for  in  a  court  every  one  vies  with 
his  neighbour  in  lavishing  attentions  upon  the  man  "whom  the  king 
delighteth  to  hcmour.'*  Columbus  bore  all  these  caresses  and  dis- 
tinctions with  becoming  modesty,  though  he  must  have  felt  a  proud 
satisfaction  in  the  idea  that  they  had  been  wrested,  as  it  were,  from 
the  nation  by  his  courage  and  perseverance.  One  can  hardly  recog- 
nize in  the  individual  thus  made  the  companion  of  princes,  and  the 
theme  of  general  wonder  and  admiration,  the  same  obscure  stranger 
who  but  a  short  time  before  had  been  a  common  scoff  and  jest  in  this 
very  court,  derided  by  some  as  an  adventurer,  and  pointed  at  by 
others  as  a  madman.  Those  who  had  treated  him  with  contumely 
during  his  long  course  of  solicitation,  now  sought  to  efface  the 
remembrance  of  it  by  adulations.  Every  one  who  had  given  him  a 
Httle  cold  countenance,  or  a  few  courtly  smiles,  now  arrogated  to 
himself  the  credit  of  having  been  a  patron  and  of  having  promoted 
the  discovery  of  the  new  world.  Scarce  a  great  man  about  the  court, 
but  has  been  enrolled  by  his  historian  or  biographer  among  the 
benefactors  of  Columbtxs;  though,  had  one  tenth  part  of  this  boasted 
patronage  been  really  exerted,  he  would  never  have  had  to  linger 
seven  years  soliciting  for  an  armament  of  three  caravels.  Columbus 
knew  well  the  weakness  of  the  patronage  that  had  been  given  him. 
The  only  friends  mentioned  by  him  with  gratitude,  in  his  after  letters^ 
as  having  been  really  zealous  and  effective,  were  those  two  worthy 
friars,  Diego  de  Deza,  afterwards  bishop  of  Palencia  and  Seville,  and 
Juan  Perez,  the  prior  of  the  convent  of  La  Rabida. 

Thus  honoured  by  the  sovereigns,  courted  by  the  great,  idolized 
by  the  people,  Columbus,  for  a  time,  drank  the  honeyed  draught 
of  popularity,  before  enmity  and  detraction  had  time  to  drug  it  with 
bitterness.  His  discovery  burst  with  such  sudden  splendour  upon  the 
world,  as  to  dazzle  envy  itself,  and  to  call  forth  the  general  acclama- 


♦  This  anecdote  rests  on  the  authcmty  of  the  Italian  historian  Benzoni,  (lib.  1,  p^ 
12,  ed.  Venetia,  1572.)  It  has  been  condemned  as  trivial,  but  the  simplicity  of  the 
reproof  constitiites  its  severity^  and  was  characteristic  of  the  practical  sagacity 
of  C(dujnbus.    Tlie  universal  popilarity  of  the  anecdote  is  a  proof  of  its  merit. 


Chap.  VHI.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  185 

tions  of  mankind.  Well  would  it  be  for  the  honour  of  human  nature, 
could  history,  like  romance,  close  with  the  consummation  of  the 
hero's  wishes ;  we  should  then  leave  Columbus  in  the  full  fruition 
of  great  and  well  merited  prosperity.  But  his  history  is  destined  to 
furnish  another  proof,  if  proof  be  wanting,  of  the  inconstancy  of  pub- 
lic favour,  even  when  won  by  distinguished  services.  No  greatness 
was  ever  acquired  by  more  incontestable,  unalloyed,  and  exalted 
benefits  rendered  to  mankind,  yet  none  ever  drew  on  its  possessor 
more  unremitting  jealousy  and  defamation,  or  involved  him  in  more 
unmerited  distress  and  difficulty.  Thus  it  is  with  illustrious  merit ; 
its  very  effulgence  draws  forth  the  rancorous  passions  of  low  and 
grovelling  minds,  which  too  often  have  a  temporary  influence  in 
obscuring  it  to  the  world ;  as  the  sun,  emerging  with  full  splendour 
into  the  heavens,  calls  up,  by  the  very  fervour  of  his  rays,  the  rank 
and  noxious  vapours  which  for  a  time  becloud  his  glory. 


I 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

FAPAL    BULL    OF    PARTITION PREPARATIONS    FOR    A    SBCOND 

VOYAGE    OF    COLUMBUS. 

[1493.] 

In  the  midst  of  their  rejoicings,  the  Spanish  sovereigns  lost  no  time 
in  taking  every  measure  necessary  to  secure  their  new  acquisitions. 
Although  it  was  supposed  that  the  countries  just  discovered  were  ^ 

part  of  the  territories  of  the  Grand  Khan,  and  of  other  oriental 
princes,  considerably  advanced  in  civilization,  yet  there  does  not 
appear  to  have  been  the  least  doubt  of  the  right  of  their  Catholic 
majesties  to  take  possession  of  them.  During  the  crusades,  a 
doctrine  had  been  established  among  the  christian  princes  extremely 
favourable  to  their  ambitious  designs.  According  to  this,  they  had 
the  right  to  invade,  ravage  and  seize  upon  the  territories  of  all  infidel 
nations,  under  the  plea  of  defeating  the  enemies  of  Christ,  and  extend- 
ing the  sway  of  his  holy  church  on  earth.  In  conformity  to  the 
same  doctrine,  the  pope,  from  his  supreme  authority  over  all  temporal 
things,  was  considered  as  empowered  to  dispose  of  all  heathen  lands, 
to  such  pious  potentates  as  would  engage  to  reduce  them  to  the  '^^ 

dominion  of  the  church,  and  to  propagate  the  true  faith  among  their 

Q3 


186  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  V 

Martin  V.  and  his  successors,  had  conceded  to  the  crown  of  Portugal 
all  the  lands  it  might  discover  from  Cape  Bojador  to  the  Indias; 
and  the  Catholic  sovereigns,  in  a  treaty  concluded  in  1479,  with  the 
Portuguese  monarch,  had  engaged  themselves  to  respect  the  terri- 
torial rights  thus  acquired.  It  was  to  this  treaty  that  John  11. 
alluded,  in  his  conversation  with  Columbus,  wherein  he  suggested 
his  title  to  the  newly  discovered  countries. 

On  the  first  intelligence  received  from  the  admiral  of  his  success, 
therefore,  the  Spanish  sovereigns  took  the  immediate  precaution  to 
secure  the  sanction  of  the  pope,  Alexander  VI.  had  recently  been 
elevated  to  the  holy  chair  j  a  pontiff  whom  some  historians  have 
stigmatized  with  every  vice  and  crime  that  could  disgrace  huma- 
nity, but  whom  all  have  represented  as  eminently  able  and  politic. 
He  was  a  native  of  Valentia,  and  being  born  a  subject  of  the  crown 
of  Aragon,  it  might  be  inferred  was  favourably  disposed  to  Ferdi- 
nand •  but  in  certain  questions  which  had  come  before  him,  he  had 
already  shown  a  disposition  not  the  most  cordial  towards  the  Catho- 
lic monarch.  At  all  events,  Ferdinand  was  well  aware  of  his  worldly 
and  perfidious  character,  and  endeavoured  to  manage  him  accord- 
ingly. He  dispatched  ambassadors,  therefore,  to  the  court  of  Rom-e, 
announcing  the  new  discovery  as  an  extraordinary  triumph  of  the 
faith :  and  setting  forth  the  great  glory  and  gain  which  must  re- 
dound to  the  church,  from  the  dissemination  of  the  Cathohc  doctrines 
throughout  these  vast  and  heathen  lands.  Care  was  also  taken  to 
state  that  the  present  discovery  did  not  in  the  least  interfere  with  the 
possessions  ceded  by  the  holy  chair  to  Portugal,  all  which  had  been 
sedulously  avoided.  Ferdinand,  who  was  at  least  as  politic  as  he 
was  pious,  insinuated  a  hint  at  the  same  time,  by  which  the  pope 
might  perceive  that  he  was  determined^  at  all  events,  to  maintain 
his  important  acquisitions.  His  ambassadors  were  instructed  to 
state  that,  in  the  opinion  of  many  learned  men,  these  nowly  disco- 
vered lands,  having  been  taken  possession  of  by  the  Catholic  sove- 
reigns, their  title  to  the  same  did  not  require  the  papal  sanction ; 
still,  as  pious  princes^  obedient  to  the  holy  chair,  they  supplicated 
his  holiness  to  issue  a  bull,  making  a  concession  of  them,  and  of 
such  others  as  might  be  discovered,  to  the  crown  of  Castile. 

The  tidings  of  the  discovery  were  received  in  fact  with  great 
astonishment  and  no  less  exultation  by  the  court  of  Rome.  The 
Spanish  sovereigns  had  already  elevated  themselves  to  high  conse- 
quence in  the  eyes  of  the  church,  by  their  war  against  the  Moors  of 
Spain,  which  had  been  considered  in  the  light  of  a  pious  crusade  ; 
and  though  richly  repaid  by  the  acquisition  of  the  kingdom  of  Gra- 
nad^i,  was  thought  to  entitle  them  to  the  gratitude  of  all  Christendom 


Chap  VHI.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS-  187 

The  present  discovery  was  a  still  grander  achievement;  it  was  the 
fulfilment  of  one  of  the  sublime  promises  to  the  church  j  it  was 
giving  to  it  "the  heathen  for  an  inheritance,  and  the  uttermost  parts 
of  the  earth  for  a  possession."  No  difficulty  therefore  was  made  in 
granting,  what  was  considered  but  a  modest  request,  for  so  important 
a  service ;  though  it  is  probable  the  acquiescence  of  the  worldly 
minded  pontiff  was  quickened  by  the  insinuations  of  the  politic 
monarch. 

A  bull  was  accordingly  issued,  dated  May  2d,  1493,  ceding  to 
the  Spanish  sovereigns  the  same  rights,  privileges,  and  indulgences, 
in  respect  to  the  newly  discovered  regions,  as  had  been  accorded  to 
the  Portuguese,  with  regard  to  their  African  discoveries,  under  the 
same  condition  of  planting  and  propagating  the  Catholic  faith.  To 
prevent  any  conflicting  claims,  however,  between  the  two  powers,  in 
the  wide  range  of  their  discoveries,  another  bull  was  issued  on  the 
following  day,  containing  the  famous  line  of  demarcation,  by 
which  their  territories  were  thought  to  be  clearly  and  permanently 
defined.  This  was  an  ideal  line  drawn  from  the  north  to  the  south 
pole,  a  hundred  leagues  to  the  west  of  the  Azores,  and  the  Cape  de 
Verd  islands.  All  land  discovered  by  the  Spanish  navigators  to 
the  west  of  this  line,  and  which  had  not  been  taken  possession  of 
by  any  Christian  power  before  the  preceding  Christmas,  was  to 
belong  to  the  Spanish  crown :  all  land  discovered  in  the  contrary 
direction  was  to  belong  to  Portugal.  It  seems  never  to  have  occurred 
to  the  pontiff,  that  by  pushing  their  opposite  careers  of  discovery, 
they  might  some  day  or  other  come  again  in  collision,  and  rene-w 
the  question  of  territorial  right  at  the  antipodes. 

In  the^  meantime,  without  waiting  for  the  sanction  of  the  court 
of  Rome,  the  utmost  exertions  were  made  by  the  sovereigns  to  fit 
out  a  second  expedition.  To  ensure  regularity  and  dispatch  in  the 
affairs  relative  to  the  New  World,  they  were  placed  under  the  super- 
intendance  of  Juan  Rodriguez  de  Fonseca,  archdeacon  of  Seville, 
who  afterwards  rose  to  be  successively  bishop  of  Badajoz,  Palencia 
and  Burgos,  and  finally  patriarch  of  the  Indias.  He  was  a  man  of 
family  and  influence ;  his  brothers  Alonzo  and  Antonio  were  seniors 
or  lords  of  Coca  and  Alaejos,  and  the  latter  was  comptroller  general 
of  Castile.  Juan  Rodriguez  de  Fonseca  is  represented  by  Las  Casas 
as  a  worldly  man,  more  calculated  for  temporal  than  spiritual  con- 
cerns; and  well  adapted  to  the  busthng  occupations  of  fitting  out 
and  manning  armadas.  Notwithstanding  the  high  ecclesiastical 
dignities  to  which  he  arose,  his  worldly  employments  seem  never  to 
have  been  considered  incompatible  with  his  sacred  functions.  En- 
joying a  perpetual,  though  unmerited,  favour  of  the  sovereign^  he 


188  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  V. 

maintained  a  control  of  India  affairs  for  about  thirty  years.  He  must 
undoubtedly  have  possessed  talents  for  business  to  ensure  him  such 
perpetuity  of  office ;  but  he  was  malignant  and  vindictive ;  and  in 
the  gratification  of  his  private  resentments,  he  not  only  heaped 
wrongs  and  sorrows  upon  the  most  illustrious  of  the  early  disco- 
verers, but  frequently  impeded  the  progress  of  their  enterprises,  to 
the  great  detriment  of  the  crown.  This  he  was  enabled  to  do  pri- 
vately and  securely  by  his  official  situation.  His  perfidious  conduct 
is  repeatedly  alluded  to,  but  in  guarded  terms,  by  contemporary 
writers  of  weight  and  credit,  such  as  the  curate  of  Los  Palacios,  and 
the  bishop  Las  Casas  ;  but  they  evidently  were  cautious  of  speaking 
the  fulness  of  their  feelings.  Subsequent  Spanish  historians,  always 
more  or  less  controlled  by  ecclesiastical  supervision,  have  likewise 
dealt  too  favourably  with  this  base  minded  man.  He  merits  to  be 
held  up  as  a  warning  example  of  those  perfidious  beings  in  office, 
who  too  often  lie  like  worms  at  the  root  of  honourable  enterprise, 
blighting  by  their  unseen  influence  the  fruits  of  gloiious  action,  and 
disappointing  the  hopes  of  nations. 

To  assist  Fonseca  in  his  new  duties,  Francesco  Pinelo  was  asso- 
ciated with  him  as  treasurer,  and  Juan  de  Soria  as  contador,  or 
comptroller.  Their  office  for  the  transaction  of  India  affairs  was 
fixed  at  Seville;  extending  its  vigilance,  at  the  same  time,  to  the 
port  of  Cadiz,  where  a  custom-house  was  estabhshed  for  this  new 
oranch  of  navigation.  Such  was  the  germ  of  the  royal  India 
House,  which  afterwards  rose  to  such  great  power  and  importance. 
A  correspondent  office  was  ordered  to  be  instituted  in  Hispaniolaj 
under  the  direction  of  the  admiral.  These  offices  were  to  interchange 
registers  of  the  cargoes,  crews  and  munitions  of  each  ship,  by  ac- 
countants who  sailed  with  it.  All  persons  thus  employed  were 
dependent  upon  the  two  comptrollers  general,  superior  ministers  of 
the  royal  revenue ;  since  the  crown  was  to  be  at  all  the  expenses  of 
the  colony,  and  to  receive  all  the  emoluments. 

The  most  minute  and  rigorous  account  was  to  be  exacted  of  all 
expenses  and  proceeds :  and  the  most  vigilant  caution  observed  as  to 
the  persons  employed  in  the  concerns  of  the  newly  discovered  lands. 
No  one  was  permitted  to  go  there,  either  to  trade,  or  to  form  an 
establishment,  without  express  license  from  the  sovereigns,  from 
Columbus,  or  from  Fonseca,  under  the  heaviest  penalties.  The 
Ignorance  of  the  age  as  to  enlarged  principles  of  commerce,  and 
the  example  of  the  Portuguese  in  respect  to  their  African  posses- 
sions, have  been  cited  in  excuse  of  the  narrow  and  jealous  spirit  here 
manifested;  but  it  always  more  or  less  influenced  the  policy  of  Spain 
in  her  colonial  regulations. 


Chap.  VTIL]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  18& 

Another  instance  of  the  despotic  sway  maintained  by  the  crown 
over  commerce,  is  manifested  in  a  royal  order,  that  all  ships  in  the 
ports  of  Andalusia,  with  their  captains,  pilots,  and  crews,  should 
be  held  in  readiness  to  serve  in  this  expedition.  Columbus  and  Fon- 
seca  were  authorized  to  freight  or  purchase  any  of  those  vessels  they 
might  think  proper,  and  to  take  them  by,  force,  if  refused,  even 
though  they  had  been  freighted  by  other  persons ;  paying  what  they 
should  conceive  a  reasonable  price.  They  were  furthermore  autho- 
rized to  take  the  requisite  provisions,  arms,  and  ammunition,  from 
any  place  or  vessel  in  which  they  might  be  found,  paying  a  fair 
price  to  the  owners ;  and  they  might  compel  not  merely  mariners, 
but  any  officer  holding  any  rank  or  station  whatever,  whom  they 
should  deem  necessary  to  the  service,  to  embark  in  the  fleet,  on  a 
reasonable  pay  and  salary.  The  civil  authorities,  and  all  persons 
of  rank  and  standing,  were  called  upon  to  render  all  required  aid  in 
expediting  the  armament,  and  warned  against  causing  any  impedi- 
ment, under  penalty  of  privation  of  office,  and  confiscation  of  estate. 

To  provide  for  the  expenses  of  the  expedition,  the  royal  revenue 
arising  from  two  thirds  of  the  church  tythes,  was  placed  at  the  dis- 
position of  Pinelo ;  and  other  funds  were  drawn  from  a  disgraceful 
source,  from  the  jewels  and  other  valuables,  the  sequestrated  pro- 
perty of  the  unfortunate  Jews  banished  from  the  kingdom,  according 
to  a  bigoted  edict  of  the  preceding  year.  As  these  resources  were 
still  inadequate,  Pinelo  was  authorized  to  raise  the  defit  iency  by  a 
loan.  Requisitions  were  likewise  made  for  provisions  of  all  kinds, 
as  well  as  for  artillery,  powder,  muskets,  lances,  corselets,  and  cross- 
bows. This  latter  weapon,  notwithstanding  the  introduction  of  fire- 
arms, was  still  preferred  by  many  to  the  arquebus,  and  considered 
more  formidable  and  destructive;  the  other  having  to  be  used  with 
a  matchlock,  and  being  so  heavy  as  to  require  an  iron  rest.  The 
military  stores,  which  had  accumulated  during  the  war  with  the 
Moors  of  Granada,  furnished  a  great  part  of  these  supplies.  Almost 
all  the  preceding  orders  were  issued  by  the  23d  of  May,  while  Co- 
lumbus was  yet  at  Barcelona.  Rarely  has  there  been  witnessed 
such  a  scene  of  activity  in  the  dilatory  offices  of  Spain. 

As  the  conversion  of  the  Heathens  was  professed  to  be  the  grand 
object  of  these  discoveries,  twelve  zealous  and  able  ecclesiastics  were 
chosen  for  the  purpose,  to  accompany  the  expedition.  Among  these 
was  Bernardo  Buyl  or  Boyle,  a  Benedictine  monk  of  talents  and 
reputed  sanctity,  but  one  of  those  subtle  politicians  of  the  cloister, 
who  in  those  days  glided  into  all  temporal  concerns.  He  had  ac- 
quitted himself  with  address  in  recent  negotiations  with  France, 
relative  to  the  restitution  of  Rousillon.     Before  the  sailing  of  the 


^  ♦•' 


190  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  V. 

fleet,  he  was  appointed  by  the  pope  his  apostolical  vicar  for  the  new 
world,  and  placed  as  superior  over  his  ecclesiastical  brethren  This 
pious  mission  was  provided  with  all  things  necessary  for  the  digni- 
fied performance  of  its  functions;  the  queen  supplying,  from  her 
own  chapel,  the  ornaments  and  vestments  to  be  used  in  all  solemn 
ceremonies.  Isabella,  from  the  first,  took  the  most  warm  and  com- 
passionate interest  in  the  welfare  of  the  Indians.  Won  by  the  ac- 
counts given  by  Columbus  of  their  gentleness  and  simplicity,  and 
looking  upon  them  as  committed  by  heaven  to  her  especial  care, 
her  pious  heart  was  filled  with  concern  at  their  destitute  and  igno- 
rant condition.  She  ordered  that  great  care  should  be  taken  of 
their  religious  instruction,  that  they  should  be  treated  with  the 
utmost  kindness,  and  enjoined  Columbus  to  inflict  signal  punish- 
ment on  all  Spaniards  who  should  be  guilty  of  outrage  or  injustice 
towards  them. 

By  way,  as  it  was  said,  of  oflfering  to  heaven  the  first  fruits  of 
these  pagan  nations,  the  six  Indians  whom  Columbus  had  brought 
to  Barcelona,  were  baptized  with  great  state  and  ceremony :  the 
king,  the  queen,  and  Prince  Juan  officiating  as  sponsors.  Great 
hopes  were  entertained  that,  on  their  return  to  their  native  country, 
they  would  facilitate  the  introduction  of  Christianity  among  their 
countrymen.  One  of  them,  at  the  request  of  Prince  Juan,  remained 
in  his  household,  but  died  not  long  afterwards ;  a  Spanish  historian 
remaiks  that,  according  to  what  ought  to  be  our  pious  belief,  he  was 
the  first  of  his  nation  that  entered  heaven.* 

Before  the  departure  of  Columbus  from  Barcelona,  the  provisional 
agreement  made  at  Santa  Fe  was  confirmed,  granting  him  the 
titles,  emoluments,  and  prerogatives  of  admiral,  viceroy,  and  gover- 
nor, of  all  the  countries  he  had  discovered  or  might  discover.  He 
was  intrusted  also  with  the  royal  seal,  with  authority  to  use  the 
names  of  their  majesties,  in  granting  letters  patent  and  commissions 
within  the  bounds  of  his  jurisdiction ;  with  the  right  also,  in  case  of 
absence,  to  appoint  a  person  in  his  place,  and  to  invest  him  for  the 
time  with  the  same  powers. 

It  had  been  premised  in  the  agreement,  that,  for  all  vacant  oflices 
in  the  government  of  the  islands  and  main  land,  he  should  nominate 
three  candidates,  out  of  which  number  the  sovereigns  should  make 
a  choice ;  but  now,  to  save  time,  and  to  show  their  confidence  in 
Columbus,  they  empowered  him  to  appoint,  at  once,  such  persons 
as  he  thought  proper,  who  were  to  hold  their  offices  during  the 
royal  pleasure.     He  had  likewise  the  title  and  command  of  captain 


Herrera,  Hist.  Ind.  Decad.  1,  L.  2,  Cap.  5. 


•^^ 


Chap.  IX.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  191 

general  of  the  armament  about  to  sail,  with  unqualified  powers  as 
to  the  government  of  the  crews,  the  establishments  to  be  formed  in 
the  new  world,  and  the  ulterior  discoveries  to  be  undertaken. 

This  was  the  honej-moon  of  rojal  favour,  during  which  Colum» 
bus  enjojed  the  unbounded  and  well  merited  confidence  of  his  sove- 
reigns, before  envious  minds  had  dared  to  insinuate  a  doubt  of 
his  integrity.  After  receiving  every  mark  of  public  honour  and 
private  regard,  he  took  leave  of  the  sovereigns  on  the  28th  of  May ; 
the  whole  court  accompanied  him  from  the  palace  to  his  dwelling, 
and  attended  also  to  pay  him  farewell  honours,  on  his  departure 
from  Barcelona  for  Seville. 


CHAPTER  IX. 


DIPLOMATIC     NEGOTIATIONS     BETWEEN     THE     COURTS     OF     SPAIN 
AND    PORTUGAL,    WITH    RESPECT    TO    THE    NEW    DISCOVERIES 

[1493.] 

The  anxiety  of  the  Spanish  monarchs  for  the  speedy  departure  of 
the  expedition,  was  heightened  hy  the  proceedings  of  the  court  of 
Portugal,  John  II.  had  unfortunately  among  his  counsellors,  certain 
politicians  of  that  short-sighted  class,  who  mistake  craft  for  wisdom. 
By  adopting  their  perfidious  policy,  he  had  lost  the  new  world,  when 
it  was  an  object  of  honourable  enterprise ;  in  compiiance  with  their 
advice,  he  now  sought  to  retrieve  it  by  subtle  stratagem.  He  had 
accordingly  prepared  a  large  armament,  the  avowed  object  of  which 
was  an  expedition  to  Africa,  but  its  real  destination  to  seize  upon 
the  newly  discovered  countries.  To  lull  suspicion,  Don  Ruy  de 
Sande  was  sent  ambassador  to  the  Spanish  court,  requesting  per- 
mission to  procure  certain  prohibited  articles  from  Spain,  for  this 
African  voyage.  He  required  also  that  the  Spanish  sovereigns 
should  forbid  their  subjects  to  fish  beyond  Cape  Bojador,  until  the 
possessions  of  the  two  nations  should  be  properly  dehned.  The  dis- 
covery of  Columbus,  the  real  object  of  solicitude,  was  treated  as  an 
incidental  affair.  The  manner  of  his  arrival  and  reception  in  Por- 
tugal was  mentioned;  the  congratulations  of  King  John  on  the  happy 
result  of  his  voyage :   his  satisfaction  at  finding  that  the  admiral 


I 


192  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  Pook  V. 

had  been  instructed  to  steer  westward  from  the  Canary  islands ;  and 
his  hope  that  the  Castilian  sovereigns  would  continue  to  enjoin  a 
similar  route  upon  their  voyagers ;  all  to  the  south  of  those  islands 
being  granted  by  papal  bull  to  the  crown  of  Portugal,  He  con- 
cluded by  intimating  the  entire  confidence  of  King  John,  that  should 
it  appear  that  any  of  the  newly  discovered  islands  appertained  by 
right  to  Portugal,  the  matter  would  be  adjusted  in  that  spirit  of 
amity  which  existed  between  the  two  crowns. 

Ferdinand  was  too  wary  a  politician  to  be  easily  deceived.  He 
had  received  early  intelligence  of  the  real  designs  of  King  John, 
and,  before  the  arrival  of  his  ambassador,  Le  had  himself  dispatched 
Don  Lope  de  Herrera  to  the  Portuguese  court,  furnished  with 
double  instructions,  and  with  two  letters  of  widely  opposite  tenor. 
The  first  was  couched  in  aflfectionate  terms,  acknowledging  the  hos- 
pitality and  kindness  shown  to  Columbus,  and  communicating  the 
nature  of  his  discoveries;  requesting  at  the  same  time  that  the  Por- 
tuguese navigators  migh't  be  prohibited  from  visiting  those  newly 
discovered  lands,  in  the  same  manner  as  the  Spanish  soyereigns  had 
prohibited  their  subjects  from  interfering  with  the  African  posses- 
sions of  Portugal. 

In  case,  however,  the  ambassador  found  that  King  John  had 
either  sent,  or  was  about  to  send,  vessels  to  the  new  world,  he  was 
to  withhold  the  amicable  letter,  and  present  the  other,  couched  in 
stern  and  peremptory  terms,  forbidding  any  enterprise  of  the  kind.* 
A  keen  diplomatic  game  ensued  between  the  two  sovereigns,  per- 
plexing to  any  spectator  not  acquainted  with  the  secret  of  their 
play.  Resende,  in  his  history  of  John  II.  informs  us  that  the  Por- 
tuguese monarch,  by  large  presents,  or  rather  bribes,  held  certain  of 
the  confidential  members  of  the  Castilian  cabinet  in  his  interest,  who 
imformed  him  of  the  most  secret  counsels  of  their  court.  The  roads 
were  thronged  with  couriers ;  scarce  was  an  intention  expressed  by 
Ferdinand*to  his  ministers,  but  it  was  conveyed  to  his  rival  mo- 
narch. The  result  was  that  the  Spanish  sovereigns  seemed  as  if 
under  the  influence  of  some  enchantment.  King  John  anticipated 
all  their  movements,  and  appeared  to  dive  into  their  very  thoughts. 
Their  ambassadors  were  crossed  on  the  road  by  Portuguese  ambas- 
sadors, empowered  to  settle  the  very  points  about  which  they  were 
going  to  make  remonstrances.  Frequently  when  Ferdinand  pro- 
posed a  sudden  and  perplexing  question  to  the  envoys  at  his  court, 
which  apparently  would  require  fresh  instructions  from  their  sove- 
reigns, he  would  be  astonished  by  a  prompt  and  positive  reply ;  mos* 


*  Herrera,  Hist.  Ind.  Decad.  1,  Lib.  2.  Zurita,  Anales  de  Aragon,  Lib.  1,  C.  25, 


Chap.  IX.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  193 

of  the  questions  which  were  hkelj  to  occur,  having,  through  secret 
information,  been  foreseen  and  provided  for.  As  a  surmise  of 
treachery  in  the  cabinet  might  naturally  arise,  King  John,  whiie  he 
rewarded  his  agents  in  secret,  endeavoured  to  divert  suspicion  from 
them  upon  others,  making  rich  presents  of  jewels  to  the  duke  of 
Infantado  and  other  Spanish  grandees  of  incorruptible  integrity.* 

Such  is  the  intriguing  diplomatic  craft,  which  too  often  passes 
for  refined  policy,  and  is  extolled  as  the  wisdom  of  the  cabinet ;  but 
all  corrupt  and  disingenuous  measures  are  unworthy  of  an  enlight- 
ened politician  and  a  magnanimous  prince.  The  grand  principles 
of  right  and  wrong  operate  in  the  same  way  between  nations  as 
between  individuals;  fair  and  open  conduct,  and  inviolable  faith, 
however  they  may  appear  adverse  to  present  purposes,  are  the  only 
kind  of  policy  that  will  ensure  ultimate  and  honourable  success. 

King  John,  having  received  intelligence,  in  the  furtive  manner 
that  has  been  mentioned,  of  the  double  instructions  furnished  to 
Don  Lope  de  Herrera,  received  him  in  such  a  manner  as  to  prevent 
any  resort  to  his  peremptory  letter.  He  had  already  dispatched  an 
extra  envoy  to  the  Spanish  court,  to  keep  it  in  good  humour,  and  he 
now  appointed  doctor  Pero  Diaz  and  Don  Ruy  de  Pena  ambassa- 
dors to  the  Spanish  sovereigns,  to  adjust  all  questions  relative  to  the 
new  discoveries,  and  promised  that  no  vessel  should  be  permitted  to 
sail  on  a  voyage  of  discovery  within  sixty  days  after  their  arrival 
at  Barcelona.  These  ambassadors  were  instructed  to  propose,  as  a 
mode  of  effectually  settling  all  claims,  that  a  line  should  be  drawn 
from  the  Canaries  due  west;  all  lands  and  seas  north  of  it  to  apper- 
tain to  the  Castilian  crown ;  all  south  to  the  crown  of  Portugal, 
excepting  any  Islands  already  in  possession  of  either  power.! 

Ferdinand  had  now  the  vantage  ground;  his  object  was  to  gain 
time  for  the  preparations  and  departure  of  Columbus,  by  entangling 
King  John  in  long  diplomatic  negotiations.  J  In  reply  to  his  pro- 
posals, he  dispatched  Don  Pedro  de  Ayala  and  Don  Garcia  Lopez 
de  Caravajal  on  a  solemn  embassy  to  Portugal,  in  which  there  was 
great  outward  pomp  and  parade,  and  many  professions  of  amity; 
but  the  whole  purport  of  which  was  to  propose  to  submit  the  territo- 
rial questions  which  had  arisen  between  them  to  arbitration  or  to  the 
court  of  Rome.  This  stately  embassy  moved  with  becoming  slow- 
ness, but  a  special  envoy  was  sent  in  advance  to  apprize  the  king 
of  Portugal  of  its  approach,  in  order  to  keep  him  waiting  for  its 
communications. 


*  Resende,  Vida  del  Rey  Doni  Joam  II.  Cap.  157.  Faria  y  Sousa,  Europe 
Portugiiesa,  T.  2,  p.  3,  C.  4.  t  Zurita,  L.  1,  Cap.  25.  Herrera,  Decad.  1,  L.  2, 
Cap.  5.         t  Vasconcelos,  Don  Juan  II.  Lib.  6. 

Vol.  L  13  R 


194  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  V. 

King  John  understood  the  whole  nature  and  object  of  the  embassy, 
and  felt  that  Ferdinand  was  foiling  him.  The  ambassadors  at  length 
arrived,  and  delivered  their  credentials  with  great  form  and  ceremony. 
As  they  retired  from  his  presence,  he  looked  after  them  contempt- 
uously: "this  embassy  from  our  cousin,"  said  he,  "wants  both  head 
and  feet."  He  alluded  to  the  character  both  of  the  mission  and  the 
envoys.  Don  Garcia  de  Caravajal  was  vain  and  frivolous,  and 
Don  Pedro  de  Ayala  was  lame  of  one  leg.* 

In  the  height  of  his  vexation,  King  John  is  even  said  to  have 
held  out  some  vague  show  of  hostile  intentions,  taking  occasion  to 
let  the  ambassadors  discover  him  reviewing  his  cavalry,  and  drop- 
ping ambiguous  words  in  their  hearing,  which  might  be  construed 
into  something  of  menacing  import,  t  The  embassy  returned  to 
Castile,  leaving  him  in  a  state  of  perplexity  and  irritation;  but 
whatever  might  be  his  chagrin,  his  discretion  prevented  him  from 
coming  to  an  open  rupture.  He  had  some  hopes  of  an  interference 
on  the  part  of  the  Pope,  to  whom  he  had  sent  an  embassy  complain- 
ing of  the  pretended  discoveries  of  the  Spaniards  as  infringing  the 
territories  granted  to  Portugal  by  papal  bull,  and  earnestly  implor- 
ing redress.  Here,  as  has  been  shown,  his  wary  antagonist  had 
been  beforehand  with  him,  and  he  was  doomed  again  to  be  foiled. 
The  only  reply  his  ambassador  received,  was  a  reference  to  the  line 
of  partition  from  pole  to  pole,  so  sagely  devised  by  his  holiness.  J 
Such  was  this  royal  game  of  diplomacy,  where  the  parties  were 
playing  for  a  newly  discovered  world.  John  H.  was  able  and  intel- 
ligent, and  had  crafty  counsellors  to  advise  him  in  all  his  moves ; 
but  wherever  deep  and  subtle  policy  was  reauired,  Ferdinand  was  a 
master  at  the  game. 


*  Vasconcelos,  Lib.  6.    Barros,  Asia,  D.  1,  L.  3,  Cap.  2. 
t  Vasconcelos,  Lib.  6.        t  Herrera,  Dec.  1,  L.  2,  Cap.  5. 


Chaf.  X.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  195 


CHAPTER  X 

FURTHER  PREPARATIONS  FOR    THE    SECOND    VOYAGE CHARACTER 

OF  ALONZO  DE  OJEDA DIFFERENCES  OF  COLUMBUS  WITH  SORIA 

AND  FONSECA. 

[1493.] 

Distrustful  of  some  attempt  on  the  part  of  Portugal  to  interfere 
with  their  discoveries,  the  Spanish  sovereigns,  in  the  course  of  their 
negotiations,  wrote  repeatedly  to  Columbus,  urging  him  to  hasten 
his  departure.  His  zeal,  however,  needed  no  incitement;  immedi- 
ately on  arriving  at  Seville,  in  the  beginning  of  June,  he  had  pro- 
ceeded with  all  diligence  to  fit  out  the  armament,  making  use  of  the 
powers  given  him,  to  put  in  requisition  the  ships  and  crews  which 
were  in  the  harbours  of  Andalusia.  He  was  joined  soon  after  by 
Fonseca  and  Soria,  who  had  remained  for  a  time  at  Barcelona,  and 
with  their  united  exertions  a  fleet  of  seventeen  vessels,  large  and 
small,  were  soon  in  a  state  of  preparation.  The  best  pilots  were 
chosen  for  the  service,  and  the  crews  were  mustered  in  presence 
of  Soria  the  comptroller.  A  number  of  skilful  husbandmen,  miners, 
carpenters,  and  other  mechanics,  were  engaged  for  the  projected  co- 
lony. Horses,  both  for  military  purposes  and  for  stocking  the  coun- 
try, cattle,  and  domestic  animals  of  all  kinds,  were  likewise  provided. 
Grain,  seeds  of  various  plants,  vines,  sugar-canes,  grafts,  and  sap- 
lings, were  embarked,  together  with  a  great  quantity  of  merchandise, 
consisting  of  trinkets,  beads,  hawks'  bells,  looking  glasses,  and  other 
showy  trifles,  calculated  for  trafficking  with  the  natives.  Nor  was 
there  wanting  an  abundant  supply  of  provisions  of  all  sorts,  muni- 
tions of  war,  and  medicines  and  refreshments  for  the* sick. 

An  extraordinary  degree  of  excitement  prevailed  respecting  this 
expedition.  The  most  extravagant  fancies  were  entertained  with 
respect  to  the  new  world.  The  accounts  given  by  the  voyagers  who 
had  visited  it  were  full  of  exaggeration ;  for  in  fact  they  had  nothing 
but  vague  and  confused  notions  concerning  it,  like  the  recollec- 
tions of  a  dream ;  and  it  has  been  shown  that  Columbus  himself  had 
beheld  every  thing  through  the  most  delusive  medium.  The  viva* 
city  of  his  descriptions,  and  the  sanguine  anticipations  of  his  ardent 
spirit,  while  they  aroused  the  public  to  a  wonderful  degree  of  enthu- 


196  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  V. 

siasm,  prepared  the  way  for  bitter  disappointment.  The  cupidity 
of  the  avaricious  was  inflamed  with  the  idea  of  regions  of  unappro- 
priated wealth,  where  the  rivers  rolled  over  golden  sands,  and  the 
mountains  teemed  with  gems  and  precious  metals:  where  the  groves 
produced  spices  and  perfumes,  and  the  shores  of  the  ocean  were  sown 
with  pearl.  Others  had  conceived  visions  of  a  loftier  kind.  It  was 
a  romantic  and  stirring  age,  and  the  wars  with  the  Moors  being 
over,  and  hostilities  with  the  French  suspended,  the  bold  and  restless 
spirits  of  the  nation,  impatient  of  the  monotony  of  peaceful  life  were 
eager  for  employment.  To  these  the  new  world  presented  a  vast 
field  for  wild  enterprise  and  extraordinary  adventure,  so  congenial  to 
the  Spanish  character,  in  that  period  of  its  meridian  fervour  and 
brilliancy.  Many  hidalgos  of  high  rank,  officers  of  the  royal  house- 
hold, and  Andalusian  cavaliers,  schooled  in  arms,  and  inspired  with 
a  passion  for  hardy  achievements  by  the  romantic  wars  of  Granada, 
pressed  into  the  expedition,  some  in  the  royal  service,  others  at  their 
own  cost.  To  them  it  was  the  commencement  of  a  new  series 
of  crusades,  surpassing  in  extent  and  splendour  the  chivalrous  enter- 
prises to  the  holy  land.  They  pictured  to  themselves  vast  and 
beautiful  islands  of  the  ocean,  to  be  overrun  and  subdued ;  their  inter- 
nal wonders  to  be  explored,  and  the  banner  of  the  cross  to  be  planted 
on  the  walls  of  the  cities  they  were  supposed  to  contain.  From 
thence  they  were  to  make  their  way  to  the  shores  of  India,  or  rather 
Asiei,  penetrate  into  Mangi  and  Cathay,  convert,  or  what  was  the 
same  thing,  conquer  the  Grand  Khan,  and  thus  open  a  glorious 
career  of  arms  among  the  splendid  countries  and  semi-barbarous 
nations  of  the  east..  Thus  no  one  had  any  definite  idea  of  the  object 
or  nature  of  the  sei-vice  in  which  he  was  embarking,  or  the  situation 
and  character  of  the  region  to  which  he  was  bound.  Indeed,  durmg 
this  fever  of  the  imagination,  had  sober  facts  and  cold  realities  been 
presented,  they  would  have  been  rejected  with  disdain;  for  there  is 
nothing  of  which  the  pubUc  is  more  impatient,  than  of  being  dis- 
turbed in  the  indulgence  of  any  of  its  golden  dreams. 

Among  the  noted  personages  who  engaged  in  the  expedition  was 
a  young  cavalier  of  the  name  of  Don  Alonzo  de  Ojeda,  celebrated 
for  his  extraordinary  personal  endowments,  and  his  daring  spirit; 
and  who  distinguished  himself  among  the  early  discoverers,  by  many 
perilous  expeditions,  and  singular  exploits.  He  was  of  a  good  family ; 
cousin  german  to  the  venerable  father  Alonzo  de  Ojeda,  inquisitor  of 
Spain;  had  been  brought  up  under  the  patronage  of  the  duke  of 
Medina  Coeli,  and  had  served  in  the  wars  against  the  Moors.  He 
was  of  small  stature  but  vigorous  make,  well  proportioned,  dark 
complexioned,  of  handsome  animated  countenance,  and  incredible 


Chap.  X.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  197 

strength  and  agility.  Expert  at  all  kinds  of  weapons,  accomplished 
in  all  manly  and  warlike  exercises,  an  admirable  horseman,  and  a 
partisan  soldier  of  the  highest  order:  bold  of  heart,  free  of  spirit,  open 
of  hand,  fierce  in  fight,  quick  in  brawl,  but  ready  to  forgive,  and 
prone  to  forget  an  injury,  he  was  for  a  long  time  the  idol  of  the  rash 
and  roving  youth  who  engaged  in  the  early  expeditions  to  the  New 
World,  and  has  been  made  the  hero  of  many  wonderful  tales.  On 
introducing  him  to  historical  notice.  Las  Casas  gives  an  anecdote  of 
one  of  his  exploits,  which  would  be  unworthy  of  record,  but  that  it 
exhibits  the  singular  character  of  the  man. 

Q,ueen  Isabella  being  in  the  tower  of  the  cathedral  of  Seville, 
better  known  as  the  Giralda,  Ojeda,  to  entertain  her  majesty,  and  to 
give  proofs  of  his  courage  and  agility,  mounted  on  a  great  beam 
which  projected  in  the  air,  twenty  feet  from  the  tower,  at  such  an 
immense  height  from  the  ground  that  the  people  below  looked  like 
dwarfs,  and  it  was  enough  to  make  Ojeda  himself  shudder  to  look 
down.  Along  this  beam  he  walked  briskly,  and  with  as  much  con- 
fidence as  though  he  had  been  pacing  his  chamber.  When  arrived 
at  the  end,  he  stood  on  one  leg,  lifting  the  other  in  the  air;  then 
turning  nimbly  round  he  returned  in  the  same  way  to  the  tower, 
unaffected  by  the  giddy  height,  from  whence  the  least  false  step 
would  have  precipitated  him,  and  dashed  him  to  pieces.  He  after^ 
wards  stood  with  one  foot  on  the  beam,  and  placing  the  other 
against  the  wall  of  the  building,  threw  an  orange  to  the  summit  of 
the  tower,  a  proof,  says  Las  Casas,  of  immense  muscular  strength. 
Such  was  Alonzo  de  Ojeda,  who  soon  became  conspicuous  among 
the  followers  of  Columbus,  and  was  always  foremost  in  every  enter- 
prise of  an  adventurous  nature;  who  courted  peril  as  if  for  the  very 
love  of  danger,  and  seemed  to  fight  more  for  the  pleasure  of  fighting, 
than  for  the  sake  of  distinction.* 

The  number  of  persons  permitted  to  embark  in  the  expedition  had 
been  limited  to  one  thousand;  but  such  was  the  urgent  application  of 
volunteers  to  be  allowed  to  enlist  without  pay,  that  the  number  had 
been  increased  to  twelve  hundred;  many  more  were  refused,  for  want 
of  room  in  the  ships  for  their  accommodation,  but  some  contrived  to 
get  admitted  by  stealth,  so  that  eventually  about  fifteen  hundred  set 
sail  in  the  fleet.  As  Columbus,  in  his  laudable  zeal  for  the  welfare 
of  the  enterprise,  provided  every  thing  that  might  be  necessary  in 
various  possible  emergencies,  the  expenses  of  the  outfit  exceeded  what 


•  Las  Casas,  Lib.  1.  MS,    Pizarro,  Varones  lUustres.    Herrera,  Decad.  1, 
Lib.  11,  Cap.  5,  „ 


198  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  V 

had  been  anticipated.  This  gave  rise  to  occasional  demurs  on  the 
part  of  the  comptroller,  Juan  de  Soria,  who  sometimes  refused  to  sign 
the  accounts  of  the  admiral,  and  in  the  course  of  their  transactions 
seems  to  have  forgotten  the  deference  due  both  to  his  character  and 
station.  For  this  he  received  repeated  and  severe  reprimands  from 
the  sovereigns,  who  emphatically  commanded  that  Columbus  should 
be  treated  with  the  greatest  respect,  and  every  thing  done  to  facili- 
tate his  plans  and  yield  him  satisfaction.  From  similar  injunctions 
inserted  in  the  royal  letters  to  Fonseca,  the  archdeacon  of  Seville,  it 
is  probable  that  he  also  had  occasionally  indulged  in  the  captious 
exercise  of  his  official  powers.  He  appears  to  have  demurred  to 
various  requisitions  of  Columbus,  particularly  one  for  footmen  and 
other  domestics  for  his  immediate  service,  to  form  his  household  and 
retinue  as  admiral  and  viceroy;  a  demand  which  was  considered 
superfluous  by  the  prelate,  as  all  who  .  embarked  in  the  expedition 
were  at  his  command.  In  reply,  the  sovereigns  ordered  that  Co- 
lumbus should  be  allowed  ten  escuderos  de  a  pie,  or  footmen,  and 
twenty  persons  in  other  domestic  capacities,  and  reminded  Fonseca 
that  they  had  charged  him,  that  both  in  the  nature  and  mode  of  his 
transactions  with  the  admiral  he  should  study  to  give  him  content; 
observing  that,  as  the  whole  armament  was  intrusted  to  his  com- 
mand, it  was  but  reasonable  that  his  wishes  should  be  consulted,  and 
that  no  one  should  embarrass  him  with  punctilios  and  diffieulties.* 

These  trivial  differences  are  worthy  of  particular  notice,  from  the 
effect  they  appear  to  have  had  on  the  mind  of  Fonseca:  for  from  them 
we  must  date  the  first  rise  of  that  singular  hostility  which  be  ever 
after  manifested  towards  Columbus,  which  every  year  increased  in 
rancour,  and  which  he  gratified  in  the  most  invidious  manner  by 
secretly  multiplying  impediments  and  vexations  in  his  path. 

While  the  expedition  was  yet  lingering  in  port,  intelligence  was 
received  that  a  Portuguese  caravel  had  set  sail  from  Madeira,  and 
steered  for  the  west.  Suspicions  were  immediately  awakened  that 
she  was  bound  for  the  lately  discovered  lands.  Columbus  wrote  an 
account  of  it  to  the  sovereigns,  and  proposed  to  dispatch  a  part  of  his 
fleet  in  pursuit  of  her.  His  proposition  was  approved,  but  not  carried 
into  effect.  On  remonstrances  being  made  to  the  court  of  Lisbon, 
King  John  declared  that  the  vessel  had  sailed  without  his  permis- 
sion, and  that  he  would  send  three  caravels  to  bring  her  back.  This 
only  served  to  increase  the  jealousy  of  the  Spanish  monarchs,  who 
considered  the  whole  a  deep  laid  stratagem,  and  that  it  was  intended 


*  Navarrete,  CoUec.  T.  2.    Documcntos,  No.  62,  63, $4,  65, 6e. 


Chap.  X.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  199 

the  vessels  should  join  their  forces,  and  pursue  their  course  together 
to  the  New  World.  Columbus  was  urged,  therefore,  to  depart  with- 
out an  hour's  delay;  and  instructed  to  steer  wide  of  Cape  St.  Vin- 
cent, and  entirely  avoid  the  Portuguese  coasts  and  islands,  for  fear  of 
molestation.  If  he  met  with  any  vessels  in  the  seas  he  had  explored, 
he  was  to  seize  them,  and  to  inflict  rigorous  punishment  on  the  crews. 
Fonseca  was  also  ordered  to  be  on  the  alert,  and  in  case  any  expedi- 
tion sailed  from  Portugal,  to  send  double  the  force  after  it.  These 
precautions,  however,  proved  unnecessary.  Whether  such  caravels 
actually  did  sail,  and  whether  they  were  sent  with  sinister  motives 
by  Portugal,  does  not  appear:  nothing  was  either  seen  or  heard  of 
them  by  Columbus  in  the  course  of  his  voyage. 

It  may  be  as  well,  for  the  sake  of  distinctness,  to  anticipate  in 
this  place  the  regular  course  of  history,  and  mention  the  manner  in 
which  this  territorial  question  was  finally  settled  between  the  rival 
sovereigns.  It  was  impossible  for  King  John  to  repress  his  disquiet 
at  the  indefinite  enterprises  of  the  Spanish  :  he  did  not  know  how 
far  they  might  extend,  and  whether  they  might  not  forestal  him  in 
all  his  anticipated  discoveries  in  India.  Finding,  however,  all  at- 
tempts fruitless  to  gain  by  stratagem  an  advantage  over  his  wary 
and  skilful  antagonist,  and  despairing  of  any  further  assistance  from 
the  court  of  Rome,  he  had  recourse  at  last  to  fair  and  amicable  ne- 
gotiations, and  found,  as  is  generally  the  case  with  those  who  turn 
aside  into  the  inviting  but  crooked  paths  of  craft,  that  had  he  kept 
to  the  line  of  frank  and  open  policy,  he  would  have  saved  himself  a 
world  of  perplexity,  and  have  arrived  sooner  at  his  object.  He 
offered  to  leave  to  the  Spanish  sovereigns  the  free  prosecution  of 
their  western  discovery,  and  to  conform  to  the  plan  of  partition  by  a 
meridian  line ;  but  he  represented  that  this  line  had  not  been  drawn 
far  enough  to  the  west;  that  while  it  left  the  wide  ocean  free  to  the 
range  of  Spanish  enterprise,  his  navigators  could  not  venture  more 
than  a  hundred  leagues  west  of  his  possessions,  and  had  no  scope 
nor  sea-room  for  their  southern  voyages. 

After  much  difficulty  and  discussion,  this  momentous  dispute  was 
adjusted  by  deputies  from  the  two  crowns,  who  met  at  Tordesillas, 
in  Old  Castile,  in  the  following  year,  and  on  the  7th  of  June,  1494, 
signed  a  treaty,  by  which  the  papal  line  of  partition  was  moved  to 
three  hundred  and  seventy  leagues  west  of  the  Cape  de  Verde 
islands.  It  was  agreed  that  within  ten  months  an  equal  number  of 
caravels  and  mariners  on  the  part  of  the  two  nations,  ^ould  rendez- 
vous at  the  island  of  the  Grand  Canary,  provided  with  men  learned 
in  astronomy  and  navigation.  They  were  to  proceed  thence  to  the 
Cape  de  Verd  islands,  and  thence  westward  three  hundred  and  se- 


200  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  V. 

venty  leagues,  and  determine  the  proposed  line  from  pole  to  pole, 
dividing  the  ocean  between  the  two  nations.*  Each  of  the  two 
powers  engaged  solemnly  to  observe  the  bounds  thus  prescribed, 
and  to  prosecute  no  enterprise  beyond  its  proper  limits;  though  it 
was  agreed  that  the  Spanish  navigators  might  traverse  freely  the 
eastern  parts  of  the  ocean  in  prosecuting  their  rightful  voyages. 
Various  circumstances  impeded  the  proposed  expedition  to  deter- 
mine the  line,  but  the  treaty  remained  in  force,  and  prevented  all 
further  dissensions. 

Thus,  says  Vasconcelos,  this  great  question,  the  greatest  ever  agi- 
tated between  the  two  crowns,  for  it  was  the  partition  of  a  new 
world,  was  amicably  settled  by  the  prudence  and  address  of  two  of 
the  most  politic  monarchs  that  ever  swayed  sceptre.  It  was  ar- 
ranged to  the  contentment  of  both  parties,  each  holding  himself  en- 
titled to  the  vast  countries  that  might  be  discovered  within  his 
boundary,  without  any  regard  to  the  rights  of  the  native  inha- 
bitants. 


'  Zurita,  Hist,  del  Rei  Femand.  Lib.  1,  C.  39.    Vasconcelos,  Lib.  6. 


LIFE   AND   VOYAGES 


or 


CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS 


BOOK  VI. 


CHAPTER  I. 

DEPARTURE    OF    COLUMBUS    ON    HIS    SECOND  VOYAGE DISCOVERY 

OF    THE    CARIBBEE    ISLANDS. 

[1493.] 

The  departure  of  Columbus  on  his  second  voyage  of  discovery  pre- 
sented a  brilliant  contrast  to  his  gloomy  embarkation  at  Palos.  On 
the  25th  September,  at  the  dawn  of  day,  the  bay  of  Cadiz  was 
whitened  by  his  fleet.  There  were  three  large  ships  of  heavy  bur- 
then,* and  fourteen  caravels,  loitering  with  flapping  sails,  and  wait- 
ing the  signal  to  get  under  way.  The  harbour  resounded  with  the 
well  known  note  of  the  sailor,  hoisting  sail  or  weighing  anchor.  A 
motle}'-  crowd  were  hurrying  c^  board,  and  taking  leave  of  their 
friends,  in  the  confidence  of  a  prosperous  voyage  and  triumphant 
return.  There  was  the  high  spirited  cavalier,  bound  on  romantic 
enterprise ;  the  hardj''  navigator,  ambitious  of  acquiring  laurels  in 
these  unknown  seas;  the  roving  adventurer,  who  anticipates  every 
thing  from  change  of  place  and  distance;  the  keen  calculating 
speculator,  eager  to  profit  by  the  ignorance  of  savage  tribes;  and 
the  pale  missionary  from  the  cloister,  anxious  to  extend  the  domi- 
nion of  the  chureh,  or  devoutly  zealous  for  the  propagation  of  the 
faith.     All  were  full  of  animation  and  lively  hope.     Instead  of  be- 


*  Peter  Martyr  says  they  were  carracks(a  large  species  of  merchant  vessel, 
principally  used  in  coasting  trade)  of  one  hundred  tons  burthen,  and  that  two  ot 
the  caravels  were  much  larger  than  the  rest  and  more  capable  of  bearing  decks 
from  the  size  of  their  masts.    Decade  1,  Lib,  I, 


202  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  VI. 

ing  regarded  by  the  populace  as  devoted  men,  bound  upon  a  dark 
and  desperate  enterprise,  they  were  contemplated  with  envy,  as  fa- 
voured mortals,  destined  to  golden  regions  and  happy  climes,  v/here 
nothing  but  wealth,  and  wonder,  and  delights  awaited  them.  Co- 
lumbus moved  among  the  throng,  conspicuous  for  his  height  and 
for  his  commanding  appearance.  He  was  attended  by  his  two  sons, 
Diego  and  Fernando,  the  eldest  but  a  stripling,  who  had  come  to 
witness  his  departure,*  both  proud  of  the  glory  of  their  father. 
Wherever  he  passed,  every  eye  followed  him  with  admiration,  and 
every  tongue  praised  and  blessed  him.  Before  sunrise,  the  whole 
fleet  was  under  way;  the  weather  was  serene  and  propitious;  and 
as  the  populace  watched  their  parting  sails,  brightening  in  the 
morning  beams,  they  looked  forward  to  their  joyful  return,  laden 
with  the  treasures  of  the  new  world. 

According  to  the  instructions  of  the  sovereigns,  Columbus  steered 
wide  of  the  coasts  of  Portugal,  and  of  its  islands,  standing  to  the 
southwest  for  the  Canaries,  where  he  arrived  on  the  first  of  October 
After  touching  at  the  Grand  Canary,  he  anchored  on  the  5th  at 
Gomera,  where  he  took  in  a  supply  of  wood  and  water  for  the 
voyage.  Here  also  he  purchased  calves,  goats,  and  sheep,  to  stock 
the  island  of  Hispaniola;  and  eight  hogs,  from  which,  according 
to  Las  Casas,  the  infinite  number  of  swine  was  propagated,  with 
which  the  Spanish  settlements  in  the  new  world  subsequently 
abounded.  A  number  of  domestic  fowls  were  likewise  purchased, 
which  were  the  origin  of  the  species  in  the  new  world ;  and  the 
same  might  be  said  of  the  seeds  of  oranges,  lemons,  bergamots, 
melons,  and  various  orchard  fruits,!  which  were  thus  first  introduc- 
ed into  the  islands  of  the  west,  from  the  Hesperides,  or  Fortunate 
islands  of  the  old  world.  J 

On  the  7th,  when  about  to  sail,  Columbus  gave  to  the  command- 
er of  each  vessel  a  sealed  letter  of  instructions,  in  which  was  spe- 
cified his  rout  to  the  harbour  of  Nativity,  the  residence  of  the  ca- 
cique Guacanagari.  This  was  only  to  be  opened  in  case  of  being 
separated  by  accident;  as  he  wished  to  make  a  mystery,  as  long  as 
possible,  of  the  exact  route  to  the  newly  discovered  countries,  lest 


*  Hist,  del  Almirante,  Cap.  44. 

t  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.  Lib.  1,  Cap.  83.  MS. 

t  Mens,  de  Humboldt  is  of  opinion  that  there  were  wild  oranges,  small  and  bit- 
ter, as  well  as  wild  lemons  in  the  new  world  prior  to  the  discovery.  Caldcleugh 
also  mentions  that  the  Brazilians  consider  the  small  bitter  wild  orange  of  i.«  liv« 
origin.    Humboldt,  Essai  Politique  sur  I'isle  de  Cuba,  T.  1,  p.  68. 


Chap.  I.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS  203 

adventurers  of  other  nations,  and,  particularly  the  Portuguese,  should 
follow  in  his  track,  and  interfere  with  his  enterprises.* 

After  making  sail  from  Gomera,  they  were  becalmed  for  a  few 
days  among  the  Canaries,  until  on  the  13th  of  October,  a  fair  breeze 
sprang  up  from  the  east,  which  soon  carried  them  out  of  sight  of 
the  island  of  Ferro.  Columbus  held  his  course  to  the  southwest, 
intending  to  keep  considerably  more  to  the  southward  than  in  his 
first  voyage,  in  hopes  of  falling  in  with  the  islands  of  the  Caribs, 
of  which  he  had  received  such  vague  and  wonderful  accounts  from 
the  Indians. t  Being  in  the  region  of  the  trade  winds,  the  breeze 
continued  fair  and  steady,  with  a  quiet  sea  and  pleasant  weather, 
and  by  the  24th  they  bad  made  four  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  west 
of  Gomera,  without  having  seen  any  of  those  fields  of  sea-weeda, 
which  they  had  encountered  within  a  much  less  distance  on  their 
first  voyage,  when  their  appearance  had  been  so  important,  and  al- 
most providential,  inspiring  continual  hope,  and  enticing  them  for- 
ward in  their  dubious  enterprise.  Now  they  needed  no  such  sig- 
nals ;  they  were  full  of  confidence  and  lively  anticipation,  and  on 
seeing  a  swallow  circling  about  the  ships,  and  being  visited  occa- 
sionally by  sudden  showers,  they  began  to  look  out  cheerily  for 
land. 

Towards  the  latter  part  of  October,  they  were  alarmed  in  the 
night  by  one  of  those  sudden  gusts  of  heavy  rain,  which  are  ac- 
companied, in  the  tropics,  with  intense  lightning,  and  tremendous 
peals  of  thunder.  It  lasted  for  four  hours,  and  they  considered 
themselves  in  much  peril,  until  they  beheld  several  of  those  lam- 
bent flames  playing  about  the  tops  of  the  masts,  and  gliding  along 
the  rigging,  which  are  occasionally  seen  about  tempest-tossed  ves- 
sels, during  a  highly  electrical  state  of  the  atmosphere.  These 
singular  phenomena,  occurring  in  such  awful  times  of  gloom  and 
peril,  have  always  been  objects  of  superstitious  fancies  among  sail- 
ors. Fernando  Columbus  records  their  present  appearance,  and 
makes  remarks  on  them  strongly  characteristic  of  the  age  in  which 
he  lived.  "  On  the  same  Saturday,  in  the  night,  was  seen  St.  Elmo, 
with  seven  lighted  tapers,  at  the  topmast;  there  was  much  rain  and 
great  thunder ;  I  mean  to  say  that  those  lights  were  seen  which  ma- 
riners affirm  to  be  the  body  of  St.  Elmo,  on  beholding  which  they 
chant  many  litanies  and  orisons,  holding  it  for  certain  that,  in  the 
tempest  in  which  he  appears,  no  one  is  in  danger.  Be  that  as  it 
may,  I  leave  the  matter  to  them ;  but  if  we  may  believe  Pliny, 
similar  lights  have  sometimes  appeared  to  the  Roman  mariners  dur- 


*  Las  Casas,  ubi  sup.  t  Letter  of  Dr.  Chanca. 


204  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  VI. 

ing'  tempests  at  sea,  which  they  said  were  Castor  and  Pollux,  of 
which  likewise  Seneca  makes  mention."* 

On  the  evening  of  Saturday,  the  2d  of  November,  Columbus  was 
convinced  from  the  colour  of  the  sea,  the  nature  of  the  waves, 
the  variable  winds,  and  frequent  showers,  that  they  must  be  near  to 
land;  he  gave  orders,  therefore,  to  take  in  sail,  and  to  maintain  a 
vigilant  watch  throughout  the  night.  He  had  judged  with  his 
usual  sagacity.  As  the  morning  dawned,  a  lofty  island  was  de- 
scried to  the  west,  at  the  sight  of  which  there  were  shouts  of  joy 
throughout  the  fleet ;  Columbus  gave  to  the  island  the  name  of  Do- 
minica, from  having  discovered  it  on  Sunday.  As  the  ships  moved 
gently  onward,  other  islands  rose  to  sight,  one  after  another,  emerg- 
ing as  it  were  from  the  quiet  ocean,  covered  with  verdant  forests, 
while  great  flights  of  parrots,  and  other  tropical  birds  were  winging 
their  way  from  one  to  the  other. 

The  crews  were  now  assembled  on  the  decks  of  the  several  vessels, 
to  return  thanks  to  God  for  their  prosperous  voyage,  and  their  hap- 
py discovery  of  land,  and  the  Salve  Regina,  and  other  anthems, 
were  chanted  by  the  mariners  throughout  the  armada.  Such  was 
the  pious  manner  in  which  Columbus  celebrated  all  his  discoveries, 
and  which,  in  fact,  was  generally  observed  by  the  Spanish  and 
Portuguese  voyagers.  It  certainly  presents  a  solemn  and  beautiful 
picture  to  the  mind;  this  congregation  of  ships,  uniting  as  it  were 
in  a  Sabbath  jubilee  on  the  tranquil  bosom  of  the  deep,  and  send- 
ing up  swelling  anthems  of  praise  to  heaven,  for  the  fair  land  that 
was  rising  to  their  view. 


•  Hist.  Del  Almirante,  Cap.  45. 

A  similar  mention  is  made  of  this  nautical  superstition  in  the  voyage  of  Magel- 
lan. "  During  these  great  storms  they  said  that  St.  Elmo  appeared  at  the  top- 
masts with  a  lighted  candle,  and  sometimes  with  two,  upon  which  the  people  shed 
tears  of  joy,  receiving  great  consolation,  and  saluted  him  according  to  the  cus- 
tom of  mariners.  He  remained  visible  for  a  quarter  of  an  hour,  and  then  dis- 
appeared with  a  great  flash  of  lightning,  whicli  blinded  the  people."  Herrera, 
Decad.  2,  L.  4,  C.  10. 


Chap.  IL]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  205 


CHAPTER  II. 

TRANSACTIONS    AT    THE    ISLAND    OF    GTTADALOUPE, 

[1493.] 

The  islands  among  which  Columbus  had  arrived,  were  a  part  of 
that  beautiful  cluster  called  by  some  the  Antilles,  which  sweep  al- 
most in  a  semicircle,  from  the  eastern  end  of  Porto  Rico  to  the  coast 
of  Paria,  on  the  southern  continent,  forming  a  kind  of  barrier  be- 
tween the  main  ocean  and  the  Caribbean  sea. 

During  the  course  of  the  first  day  that  he  entered  this  archipelago, 
Columbus  saw  no  less  than  six  islands  of  different  magnitude, 
clothed  in  that  majestic  vegetation  peculiar  to  the  tropics;  and  where- 
ever  the  breeze  passed  over  them,  the  whole  air  was  sweetened  by 
the  fragrance  of  their  forests. 

After  seeking  in  vain  for  good  anchorage  at  Dominica,  he  stood 
for  another  of  the  group,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  his  ship, 
Marigalante.  ■  Here  he  landed,  displayed  the  royal  banner,  and 
took  possession  of  that  and  the  adjacent  islands  in  the  name  of  his 
sovereigns.  There  was  no  vestige  of  a  human  being  to  be  seen; 
the  island  appeared  to  be  uninhabited ;  a  rich  and  dense  forest  over- 
spread it ;  some  of  the  trees  being  in  blossom,  others  laden  with 
unknown  fruits,  others  possessing  spicy  odours;  among  which  was 
one  with  the  leaf  of  the  laurel,  and  the  fragrance  of  the  clove. 

From  hence  they  made  sail  for  an  island  of  larger  size,  with  a 
remarkable  mountain,  one  peak  of  which  rose  to  a  great  height, 
with  streams  of  water  gushing  from  it,  which  proved  afterwards  to 
be  the  crater  of  a  volcano.  As  they  approached  within  three 
leagues,  they  beheld  a  great  torrent  tumbling  over  a  precipice  of  such 
immense  height  that,  to  use  the  words  of  the  narrator,  "  it  seemed 
to  be  falling  from  the  sky."  As  it  broke  into  foam  in  its  descent, 
many  at  first  believed  it  to  be  merely  a  stratum  of  white  rock.*  To 
this  island,  which  was  called  by  the  Indians  Turuqueira,t  the  ad- 
miral gave  the  name  of  Guadaloupe;  having  promised  the  monks 


*  Letter  of  Dr.  Chanca. 

t  Idem.    Peter  Martyr  calls  it  Carucueria,  or  Queraquiera,  Decjjd.  1,  Lib,  S« 


206  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  VI. 

of  Our  Lady  of  Guadaloupe,  in  Estremadura,  to  call  some  newly 
discovered  place  after  their  convent. 

Landing  here  on  the  4th,  they  visited  a  village  near  the  shore, 
the  inhabitants  of  which  fled  at  the  sight  of  them,  some  leaving 
even  their  children  behind  in  their  terror  and  confusion.  These  the 
Spaniards  soothed  with  caresses,  binding  hawk's  bells  and  other 
trinkets  round  their  arms,  to  win  the  good  will  of  their  parents. 
This  village,  like  most  of  those  of  the  island,  consisted  of  twenty 
or  thirty  houses,  built  round  a  kind  of  public  place  or  square.  The 
houses  were  constructed  in  similar  style  to  those  of  Cuba  and  His- 
paniola,  of  trunks  of  trees,  interwoven  with  reeds  and  branches,  and 
thatched  with  palm  leaves.  They  were  square,  not  circular  like 
those  of  the  other  islands,*  and  each  had  its  portico  or  shelter  from 
the  sun.  The  entrance  of  one  of  these  houses  was  decorated  with 
images  of  serpents  tolerably  carved  in  wood.  Their  furniture  was 
the  same;  hamacs  of  cotton  net;  utensils  formed  of  calabashes,  or 
earthenware,  equal  to  the  best  of  those  of  Hispaniola.  There  were 
large  quantities  of  cotton,  some  of  it  crude,  some  in  yarn,  and  some 
wrought  into  cloth  of  very  tolerable  texture ;  and  many  bows  and 
arrows,  the  latter  tipped  with  sharp  bones.  Provisions  seemed  to 
abound  here.  There  were  many  domesticated  geese,  like  those  of 
Europe,  and  parrots  as  large  as  household  fowls,  with  blue,  green, 
white,  and  scarlet  plumage,  being  the  splendid  species  called  Gua- 
camayos.  Here  also  the  Spaniards  first  met  with  the  delicious 
anana  or  pineapple,  the  flavour  and  fragrance  of  which  astonished 
and  delighted  them.  W^hile  searching  these  houses,  they  were  sur- 
prised to  find  a  pan  or  other  utensil  of  iron ;  not  having  ever  met 
with  that  metal  in  the  New  World.  Fernando  Colon  supposes, 
however,  that  it  was  formed  of  a  certain  kind  of  heavy  stone  found 
among  those  islands,  which  when  burnt  has  the  appearance  of 
shining  iron,  and  in  their  hasty  survey  may  have  been  piistaken 
for  such ;  though  he  admits  that  it  might  have  been  some  utensil 
brought  by  the  Indians  from  Hispaniola.  Certain  it  is,  that  no 
native  iron  was  ever  found  among  the  people  of  these  islands. 

Another  object  which  was  a  matter  of  surprise  and  speculation, 
was  the  sternpost  of  a  vessel,  which  they  found  in  one  of  the 
houses.  How  had  it  reached  these  shores,  which  appeared  never 
to  have  been  visited  by  the  ships  of  civilized  man  ?  Was  it  the 
wreck  of  some  vessel  from  the  more  enlightened  countries  of  Asia, 
which  they  supposed  to  lie  somewhere  in  this  direction?  Or  was 
it  part  of  the  caravel  which  Columbus  had  lost  at  the  island  of 


*  Hist,  del  Almirante,  Cap.  62. 


Chap.  ILJ  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  207 

Hispaniola  during  his  first  voyage  1  Or  was  it  some  fragment  of  a 
European  ship  which  had  drifted  across  the  Atlantic  ?  The  latter 
was  most  probably  the  case.  The  constant  current  which  sets 
over  from  the  coast  of  Africa,  produced  by  the  steady  prevalence  of 
the  trade  winds,  must  occasionally  bring  the  wrecks  of  the  Old 
World  to  the  shores  of  the  New;  and  long  before  the  discovery  of 
Columbus,  the  simple  savages  of  the  islands  and  the  coasts,  may 
have  gazed  with  wonder  at  huge  fragments  of  European  barks, 
which  have  perished  in  the  opposite  regions  of  the  ocean,  and  have 
gradually  floated  to  their  shores. 

What  most  struck  the  attention  of  the  Spaniards,  and  filled  them 
with  horror,  was  the  sight  of  various  human  bones,  vestiges,  as 
they  supposed,  of  the  unnatural  repasts  of  these  savages.  There 
were  also  sculls  suspended  in  the  houses,  which  apparently  were 
used  as  vases,,  and  other  household  utensils.  These  dismal  objects 
convinced  them  that  they  were  now  at  the  abodes  of  the  cannibals, 
or  Caribs ;  those  roving  and  ferocious  warriors,  whose  predatory 
expeditions  and  ruthless  character  rendered  them  the  terror  of 
these  seas. 

The  boat  having  returned  on  board,  Columbus  proceeded  for  up- 
wards of  two  leagues,  until  late  in  the  evening,  when  he  anchored 
in  a  convenient  port.  The  island  on  this  side  extended  for  the  dis- 
tance of  five  and  twenty  leagues,  diversified  with  lofty  mountains 
and  broad  plains.  Along  the  coast  were  seen  small  villages  and 
hamlets,  the  inhabitants  of  which  fled  in  affright  as  they  beheld  the 
squadron  sweeping  along  their  shores.  At  day-break  Columbus 
permitted  several  of  the  captains  to  land,  with  a  number  of  their 
men,  to  endeavour  to  communicate  with  the  inhabitants.  These 
divided  into  parties,  and  returned  in  the  course  of  the  day,  having 
taken  a  boy  and  several  women,  some  of  whom  were  natives  of  the 
island,  and  others  captives.  From  information  gathered  from  the 
latter,  Columbus  was  confirmed  in  his  idea  that  this  was  one  of  the 
islands  of  the  Caribs.  He  learnt  that  the  inhabitants  were  in  league 
with  two  neighbouring  islands,  but  that  they  made  war  upon  all  others 
in  their  vicinity.  They  even  went  on  predatory  enterprises,  in  their 
canoes  made  from  the  hollowed  trunks  of  trees,  to  the  distance  of 
one  hundred  and  fifty  leagues.  Their  arms  were  bows  and  arrows, 
pointed  with  the  bones  of  fishes,  or  shells  of  tortoises,  and  poisoned 
with  the  juice  of  a  certain  herb.  They  made  descents  upon  the 
islands,  ravaged  the  villages,  carried  off  the  youngest  and  hand- 
somest of  the  women,  whom  they  retained  as  servants  or  companions, 
and  made  prisoners  of  the  men,  to  be  killed  and  eaten. 

After  hearing  such  formidable  accounts  of  the  natives  of  this 


208  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  fBooK  VI, 

island,  Columbus  was  extremely  uneasy  at  finding  m  the  evening 
that  a  captain  of  one  of  the  caravels,  Diego  Marque,  was  missing, 
together  with  eight  men.  He  had  landed  with  his  party  early  in 
the  morning,  without  leave,  and  straying  into  the  woods,  had  not 
since  been  seen  or  heard  of.  On  the  following  day  the  wanderers 
had  not  returned^  and  the  anxiety  of  the  admiral  increased,  fearing 
that  they  might  have  fallen  into  some  ambush  of  the  savages ;  for 
several  of  them  were  such  experienced  mariners,  that  it  was  thought, 
in  case  of  being  lost,  they  could  readily  have  found  their  way  back 
by  the  stars.  Parties  were  sent  in  various  directions  in  quest  of 
them,  each  with  a  trumpeter  to  sound  calls  and  signals.  Guns 
were  fired  from  the  ships,  and  arquebusses  on  shore,  but  all  to  no 
purpose,  and  the  parties  returned  in  the  evening,  wearied  with  a 
fruitless  search.  They  had  visited  several  hamlets,  in  which  they 
met  with  what  they  considered  proofs  of  the  cannibal  propensities 
©f  the  natives^  and  which  were  by  no  means  calculated  to  allay 
their  apprehensions  for  the  safety  of  their  companions.  Human 
iimbs  were  suspended  to  the  beams  of  the  houses,  as  if  curing  for 
provisions;  they  found  the  head  of  a  young  man  recently  killed, 
which  was  yet  bleeding  ;  some  parts  of  his  body  were  boiling  with 
the  flesh  of  geese  and  parrots,  and  others  were  roasting  before 
the  fire.* 

Several  of  the  natives,  in  the  course  of  the  day,  had  been  seen 
occasionally  on  the  shore,  gazing  with  wonder  at  the  ships,  but 
when  the  boats  approached  the  land,  they  fled  to  the  woods  or  the 
mountains.  Several  women  came  oflf  to  the  Spaniards  for  refuge, 
being  captives  who  had  been  brought  from  other  islands.  Colujnbus 
ordered  that  they  should  be  decorated  with  hawks'  bells  and  strings 
of  beads  and  bugles,  and  sent  on  shore,  in  hopes,  by  these  means,  to 
entice  some  of  the  men  of  the  island  to  visit  him.  They  soon  re- 
turned to  the  boats  stripped  of  their  ornaments  by  the  ferocious 
islanders^  and  imploring  to  be  taken  on  board  of  the  ships.  The 
admiral  learnt  from  them  that  most  of  the  men  of  the  island  were 
absent,  the  king  having  sailed  some  time  before  with  ten  canoes  and 
three  hundred  warriors  on  a  predatory  cruise  in  quest  of  prisoners 
and  booty.  When  the  men  went  forth  on  these  expeditions  the 
women  remained  to  defend  their  shores  from  invasion.  They  were 
expert  archers,  partaking  of  the  warrior  spirit  of  their  husbands,  aoid 
almost  equalling  them  in  force  and  intrepidity. f 

Beside  the  female  fugitives  who  had  taken  refuge  on  board  of  the 


*  P,  Martyr,  Letter  147,  to  Pomponio  Laeto.    Idem,  Dec  1,  Lib*  2» 
+  Peter  Martyr  Decad»  3,  Lib.  9. 


Chap.  II.}  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  209 

ships  there  were  several  boys,  who  had  been  captives  among  the 
natives,  and  reserved,  it  is  said,  for  a  cruel  destiny.  The  Spaniards 
were  informed  that  it  was  the  custom  of  the  Caribs  to  rear  these 
youthful  prisoners  to  man's  estate,  and  then  to  fatten  them  for  their 
feasts,  and  that  they  even  deprived  them  of  their  virility,  to  render 
them  more  tender  and  palatable  food.*  There  is  something  so 
revolting  to  human  nature  in  the  idea  of  cannibalism,  that  we  would 
fain  attribute  these  accounts  to  the  mistakes,  the  misinterpretations, 
and  the  fables  of  travellers,  but  they  are  too  positively  affirmed  by 
respectable  writers,  and  are  too  curious  in  themselves  to  be  passed 
over  in  silence. 

Columbus  was  now  at  a  loss  what  course  to  adopt.  He  was 
anxious  to  arrive  at  Hispaniola  and  ascertain  the  fate  of  the  followers 
whom  he  had  left  there ;  and  was  impatient  of  any  delay.  Topsail 
without  these  men,  however,  provided  they  were  yet  alive,  would  be 
t-o  abandon  them  to  a  cruel  death  at  the  hands  of  cannibals.  To 
leave  a  vessel  and  crew  behind  to  await  their  return,  would  be  to  run 
the  risk  of  losing  them  by  a  thousand  accidents  on  these  wild  coasts 
and  in  these  unexplored  seas.  In  this  emergency  Alonzo  de  Ojeda, 
the  same  daring  young  cavalier  whose  exploit  on  the  tower  of  the 
cathedral  of  Seville  has  been  mentioned,  volunteered  to  penetrate 
with  forty  men  into  the  interior  of  the  island,  and  to  search  all  the 
forests  for  the  wanderers.  His  offer  was  accepted,  and  the  admiral 
commanded  that  during  his  absence  the  ships  should  take  in  a  supplj^ 
of  wood  and  water;  and  gave  permission  for  part  of  the  crews  to  land, 
to  wash  their  clothes,  and  recreate  themselves  on  shore, 

Alonzo  de  Ojeda,  with  his  followers,,  beat  up  all  the  forests  in 
the  neighbourhood,  and  marched  far  into  the  interior,  discharging 
arquebusses,  sounding  trumpets  in  the  hollow  valleys,  and  from  the 
cliffs  of  mountains  and  precipices;  but  it  was  all  in  vain;  no  voice 
nor  sound  but  their  own  echoes  was  heard  in  reply.  Their  search 
was  rendered  excessively  toilsome  by  the  closeness  of  the  forests, 
which  flourished  with  the  vigorous,  and  wild  luxuriance  of  the 
tropics.  Ojeda  saw  every  thing  with  the  romantic  eye  of  a  young 
adventurer,  and  brought  back  the  most  exaggerated  accounts  of  the 
natural  productions  of  the  country.  The  forests  were  fill^ed  with  the 
odour  of  aromatic  trees  and  shrubs,  in  which  he  fancied  he  perceived 
the  fragrance  of  many  precious  gums  and  spices.  He  saw  many 
tropical  birds  of  unknown  species ;  also  falcons,  royal  herons,  kites, 
wood-pigeons,  turtle-doves,  and  crows.  He  fancied  also  that  he  met 
with  partridges,  which,  in  reality,  were  only  to  be  found  in  the  island 
of  Cuba ;  and  that  he  heard  the  song  of  the  nightingale,  which  is 

*  Letter  of  Dr.  Chanca.    Pcler  Martyr,  Let.  147 .  Hist,  del  Almirante,  Cap.  46 
Yoh,  I.  14  cj  o  '^ 


210  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  VI. 

unknown  in  the  new  world.  The  island,  however,  abounded  with 
fruits;  for,  according  to  Peter  Martyr,  the  cannibals  being  a  wild 
and  wandering  people,  and  overrunning  all  the  neighbouring  coun- 
tries in  their  expeditions,  were  accustomed  to  bring  home  the  seeds 
and  roots  of  all  kinds  of  strange  and  profitable  plants.  As  a  proof 
of  itfe  luxuriance,  also,  he  observes,  that  honey  was  found  in  hollow 
trees  and  in  the  clefts  of  the  rocks.  So  abundantly  was  it  watered, 
that  Ojeda  declared  he  had  waded  through  twenty -six  rivers  within 
the  distance  of  six  leagues;  though  it  is  probable  many  of  them  were 
the  windings  and  doublings  of  the  same  stream. 

Columbus  now  gave  the  stragglers  up  for  lost.  Several  days  had 
elapsed  since  their  disappearance,  during  which  time,  if  alive,  it 
seemed  impossible  that  they  should  not  have  either  been  found,  or 
have  made  their  way  back  to  the  ships.  He  was  just  upon  the  point 
of  sailing  when  to  the  universal  joy  of  the  fleet,  a  signal  was  made 
by  them  from  the  shore.  When  they  came  on  board,  their  haggard 
and  exhausted  looks  bespoke  what  they  had  suffered.  Having 
unaccountably  diverged  on  their  first  entering  the  forests,  they  had 
unknowingly  penetrated  deeper  and  deeper  into  the  island,  until  they 
had  become  completely  bewildered.  For  several  days  they  had  been 
perplexed  in  the  mazes  of  a  trackless  forest,  so  dense  as  almost  t© 
exclude  the  light  of  day.  They  had  clambered  rocks  waded  rivers, 
and  struggled  through  briars  and  thickets.  Some,  who  were  experi- 
enced seamen,  climbed  the  trees,  in  hopes  of  getting  a  sight  of  the 
stars,  by  which  they  might  govern  their  course;  but  the  wide-spread- 
ing branches,  and  thick  foliage,  shut  out  all  view  of  the  heavens.* 
They  were  harassed  with  the  most  dismal  apprehensions,  fearing 
that  the  admiral,  thinking  them  dead,  might  set  sail,  and  leave  them 
behind  in  this  wilderness,  cut  oflf  for  ever  from  their  homes,  and  the 
abodes  of  civilized  man.  At  length  when  almost  reduced  to  despair, 
they  had  arrived  at  the  sea  shore,  and  following  its  margin  for  some 
lime,  beheld,  to  their  great  transport,  the  fleet  riding  quietly  at  anchor. 
They  brought  with  them  several  Indian  women  and  boys;  but  in  all 
their  wanderings,  they  had  not  met  with  any  men ;  the  greater  part 
of  the  warriors,  as  has  been  said,  being  fortunately  absent  on  an 
expedition. 

Notwithstanding  the  hardships  they  had  endured,  and  his  joy  at 
their  return,  Columbus  thought  it  important,  in  a  service  of  so  critical 
a  nature,  to  punish  every  breach  of  discipline.  The  captain  was 
therefore  put  under  arrest,  and  a  part  of  the  rations  of  the  men  were 
stopped,  for  having  thus  strayed  away  without  permission.! 


Dr.  Chanca's  Letter.        t  Idem.    Hist,  del  Alrmrante,  Cap.  4fi. 


Chap.  HI.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  2X1 


CHAPTER  III. 

CRUISE    AMONG    TH£    CARIBBEE    ISLANDS. 
[1493.] 

Weighing  anchor  on  the  10th  of  November,  Columbus  steered 
along  the  coast  of  Guadaloupe,  towards  the  northwest,  in  which 
direction,  according  to  his  own  calculations,  and  the  information 
of  the  Indians,  lay  Hispaniola.  The  women  whom  he  had  recently 
taken  on  board,  had  given  him  intelligence  of  other  islands  to  the 
south  and  had  assured  him  that  the  main  land  extended  in  that 
quarter ;  information  which  he  afterwards  found  to  be  true,  but  at  pre- 
sent his  impatience  to  arrive  at  the  harbour  of  Nativity  prevented  his 
extending  his  discoveries. 

Continuing  along  this  beautiful  archipelago,  he  ga'^e  names  to  its 
islands  as  they  successively  rose  to  view.  Montserrat,  Santa  Maria 
m  la  Redonda,  Santa  Maria  la  Antigua,  and  San  Martin;  various  other 
g^i  islands  appeared  to  the  north,  and  extending  northwest  and  southeast, 
all  very  lofty  and  mountainous  with  stately  and  magnificent  forests, 
but  the  admiral  forebore  to  visit  them.  The  weather  proving  bolster^ 
ous,  they  anchored  on  the  14th  November,  at  an  island  called  Ayay  by 
the  Indians,  but  to  which  the  admiral  gave  the  name  of  Santa  Cruz. 
Here  the  boat  was  sent  on  shore,  with  five  and  twenty  men,  to  get 
water  and  procure  information  concerning  their  route.  They  found 
a  village  deserted  by  the  men,  but  they  secured  a  few  women  and 
boys,  most  of  whom  were  captives  brought  hither  from  other  islands; 
for  this  was  likewise  an  abode  of  the  Caribs.  They  had  soon  an 
instance  of  the  courage  and  ferocity  of  this  singular  race.  While  the 
boat  was  on  shore,  a  canoe  with  a  few  Indians,  two  of  whom  were 
females,  came  coasting  from  a  distant  part  of  the  island,  and  turning 
a  point  of  land  arrived  suddenly  in  full  view  of  the  ships.  Asto- 
nished at  what  to  them  must  have  been  so  awful  and  supernatural  an 
apparition,  they  remained  for  a  long  time  gazing  in  mute  amaze- 

tment.  So  completely  were  they  entranced  in  contemplation,  that 
the  boat,  returning  from  the  shore,  had  stolen  close  upon  them  before 
they  perceived  it.  Seizing  their  paddles,  they  now  attempted  to 
escape ;  but  though  their  light  canoe  skimmed  the  surface  of  the 
waves,  the  steady  sweep  of  the  oar  gained  upon  them,  and  the  boat, 


212  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  VI 

being  between  tnem  and  the  land,  cut  off  their  retreat.  Seeing  flight 
was  vain,  they  caught  up  their  bows  and  arrows,  and  turned  fiercely 
upon  their  pursuers.  The  women  fought  as  well  as  the  men.  One 
of  them  appeared  to  be  treated  with  obedience  and  reverence,  as  if  she 
were  their  queen.  She  was  accompanied  by  her  son,  "a  young 
man,"  says  Peter  Martyr,  "  strongly  made,  of  a  terrible  and  frown- 
ing brow,  and  a  lion's  face."*  They  plied  their  bows  with  amazing 
vigour  and  rapidity.  Although  the  Spaniards  were  covered  with 
their  bucklers,  two  of  them  were  quickly  wounded;  and  an  arrow 
was  sent  with  such  force  by  one  of  the  heroines,  as  to  pass  through 
and  through  a  buckler. 

To  avoid  this  galling  fire,  which  was  rendered  more  formidable 
from  an  apprehension  that  the  arrows  might  be  poisoned,  the  Span- 
iards ran  their  boat  violently  upon  the  canoe,  and  overturned  it. 
The  fierce  savages,  however,  continued  to  fight  while  in  the  water ; 
gathering  themselves  occasionally  upon  sunken  rocks,  and  discharg- 
ing their  arrows  as  dexterously  as  though  they  had  been  upon  firm 
land.  It  was  with  the  utmost  difficulty  they  could  be  overcome  and 
taken.  One  of  them  was  transfixed  with  a  lance,  so  that  he  died  after 
being  brought  to  the  ships,  and  the  queen's  son  was  wounded. 
When  on  board,  the  Spaniards  could  not  but  wonder  at  their  un- 
tamed spirit  and  fierce  demeanour.  Their  hair  was  long  and  coarse, 
their  eyes  encircled  with  paint  so  as  to  give  them  a  hideous  expres- 
sion ;  they  had  bands  of  cotton  bound  firmly  above  and  below  the 
muscular  parts  of  the  arms  and  legs,  so  as  to  cause  them  to  swell  to 
a  disproportioned  size,  which  was  regarded  by  them  as  a  great 
beauty,  a  custom  which  prevailed  among  various  tribes  of  the  New 
World.  Though  captives,  in  chains,  and  in  the  power  of  their  ene- 
mies, they  still  retained  a  frowning  brow,  and  an  air  of  defiance. 
Peter  Martyr,  who  often  went  to  see  them  when  in  Spain,  declares, 
from  his  own  experience,  and  that  of  others  who  accompanied  him, 
that  it  was  impossible  to  look  at  them  without  a  certain  inward  sen- 
sation of  horror ,  nature  having  endowed  them  with  so  menacing 
and  terrible  an  aspect.  This  sensation  was  doubtless  caused  in  a 
great  measure  from  the  idea  of  their  being  cannibals.  In  this  skir- 
mish, according  to  the  same  writer,  the  Indians  used  poisoned  ar- 
rows; and  one  of  the  Spaniards  died  within  a  few  days,  of  a  wound 
he  had  received  from  a  female  warrior. f 

Pursuing  his  voyage,  Columbus  soon  came  in  sight  of  a  great 
cluster  of  islands  of  various  shapes  and  appearances.     Some  were 

i    *  P.  Martyr,  Decad.  1,  Lib.  2. 

t  P.  Martyr,  Decad,  1,  L.  2.  Hist,  del  Almirante,  C.  47.  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind. 
C.  85,  MS.    Let.  of  Dr.  Chanca. 


Chap.  IH.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  213 

verdarnt  and  covered  with  forests,  but  the  greater  part  naked  and 
sterile,  rising  into  wild  cragged  mountains ;  many  of  the  rocks  of 
which  were  of  a  bright  azure  colour,  and  others  of  a  glistering 
white;  these  Columbus,  with  his  usual  vivacity  of  imagination,  sup- 
posed to  contain  mines  of  rich  metals  and  precious  stents.  The 
islands  lying  close  together,  with  the  sea  beating  and  tossing  roughly 
in  the  narrow  channels  which  divided  them,  rendered  it  dangerous 
to  enter  among  them  with  the  large  ships.  Keeping  off]  therefore, 
in  the  broad  sea,  Columbus  sent  in  a  small  caravel  with  latine  sails, 
to  reconnoitre,  which  returned  with  the  report  that  there  were  up- 
wards of  fifty  islands,  but  apparently  uninhabited.  To  the  largest 
of  this  group  Columbus  gave  the  name  of  Santa  Ursula,  and  he 
called  the  others  the  Eleven  Thousand  Virgins.* 

Deferring  the  examination  of  them  to  some  future  time,  he  con- 
tmued  his  course,  until  he  arrived  one  evening  in  sight  of  a  great 
island,  covered  with  beautiful  forests,  and  indented  with  fine  havens. 
It  was  called  by  the  natives  Boriquen ;  but  he  gave  it  the  name  of 
St.  Juan  Bautista,  and  it  is  the  same  since  known  by  the  name  of 
Porto  Rico.  This  was  the  native  island  of  most  of  the  captives,  who 
had  fled  to  the  ships  for  refuge  from  the  Caribs.  According  to  their 
accounts,  it  was  fertile  and  populous,  and  under  the  dominion  of  a 
single  cacique.  Its  inhabitants  were  not  given  to  rove,  and  possessed 
but  few  canoes.  They  were  subject  to  frequent  invasions  from  the 
Caribs,  who  were  their  implacable  enemies.  They  had  become 
warriors,  therefore,  in  their  own  defence,  using  the  bow  and  arrow, 
and  the  war  club ;  and  in  their  contests  with  their  cannibal  foes, 
they  retorted  upon  them  their  own  atrocities,  devouring  their  prison- 
ers in  revenge. 

After  running  for  a  whole  day  along  the  beautiful  coast  of  this 
island,  they  anchored  in  a  bay  at  the  west  end,  which  abounded 
with  fish.  On  landing,  they  found  an  Indian  village,  situated  as 
usual,  round  a  common  square,  like  a  market-place,  with  one  large 
and  well  built  house.  From  hence  a  spacious  road  led  to  the  sea- 
side, having  fences  on  each  side  of  interwoven  reeds,  inclosing  fruit- 
ful gardens.  At  the  end  of  the  road  was  a  kind  of  terrace,  or  look- 
out, constructed  of  reeds,  and  overhanging  the  water.  The  whole 
place  had  an  air  of  neatness  and  ingenuity,  superior  to  the  ordinary 
residences  of  the  natives,  and  appeared  to  be  the  abode  of  some  im- 
portant chieftain.  All,  however,  was  silent  and  deserted.  Not  a 
human  being  was  to  be  seen  during  the  time  that  they  remained  at 
the  place.     The  natives  had  fled  and  concealed  themselves,  at  the 


*  f.  Martyr,  Decad.  1,  L.  2.    Letter  of  Dr.  Chanca. 


216  UPE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  VL^ 


CHAPTER  IV. 

JJIRXVAL  AT   THE    HARBOUR   OF   LA   NAVIDAD — DISASTER   07   THE 

FORTRESS. 

[  1493.  ] 

On  the  22d  of  November  the  fleet  arrived  oflf  the  end  of  a  great 
island,  and  soon  ascertained  it  to  be  the  eastern  extremity  of  Hayti, 
or,  as  the  admiral  had  named  it,  Hispaniola.  The  greatest  anima- 
tion prevailed  throughout  the  armada,  at  the  thoughts  of  soon 
aniving  at  the  end  of  their  voyage.  Columbus  anticipated  the  joy 
of  the  handful  of  bold  spirits  which  he  had  left  in  the  wilderness, 
and  looked  for  inestimable  information  from  them,  relative  to  the 
island  and  its  surrounding  seas ;  if  not  for  heaps  of  amassed  treasure. 
Those  of  his  followers  who  had  been  here  in  the  preceding  voyage, 
remembered  the  pleasant  days  they  had  passed  among  the  blooming 
groves  of  Hayti;  and  the  rest  looked  forward  with  eagerness  to 
scenes  and  manners  which  had  been  painted  to  them  with  all  the 
captivating  illusions  of  the  golden  age. 

As  the  fleet  swept  gently  with  easy  sail  along  the  green  shore,  a  boat 
was  sent  to  land  to  bury  a  Biscayan  sailor,  who  had  died  of  the  wound 
of  an  arrow,  which  he  had  received  in  the  skirmish  with  the  Caribs. 
Two  light  caravels  hovered  near  the  shore,  to  guard  the  boat's  crew 
while  the  funeral  ceremony  was  performed  on  the  beach  under  the 
trees.  Several  of  the  natives  came  off  to  the  ship,  with  a  message 
to  the  admiral  from  the  cacique  of  the  neighbourhood,  inviting  him 
to  land,  and  promising  great  quantities  of  gold ;  anxious,  however, 
to  arrive  at  La  Navidad,  Columbus  declined  the  invitation,  dismissed 
them  with  presents,  and  continued  on  his  couise.  *After  sailing  for 
a  considerable  distance,  he  came  to  the  gulf  of  Las  Flechas,  or,  as  it 
is  now  called,  the  gulf  of  Samana,  the  same  place  where  in  his  pre- 
ceding voyage  had  occurred  the  skirmish  with  the  natives.  Here 
he  set  on  shore  one  of  the  young  Indians  of  the  place,  who  had 
accompanied  him  to  Spain,  and  had  been  converted  to  Christianity, 
He  dismissed  him,  finely  apparelled,  and  loaded  with  trinkets,  anti- 
cipating favourable  effects  from  his  representing  to  his  countrymen 
all  the  wonders  that  he  had  seen,  and  the  kind  treatment  he  had 
experienced.     The  young  Indian  made  many  promises  of  friendly 


Chap.  IV.J  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  217 

exertions,  but  he  either  forgot  them  all,  on  regaining  his  wild  liberty 
and  his  native  mountains,  or  he  fell  a  victim  to  the  envy  caused  by 
his  wealth  and  finery.  Nothing  was  seen  or  heard  of  him  more.* 
Only  one  Indian  of  those  who  had  been  to  Spain  now  remained  in 
the  fleet;  a  young  Lucayan  native  of  the  island  of  Guanahani,  who 
had  been  baptised  at  Barcelona,  and  had  been  named  after  the  ad 
miral's  brother,  Diego  Colon.  He  continued  always  faithful  and 
devoted  to  the  Spaniards. 

On  the  25th  Columbus  anchored  in  the  harbour  of  Monte  Christi ; 
anxious  to  fix  upon  a  place  suitable  for  a  settlement  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  the  stream  to  which,  in  his  first  voyage,  he  had  given 
the  name  of  the  Rio  del  Oro,  or  the  Golden  River.  As  several  of 
the  mariners  were  ranging  the  coast,  they  found,  on  the  green  and 
moist  banks  of  a  rivulet,  the  bodies  of  a  man  and  boy;  the  former 
with  a  cord  of  Spanish  grass  about  his  neck,  and  his  arms  extended, 
and  tied  by  the  wrists  to  a  stake  in  the  form  of  a  cross.  The  bodies 
were  in  such  a  state  of  decay,  that  it  was  impossible  to  ascertain 
whether  they  were  Indian  or  European.  Sinister  doubts,  however, 
were  entertained,  which  were  confirmed  on  the  following  day;  for, 
on  revisiting  the  shore,  they  found,  at  some  distance  from  the  former, 
two  other  bodies,  one  of  which  having  a  beard,  was  evidently  the 
corpse  of  a  white  man. 

The  pleasant  anticipations  of  Columbus  on  his  approach  to  La 
Navidad,  were  now  overcast  with  gloomy  forebodings.  The  ex- 
perience he  had  recently  had  of  the  ferocity  of  some  of  the  inhabit- 
ants of  these  islands,  made  him  doubtful  of  the  amity  of  others,  and 
he  began  to  fear  that  some  misfortune  might  have  befallen  Arana 
and  his  garrison.  The  frank  and  fearless  manner,  however,  in 
which  a  number  of  the  natives  came  oflf  to  the  ships,  and  their  un- 
embarrassed demeanour,  in  some  measure  allayed  his  suspicions ;  for 
it  did  not  appear  probable  that  they  would  have  ventured  thus  confi- 
dently among  the  white  men,  with  the  consciousness  of  having  re- 
cently shed  the  blood  of  their  companions. 

On  the  27th  he  arrived  in  the  evening  opposite  the  harbour  of  La 
Navidad,  and  cast  anchor  about  a  league  from  the  land,  not  daring  to 
enter  in  the  dark,  on  account  of  the  dangerous  reefs.  It  was  too 
late  in  the  night  to  distinguish  objects.  Impatient  to  satisfy  his 
doubts,  therefore,  he  ordered  two  cannon  to  be  fired.  The  report 
echoed  along  the  shore,  but  there  was  no  reply  from  the  fort.  Every 
eye  was  now  directed  to  catch  the  gleam  of  some  signal  light; 
every  ear  hstened  to  hear  some  friendly  shout;  but  there  was  neither 


*  Herrera,  Hist.  Ind  Decad   1,  Lib.  2,  Cap.  9. 


218  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  VL 

light,  nor  shout,  nor  any  other  sign  of  life :   all  was  darkness  and 
death-like  silence.* 

Several  hours  passed  away  in  the  most  dismal  suspense.  A 
thousand  disastrous  pictures  presented  themselves  of  the  fate  of  their 
companions,  and  every  one  longed  for  the  morning  light  to  put  an 
end  to  his  uncertainty.  About  midnight  a  canoe  was  observed  ap- 
proaching the  fleet ;  when  within  a  certain  distance  it  paused,  and 
the  Indians  who  were  in  it  hailing  one  of  the  vessels,  asked  for  the 
admiral.  When  directed  to  his  ship,  they  drew  near  to  it,  but  would 
not  venture  on  board  until  they  saw  Columbus  personally.  He 
showed  himself  at  the  side  of  his  vessel,  and  a  light  being  held  up, 
his  countenance  and  commanding  person  were  not  to  be  mistaken. 
They  now  entered  the  ship  without  hesitation.  One  of  them  was  a 
cousin  of  the  cacique  Guacanagari,  and  brought  a  present  from  him 
of  two  masks  ornamented  with  gold.  Columbus  immediately  in- 
quired about  the  Spaniards  who  had  remained  on  the  island.  The 
information  which  the  native  gave  was  somewhat  confused,  or  per- 
haps was  imperfectly  understood,  as  the  only  Indian  interpreter 
on  board  was  the  young  Lucayan,  Diego  Colon,  whose  native  lan- 
guage was  different  from  that  of  Hayti.  He  told  Columbus  that 
several  of  the  Spaniards  had  died  of  sickness;  others  had  fallen  in  a 
quarrel  which  had  occ  urred  among  themselves,  and  others  had  re 
moved  to  a  diflferent  part  of  the  island,  where  they  had  taken  to  them- 
selves several  Indian  wives.  That  Guacanagari  had  been  assailed 
by  Caonabo,  the  fierce  cacique  of  the  golden  mountains  of  Cibao, 
who  had  wounded  him  in  battle,  and  had  burnt  his  village;  and  that 
he  remained  ill  of  his  wound  in  a  neighbouring  hamlet,  which  had 
prevented  his  hastening  in  person  to  welcome  the  admiral  on  his 
return,  t 

Melancholy  as  were  these  tidings,  they  relieved  Columbus  from  a 
dark  and  dismal  surmise.  Whatever  disasters  had  overwhelmed  his 
garrison,  it  had  not  fallen  a  sacrifice  to  the  perfidy  of  the  natives;  his 
good  opinion  of  the  gentleness  and  kindness  of  these  people  had  not 
been  misplaced ;  nor  had  their  cacique  forfeited  the  admiration  in- 
spired by  his  benevolent  hospitality.  Thus  the  most  corroding  care 
was  dismissed  from  his  mind;  for  to  a  generous  spirit  there  is  nothing 
BO  disheartening  as  to  discover  treachery  where  it  has  reposed  its 
confidence  and  friendship.  It  would  seem  also  that  some  of  the 
garrison  were  yet  alive,  though  scattered  about  the  island;  they 
would  doubtless  soon  hear  of  the  arrival  of  the  ships,  and  would 


*  Letter  of  Dr.  Chanca.     Navarrete,  CoUec.  de  Viage,  T.  1. 
t  Dr.  Chanca's  letter.    Hist,  del  Almirante,  C.  48.    Herrera,  Hist.  Ind.  Decad 
',  Lib.  2,  Cap.  9. 


Chap.  IV.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  219 

hasten  to  rejoin  them,  well  quaUfied  to  give  information  of  tho 
interior. 

Satisfied  of  the  friendly  disposition  of  the  natives,  the  cheerfulness 
of  the  crews  was  in  a  great  measure  restored.  The  Indians  who 
liad  come  on  board  were  well  entertained,  and  departed  in  the  night, 
gratified  with  various  presents,  promising  to  return  in  the  morning 
with  the  cacique  Guacanagari.  The  crews  now  awaited  the  dawn 
of  day  with  reassured  spirits,  when  it  was  expected  that  the  cordial 
intercourse  and  pleasant  scenes  of  the  first  voyage  would  be  re- 
newed. 

The  morning  dawned  and  passed  away  and  the  day  advanced 
and  began  to  decline,  without  the  promised  visit  from  the  cacique. 
Some  apprehensions  were  now  entertained  that  the  Indians  who  had 
visited  them  the  preceding  night  might  be  drowned,  as  they  had  par- 
taken freely  of  wine,  and  their  small  canoe  was  easy  to  be  overset. 
There  was  a  silence,  however,  and  an  air  of  desertion,  about  the 
whole  neighbourhood,  extremely  suspicious.  On  their  preceding 
voyage,  the  harbour  had  been  a  scene  of  continual  animation; 
canoes  gliding  over  the  clear  waters,  Indians  in  groups  on  the 
shores,  or  under  the  trees,  or  swimming  off  to  the  caravel.  Now 
not  a  canoe  was  to  be  seen,  not  an  Indian  hailed  them  from  the 
land ;  nor  was  there  any  smoke  rising  from  among  the  groves,  to 
give  a  sign  of  habitation. 

After  waiting  for  a  long  time  in  vain,  Columbus  sent  a  boat  to  the 
shore  to  reconnoitre.  On  landing,  the  crew  hastened  to  the  place 
where  the  fortress  had  been  erected.  They  found  it  a  burnt  ruin ; 
the  pallisadoes  beaten  down,  and  the  whole  presenting  the  appear- 
ance of  having  beens  acked  and  destroyed.  Here  and  there  were 
broken  chests,  spoiled  provisions,  and  the  ragged  remains  of  Euro- 
pean garments;  which  gave  dismal  indications  of  the  fate  of  their 
companions.  Not  an  Indian  approached  them.  They  caught 
sight  of  two  or  three  lurking  at  a  distance  among  the  trees,  anU 
apparently  watching  them ;  but  they  vanished  into  the  woods  on 
finding  themselves  observed.  Meeting  no  one  from  whom  they 
could  obtain  an  explanation  of  the  melancholy  scene  before  them, 
they  returned  with  dejected  hearts  to  the  ships,  and  related  to  the 
admiral  what  they  had  seen. 

Columbus  was  greatly  troubled  in  mind  at  this  intelligence,  and 
the  fleet  having  now  anchored  in  the  harbour,  he  went  himself  to 
shore  on  the  following  morning.  Repairing  to  the  ruins  of  the  for- 
tress, he  found  every  thing  as  had  been  described,  and  searched  in 
vain  for  the  remains  of  dead  bodies.  No  traces  of  the  garrison 
were  to  be  seen,  but  the  broken  utensils  and  torn  vestments,  scattered 


220  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  (Book  VI. 

here  and  there  among^  the  grass.  There  were  many  sDrmises  and 
conjectures.  If  the  fortress  had  been  sacked,  some  of  the  garrison 
might  yet  survive,  and  might  either  have  fled  from  the  neighbour 
hood,  or  been  carried  into  captivity.  Cannon  and  arquebusses  were 
discharged,  in  hopes  that  if  any  of  the  survivers  were  hid  among 
rocks  or  thickets  in  the  vicinity,  they  might  hear  them  and  come 
forth ;  but  no  one  made  his  appearance.  A  mournful  and  hfeless 
silence  reigned  over  the  place.  The  suspicion  of  treachery  on  the 
part  of  Guacanagari  was  again  revived,  but  Columbus  was  unwill- 
ing to  indulge  it.  On  looking  further,  the  village  of  that  cacique 
was  found  a  mere  heap  of  burnt  ruins,  which  showed  that  he  had 
been  involved  in  the  same  disaster  with  the  garrison. 

Columbus  had  left  orders  with  Arana  and  the  other  oflicers,  to 
bury  all  the  treasures  they  might  procure,  or^  in  case  of  sudden  dan- 
ger, to  throw  it  into  the  well  of  the  fortress.  He  ordered  excavations 
to  be  made,  therefore,  among  the  ruins,  and  the  well  to  be  cleared 
©ut.  While  this  search  was  making,  he  proceeded  with  the  boats 
to  explore  the  neighbourhood  •,,  partly  in  hopes  of  gaining  intelligence 
of  any  scattered  survivers  of  the  garrison,  and  partly  to  look  out  fox 
a  better  situation  for  a  fortress.  After  proceeding  about  a  league; 
he  came  to  a  hamlet,  the  inhabitants  of  which  had  fled,  taking  with 
them  whatever  they  could  carry,  and  hiding  the  rest  in  the  grass 
In  the  houses  were  found  European  articles,  which  evidently  had 
not  been  procured  by  barter ;  such  as  stockings,  pieces  of  cloth,  an 
anchor  of  the  caravel  which  had  been  wrecked,  and  a  beautiful 
Moorish  robe,  which  remained  folded  in  the  form  in  which  it  had 
been  brought  from  Spain.* 

Having  passed  some  time  in  contemplating  these  scattered  docu- 
ments of  a  disastrous  story,  Columbus  returned  to  the  ruins  of  the 
fortress.  The  excavations  and  the  search  in  the  well  had  proved 
fruitless ;  no  treasure  was  to  be  foitnd.  Not  far  from  the  fort,  how- 
ever, they  had  discovered  the  bodies  of  eleven  men,  buried  in  different 
places,  and  which  were  known,  by  their  clothing,  to  be  Europeans. 
They  had  evidently  been  for  some  time  in  the  ground^  the  grass  hav- 
ing grown  upon  their  graves. 

In  the  course  of  the  day  a  number  of  the  Indians  began  to  make 
their  appearance,  hovering  timidly  at  a  distance,  and  showing  great 
distrust.  Their  apprehensions  were  gradually  conquered  by  amica- 
ble signs  and  trifling  presents,  until  at  length  they  became  perfectly 
communicative.  Some  of  them  could  speak  a  few  words  of  Span- 
ish, and  knew  the  names  of  all  the  men  who  had  remained  with 


*  Letter  of  Dr.  Chanca,    Cura  de  loa  Palacios^  C.  120. 


I 


Chap.  IY.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS-  221 

Arana ;  by  this  means,  and  by  the  aid  of  the  interpreter,  the  story 
of  the  garrison  was  in  some  measure  ascertained. 

It  is  curious  to  note  this  first  foot  print  of  civilization  in  the  new 
world.  Those  whom  Columbus  had  left  behind,  says  Oviedo,  with 
the  exception  of  the  commander,  Don  Diego  de  Arana,  and  one  or 
two  others,  were  but  little  calculated  to  follow  the  precepts  of  so 
prudent  a  person,  or  to  discharge  the  critical  duties  enjoined  upon 
them.  They  were  principally  men  of  the  lowest  order,  or  mariners 
who  knew  not  how  to  conduct  themselves  with  restraint  and  sobriety 
on  shore.*  No  sooner  had  the  departing  sail  of  the  admiral  faded 
from  their  sight,  than  all  his  counsels  and  commands  died  away  from 
their  minds.  Though  a  mere  handful  of  men,  surrounded  by  savage 
tribes,  and  dependent  upon  their  own  prudence  and  good  conduct, 
and  upon  the  good  will  of  the  natives,  for  very  existence,  yet  they 
soon  began  to  indulge  in  the  most  wanton  abuses.  Some  were 
incited  by  rapacious  avarice,  and,  in  their  eagerness  to  amass  pri- 
vate hoards  of  wealth,  possessed  themselves,  by  all  kinds  of  wrongful 
means,  of  the  golden  ornaments  and  other  valuable  property  of 
the  natives.  Others  sinned  through  gross  sensuality.  Two  or  three 
wives  had  been  allotted  to  each  by  the  cacique  Guacanagari,  yet, 
not  content  with  this  liberal  allowance,  they  invaded  the  domestic 
tranquillity  of  the  Indians,  and  seduced  from  them  their  v/ives  and 
daughters.  Fierce  brawls  incessantly  occurred  among  themselves 
about  their  ill-gotten  spoils,  or  the  favours  Qf  the  Indian  beauties ; 
and  the  simple  natives  beheld  with  astonishment  the  beings  whom 
they  had  worshipped  as  descended  from  the  skies,  abandoned  to  the 
grossest  of  earthly  passions,  and  raging  against  each  other  with 
worse  than  brutal  ferocity. 

Still  these  dissensions  might  not  have  been  very  dangerous  had 
they  observed  one  of  the  grand  injunctions  of  Columbus,  and 
kept  together  in  the  fortress,  maintaining  military  vigilance  ;  but  all 
precaution  of  the  kind  was  soon  forgotten.  In  vain  did  Don  Diego 
de  Arana  interpose  his  authority;  in  vain  did  every  inducement  pre- 
sent itself  which  could  hind  man  and  man  together  in  a  foreign 
land.  All  order,  all  subordination,  all  unanimity,  was  at  an  end. 
Many  of  them  abandoned  the  fortress,  and  lived  carelessly  and  at 
random  about  the  neighbourhood;  every  one  was  for  himself,  or 
associated  with  some  little  knot  of  confederates  to  injure  and  despoil 
the  rest.  Thus  factions  broke  out  among  them,  until  ambition  arose 
to  complete  the  destruction  of  their  mimic  empire.  The  two  per- 
sons, Pedro  Gutierrez  and  Rodrigo  de  Escobedo,  whom  Columbus 
had  left  as  Heutenants  to  the  commander,  to  succeed  to  him  in  case 


*  Oviedo,  Hist.  Ind.  L.  2,  C.  12.  rp  2 


222  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  VI. 

of  accident,  now  took  advantage  of  these  disorders  and  aspired  to 
an  equal  share  in  the  authority,  if  not  to  the  supreme  control.* 
Violent  affrays  succeeded,  in  which  a  Spaniard  by  the  name  of 
Jacomo  was  killed.  Having  failed  in  their  object,  Gutierrez  and 
Escobedo  withdrew  from  the  fortress,  with  nine  of  their  adherents, 
and  a  number  of  their  women ;  and,  still  bent  on  command,  now 
turned  their  thoughts  on  distant  enterprise.  Having  heard  mar- 
vellous accounts  of  the  mines  of  Cibao,  and  the  golden  sands  of  its 
mountain  rivers,  they  set  off  for  that  district,  flushed  with  the 
thoughts  of  amassing  immense  treasure.  Thus  they  disregarded 
another  strong  injunction  of  Columbus,  which  was  to  keep  within 
the  friendly  teriitories  of  Guacanagari.  The  region  to  which  they 
repaired  was  in  the  interior  of  the  island,  within  the  province  of 
Maguana,  ruled  by  the  famous  Caonabo,  called  by  the  Spaniards 
the  Lord  of  the  Golden  House.  This  renowned  chieftain  was  a 
Carib  by  birth,  possessing  the  fierceness  and  the  enterprise  of  his 
nation.  He  had  come  an  adventurer  to  the  island,  and  had  acquired 
such  ascendancy  over  these  simple  and  unwarlike  people  by  his 
courage  and  address,  that  he  had  made  himself  the  most  potent  of 
their  caciques.  His  warlike  exploits  were  renowned  throughout 
the  island,  and  the  mhabitants  universally  stood  in  awe  of  him  for 
his  Carib  origin. 

Caonabo  had  for  some  time  maintained  paramount  importance  in 
the  island ;  he  was  the  hero  of  this  savage  world,  when  the  ships  of 
the  white  men  suddenly  appeared  upon  its  shores.  The  wonderful 
accounts  of  their  power  and  prowess  had  reached  him  among  his 
mountains,  and  he  had  the  shrewdness  to  perceive  that  his  own 
consequence  must  decline  before  such  formidable  intruders.  The 
departure  of  Columbus  had  revived  his  hopes  that  their  intrusion 
would  be  but  temporary.  The  discords  and  excesses  of  those  who 
remained,  while  they  moved  his  detestation,  inspired  him  with 
increasing  confidence.  No  sooner,  therefore,  did  Gutierrez  and 
Escobedo.  with  their  companions,  take  refuge  in  his  dominions, 
than  he  considered  himself  secure  of  a  triumph  over  these  detested 
strangers.  He  seized  upon  the  fugitives  and  put  them  instantly  to 
death.  He  then  assembled  his  subjects  privately ;  and,  concerting 
his  plans  with  the  cacique  of  Marien,  whose  territories  adjoined  those 
of  Guacanagari  on  the  west,  he  determined  to  make  a  sudden  attack 
upon  the  fortress.  Emerging  from  among  the  mountains,  and  tra- 
versmg  great  tracts  of  forests  with  profound  secrecy,  he  arrived  with 
his  army  in  the  vicinity  of  the  village,  without  being  discovered. 


*  OTiedo,  Hist.  Ind.  L.  2,  C.  12. 


Chap.  IV.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  223 

Confiding  in  the  gentle  and  pacific  nature  of  the  Indians,  the  Span- 
iards had  neglected  all  military  precau*ions,  and  lived  in  the  most 
careless  security.  But  ten  men  remained  in  the  fortress  with  Arana, 
and  these  do  not  appear  to  have  maintained  any  guard.  The  rest 
were  quartered  in  houses  in  the  neighbourhood.  In  the  dead  of  the 
night,  when  all  were  wrapt  in  unsuspecting  repose,  Caonabo  and 
his  warriors  burst  upon  the  place  with  frightful  yells  ]  got  possession 
of  the  fortress  before  the  inmates  could  put  themselves  upon  their 
defence,  and  surrounded  and  set  fire  to  the  houses  in  which  the  rest 
of  the  white  men  were  sleeping.  The  Spaniards  were  completely 
taken  by  surprise.  Eight  of  them  fled  to  the  sea  side,  pursued  by 
the  savages,  and  rushing  into  the  waves  for  safety,  were  drowned; 
the  rest  were  massacred.  Guacanagari  and  his  subjects  fought 
faithfully  in  defence  of  their  guests ;  but  not  being  of  a  warlike  cha- 
racter, they  were  easily  routed ;  Guacanagari  was  wounded  in  the 
combat  by  the  hand  of  Caonabo,  and  his  village  was  burnt  to  the 
ground.* 

Such  was  the  history  of  the  first  European  establishment  in  the 
New  World.  It  presents,  in  a  diminutive  compass,  an  epitome  of 
the  gross  vices  which  degrade  civilization,  and  the  grand  political 
errors  which  sometimes  subvert  the  mightiest  empires.  All  law 
and  order  being  relaxed  by  corruption  and  licentiousness,  public 
good  was  sacrificed  to  private  interest  and  passion,  the  community 
was  convulsed  by  divers  factions  and  dissensions,  until  the  whole 
was  shaken  asunder  by  two  aspiring  demagogues,  ambitious  of  the 
command  of  a  petty  fortress  in  a  wilderness,  and  the  supreme  con- 
trol of  eight  and  thirty  men 

*  Herrera,  Hist.  Ind.  Decad.  1,  Lib.  2,  C.  9.  Letter  of  Dr.  Chanca  PetOT 
Martyr,  Decad.  1,  Lib.  2.  Hist,  del  Almirante,  C.  49.  Cura  de  los  Palacios,  0. 
120.  MS.    Muiioz,  Hist.  N.  Mundo,  L.  4. 


224  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  VI. 


CHAPTER  V. 

transactions  with  the  natives — suspicious  conduct  of 
ouac'anagari. 

[1493.] 

The  tragical  story  of  the  fortress,  as  gathered  from  the  Indians  at  ' 
the  harbour,  received  confirmation  from  another  quarter.  One  of 
the  captains,  Melchor  Maldonado,  was  dispatched  along  the  coast 
to  the  east,  in  his  caravel,  to  look  out  for  some  more  favourable  situa- 
tion for  a  settlement.  He  had  scarcely  proceeded  three  leagues, 
when  a  canoe  came  off  from  the  shore,  in  which  were  two  Indians, 
One  of  them,  the  brother  of  Guacanagari,  entreated  him,  in  the  name 
of  the  cacique,  to  come  to  land  and  visit  him  at  the  village  where 
he  lay  ill.  Maldonado  immediately  went  to  shore  with  two  or  three 
of  his  companions.  They  found  Guacanagari  confined  by  lame- 
ness to  his  hammock,  surrounded  by  seven  of  his  wives.  The  ca- 
cique expressed  great  regret  at  not  being  able  to  visit  the  admiral, 
whom  he  was  extremely  desirous  to  see.  He  related  various  parti- 
culars concerning  the  disasters  of  the  garrison,  and  the  part  which 
he  and  his  subjects  had  taken  in  its  defence,  showing  his  leg  bound 
up  from  a  wound  which  he  had  received.  His  story  agreed  with 
that  already  related.  After  treating  the  Spaniards  with  his  accus- 
tomed respect  and  hospitality,  he  gave  each  of  them  at  parting  a 
present  of  some  golden  ornament. 

On  the  following  morning,  Columbus  repaired  in  person  to  visit 
the  cacique.  To  impress  him  with  a  superior  idea  of  his  present 
power  and  importance,  he  appeared  with  a  numerous  train  of  his 
principal  officers,  all  richly  dressed,  or  in  glittering  armour.  They 
found  Guacanagari  reclining  on  a  hammock  of  cotton  net.  He 
exhibited  great  emotion  on  beholding  the  admiral,  and  immediately 
adverted  to  the  death  of  the  Spaniards.  As  he  related  the  disasters 
of  the  garrison  he  shed  many  tears,  but  dwelt  particularly  on  the 
part  he  had  taken  in  the  defence  of  his  guests,  pointing  out  several 
of  his  subjects  present  who  had  received  wounds  in  the  battle.  On 
regarding  their  scars,  it  was  evident  that  the  wounds  had  been  re- 
ceived from  Indian  weapons. 

Columbus  was  readily  satisfied  of  the  good  faith  of  Guacanagari. 


I 


Chap.  V.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  225 

When  he  reflected  on  the  many  proofs  of  an  open  and  generous 
na4;ure  which  he  had  given  at  the  time  of  his  shipwreck,  he  could 
not  believe  him  capable  of  so  dark  an  act  of  perfidy.  An  exchange 
of  presents  now  took  place.  The  cacique  gave  him  eight  hundred 
beads  of  a  certain  stone  called  ciba,  which  they  considered  highly 
precious,  and  one  hundred  of  gold,  a  golden  coronet,  and  three  small 
calabashes  filled  with  gold  dust;  and  thought  himself  outdone  in 
munificence  when  presented  with  a  number  of  glass  beads,  hawks' 
bells,  knives,  pins  and  needles,  small  mirrors,  and  ornaments  of  cop- 
per, which  metal  he  seemed  to  prefer  to  gold.* 

The  wound  from  which  Guacanagari  suffered  was  in  the  leg, 
which  had  been  violently  bruised  by  a  stone.  At  the  request 
of  Columbus,  he  permitted  it  to  be  examined  by  a  surgeon  who  was 
present.  On  removing  the  bandages  no  signs  of  a  wound  were  to  be 
seen,  although  he  shrunk  with  pain  whenever  the  limb  was  handled.! 
As  some  time  had  elapsed  since  the  battle,  the  external  bruise  might 
have  disappeared,  while  a  tenderness  remained  in  the  part.  Several 
present,  however,  who  had  not  been  in  the  first  voyage,  and  had 
witnessed  nothing  of  the  generous  conduct  of  the  cacique,  looked 
upon  his  lameness  as  feigned,  and  the  whole  story  of  the  battle  a 
fabrication,  to  conceal  his  real  perfidy.  Father  Boyle  especially, 
who  was  a  friar  of  vindictive  spirit  advised  the  admiral  to  make  an 
immediate  example  of  the  chieftain.  Columbus,  however,  viewed 
the  matter  in  a  different  light.  Whatever  prepossessions  he  might 
have,  were  in  favour  of  the  cacique;  his  heart  refused  to  believe  in 
his  criminaUty.  Though  conscious  of  innocence,  Guacanagari 
might  have  feared  the  suspicions  of  the  white  men,  and  have  exag- 
gerated the  effects  of  his  wound;  but  the  wounds  of  his  subjects, 
made  by  Indian  weapons,  and  the  destruction  of  hig  village  were 
strong  proofs  to  Columbus  of  the  truth  of  his  story.  To  satisfy  his 
more  suspicious  followers,  and  to  pacify  the  friar,  without  gratify- 
ing his  love  for  persecution,  he  observed  that  true  policy  dictated 
amicable  conduct  towards  Guacanagari,  at  least  until  his  guilt  was 
fully  ascertained.  They  had  too  great  a  force  at  present  to  appre- 
hend any  thing  from  his  hostility,  but  violent  measures,  in  this  early 
stage  of  their  intercourse  with  the  natives,  might  spread  a  general 
panic,  and  impede  all  their  operations  in  the  island.  Most  of  his 
officers  concurred  in  this  opinion;  so  it  was  determined,  notwitstand- 
Ing  the  inquisitorial  suggestions  of  the  friar,  to  take  the  story  of  the 
Indians  for  current  truth,  and  to  continue  to  treat  them  with  friendship, 

*  Letter  of  Dr.  Chanca.    Navarrete,  Collec.  T.  1. 

t  Letter  of  Dr.  Chanca.  Navarrete,  Collec.  T.  1.  Cura  de  Los  Palacios,  Cap.  120L 

Vol.  I.  15 


Zti  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  VI. 

sight  of  the  squadron.  After  remaining  here  for  two  days,  Colum- 
bus again  made  sail,  and  stood  for  the  island  of  Hispaniola.  Thus 
ended  his  cruise  among  the  Caribbee  islands ;  the  account  of  whose 
fierce  and.  savage  people  was  received  with  eager  curiosity  by  the 
learned  of  Europe,  and  considered  as  settling  one  dark  and  doubtful 
question,  to  the  disadvantage  of  human  nature.  Peter  Martyr,  in 
his  letter  to  Pomponius  Laetus,  announces  the  fact  with  fearful  so- 
lemnity. "  The  stories  of  the  Listrigonians  and  of  Polyphemus, 
who  fed  on  human  flesh,  are  no  longer  doubtful  I  Attend,  but  be- 
ware, lest  thy  hair  bristle  with  horror  !" 

That  many  of  the  pictures  given  us  of  this  extraordinary  race  of 
people  have  been  coloured  by  the  fears  of  the  Indians,  and  the  preju- 
dices of  the  Spaniards,  is  highly  probable.  They  were  the  constant 
terror  of  the  former,  and  the  brave  and  obstinate  opponents  of  the  lat- 
ter. The  evidences  adduced  of  their  cannibal  propensities  must  be 
considered  with  large  allowances  for  the  careless  and  inaccurate  ob- 
servations of  seafaring  men,  and  the  preconceived  belief  of  the  fact 
which  existed  in  the  minds  of  the  Spaniards.  It  was  a  custom 
among  the  natives  of  many  of  the  islands,  and  of  other  parts  of  the 
New  World,  to  preserve  the  remains  of  their  deceased  relatives  and 
friends;  sometimes  the  entire  body,  sometimes  only  the  head,  or  some 
of  the  limbs,  dried  at  the  fire  ;  sometimes  the  mere  bones.  These, 
when  found  in  the  dwellings  of  the  natives  of  Hispaniola,  against 
whom  no  prejudice  of  the  kind  existed,  were  correctly  regarded  as 
reliquesof  the  deceased,  preserved  through  aflfection  or  reverence; 
but  any  remains  of  the  kind  found  among  the  Caribs  were  looked 
upon  with  horror,  as  proofs  of  cannibali'sm. 

The  warlike  and  unyielding  character  of  these  people,  so  different 
from  that  of  the  pusillanimous  nations  around  them,  and  the  wide 
scojie  of  their  enterprises  and  wanderings,  like  those  of  the  nomade 
tribes  of  the  Old  World,  entitle  them  to  distinguished  attention. 
They  were  trained  to  war  from  their  infancy.  As  soon  as  they 
could  walk,  their  amazonian  mothers  put  in  their  hands  the  bow 
and  arrow,  and  prepared  them  to  take  an  early  part  in  the  hardy 
enterprises  of  their  fathers.  Their  distant  roamings  by  sea  had 
made  them  observant  and  intelligent.  The  natives  of  the  other 
islands  only  knew  how  to  divide  time  by  day  and  night,  by  the  sun 
and  moon,  whereas  these  had  acquired  some  knowledge  of  the  stan^ 
by  which  to  calculate  the  times  and  seasons.* 

The  traditional  accounts  of  their  origin,  though  of  course  ex- 
tremely vague,  are  yet  capable  of  being  verified  to  a  great  degree  by 


♦  Hiat.  del  Almirante,  Cap.  9%. 


Chap.  III.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  215 

geographical  facts,  and  open  one  of  the  rich  veins  of  curious  inquiry 
and  speculation  which  abound  in  the  New  World.  They  are  said 
to  have  migrated  from  the  remote  valleys  embosomed  in  the  Apala- 
chian  mountains.  The  earliest  notices  we  have  of  them  represent 
them  with  weapons  in  their  hands ;  continually  engaged  in  wars ; 
winning  their  way  and  shifting  their  abode,  until  in  the  course  of 
time  they  found  themselves  on  the  extreme  end  of  Florida.  Here, 
abandoning  the  northern  continent,  they  passed  over  to  the  Lucayos, 
and  from  thence  gradually,  in  the  process  of  years,  from  island  to 
island  of  that  vast  and  verdant  chain,  which  links  as  it  were  the  end 
of  Florida  to  the  coast  of  Paria,  on  the  southern  continent.  The 
Archipelago,  extending  from  Porto  Rico  to  Tobago,  was  their  strong 
hold,  and  the  island  of  Guadaloupe  in  a  manner  their  citadel. 
Hence  they  made  their  expeditions,  and  spread  the  terror  of  their 
name  through  all  the  surrounding  countries.  Swarms  of  them 
landed  upon  the  southern  continent,  and  overran  some  parts  of  Terra 
Firma.  Traces  of  them  have  been  discovered  far  in  the  interior  of 
the  country  through  which  flows  the  Oroonoko.  The  Dutch  found 
colonies  of  them  on  the  banks  of  the  Ikouteka,  which  empties  into 
the  Surinam,  along  the  Esquibi,  the  Maroni,  and  other  rivers  of 
Guayana,  and  in  the  country  watered  by  the  windings  of  the  Cay- 
enne ;  and  it  would  appear,  that  they  have  even  extended  their 
wanderings  to  the  shores  of  the  southern  ocean ;  where,  among  the 
aborigines  of  Brazil,  were  some  who  called  themselves  Caribs,  dis- 
tinguished from  the  surrounding  Indians  by  their  superior  hardihood, 
subtilty,  and  enterprise.* 

To  trace  the  footsteps  of  this  roving  tribe  throughout  its  wide  mi- 
grations from  the  Apalachian  mountains  of  the  northern  continent, 
along  the  clusters  of  islands  which  stud  the  gulf  of  Mexico  and  the 
Caribbean  sea  to  the  shores  of  Paria,  and  so  across  the  vast  regions 
of  Guayana  and  Amazonia  to  the  remote  coast  of  Brazil,  would 
be  one  of  the  most  curious  researches  in  aboriginal  history,  and 
might  throw  much  light  upon  the  mysterious  question  of  the  popu- 
lation of  the  New  World. 


Roterdam,  1665. 


226  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  VI. 

At  the  invitation  of  Columbus,  the  Qacique,  though  still  appa- 
rently in  pain  from  his  wound,*  accompanied  him  to  the  ships  that 
very  evening.  He  had  wondered  at  the  power  and  grandeur  of 
the  white  men  when  they  first  visited  his  shores  with  two  small  cara- 
vels; but  his  wonder  was  infinitely  increased  on  beholding  a  fleet 
riding  at  anchor  in  the  harbour,  and  on  going  on  board  of  the  admi- 
ral's ship,  which  was  a  vessel  of  heavy  burthen.  Here  he  beheld  a 
number  of  Caribs,  who  had  been  taken  prisoners  in  the  course  of  the 
voyage.  So  great  was  the  dread  of  the  timid  inhabitants  of  Hayti 
for  these  fierce  barbarians,  that  they  contemplated  them  with  fear  and 
shuddering  even  though  in  chains,  and  turned  with  averted  counte- 
nances from  their  frowning  aspects,  f  That  the  admiral  had  dared 
to  invade  these  terrible  beings  in  their  very  islands,  and  had  drag- 
ged them,  as  it  were  from  their  strong  holds,  was  perhaps  one  of  the 
greatest  proofs  to  Guacanagari  of  the  irresistible  prowess  of  the 
white  men. 

Columbus  took  the  cacique  through  the  ship,  and  on  every  side  he 
beheld  new  wonders.  The  various  works  of  art,  and  the  unknown 
productions  of  nature;  the  plants  and  fruits  of  the  old  world;  do- 
mestic fowls  of  different  kinds,  cattle,  sheep,  swine  and  other  ani- 
mals brought  to  stock  the  island,  all  struck  him  with  astonishment' 
but  what  most  filled  him  with  amazement  was  the  sight  of  the  horses. 
He  had  never  seen  any  but  the  most  diminutive  quadrupeds,  and  was 
struck  with  admiration  at  the  grandeur  of  these  noble  animals,  their 
great  strength,  terrific  appearance,  yet  perfect  docility. J  He  looked 
upon  all  these  extraordinary  objects  as  so  many  wonders  brought 
from  heaven,  which  he  still  believed  to  be  the  native  home  of  the 
white  men. 

On  board  of  the  ship  were  ten  of  the  women  delivered  from  cap- 
tivity among  the  Caribs.  They  were  chiefly  natives  of  the  island 
of  Boriquen,  or  Porto  Rico.  These  soon  attracted  the  notice  of  the 
cacique,  who  is  represented  to  have  been  of  an  amorous  complexion. 
He  entered  into  conversation  with  them;  for  though  these  islanders 
spoke  different  languages,  or  rather  as  is  more  probable,  different 
dialects  of  the  same  language,  they  were  able  in  general  to  under- 
stand each  other.  Among  these  women  was  one  distinguished 
above  her  companions  by  a  certain  loftiness  of  air  and  manner. 
She  had  been  much  noticed  and  admired  by  the  Spaniards,  who 
had  given  her  the  name  of  Catalina.  The  cacique  spoke  to  her 
repeatedly  with  great  gentleness  of  tone  and  manner,  pity  in  all 


*  Hist,  del  Almirante,  Cap.  49.        t  Peter  Martyr,  Letter  153,  to  Ponipomua 
Leetus.    t  Hist,  del  Almirante,  ubi  sup.    Letter  of  Dr.  Chanca. 


Chap.  V.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  227 

probability  being  mingled  with  his  admiration;  for  though  rescued 
from  the  hands  of  the  Caribs,  she  and  her  companions  were  in  a 
manner  captives  on  board  of  the  ship. 

A  collation  was  now  spread  before  the  chieftain,  and  Columbus 
endeavoured  in  every  way  to  revive  their  former  cordial  intercourse. 
He  treated  his  guest  with  every  manifestation  of  perfect  confidence, 
and  talked  of  coming  to  live  with  him  in  his  present  residence,  and 
of  building  houses  in  the  vicinity.  The  cacique  expressed  much 
satisfaction  at  the  idea,  but  observed  that  the  situation  of  the  place 
was  unhealthy,  which  was  indeed  the  case.  Notwithstanding  every 
demonstration  of  friendship,  however,  the  cacique  was  evidently  ill 
at  ease.  The  charm  of  mutual  confidence  was  broken.  It  was  evi- 
dent that  the  gross  licentiousness  of  the  garrison  had  greatly  im- 
paired the  veneration  of  the  Indians  for  their  heaven-born  visiters. 
Even  the  reverence  for  the  symbols  of  the  Christian  faith,  which 
Columbus  endeavoured  to  inculcate  as  a  grand  means  of  civilization, 
was  completely  prostrated  by  the  profligacy  of  its  votaries.  Though 
fond  of  ornaments,  it  was  with  the  greatest  difficulty  the  cacique 
could  be  prevailed  upon  by  the  admiral  to  suspend  an  image  of  the 
Virgin  about  his  neck,  when  he  understood  it  to  be  an  object  of 
Christian  adoration.* 

The  suspicions  of  the  chieftain's  guilt  continued  to  gain  ground 
with  manj'-  of  the  Spaniards.  Father  Boyle  in  particular,  regarded 
him  with  an  evil  eye,  and  privately  advised  the  admiral,  now  that 
he  had  him  securely  on  board  of  his  ship,  to  detain  him  prisoner ; 
but  Columbus  rejected  the  counsel  of  the  crafty  friar,  as  contrary  to 
sound  policy  and  honourable  faith.  It  is  difficult,  however,  to  con- 
ceal lurking  ill  will ;  the  heart  will  speak  in  the  countenance,  even 
though  the  tongue  be  mute.  The  cacique,  accustomed,  in  his  for- 
mer intercouse  with  the  Spaniards,  to  meet  on  every  side  with  faces 
beaming  with  gratitude  and  friendship,  could  not  but  perceive  the 
altered  looks  of  cold  suspicion,  and  secret  hostility.  Notwithstand- 
ing the  frank  and  cordial  hospitality  of  the  admiral,  therefore,  he 
soon  begged  permission  to  return  to  land.f 

The  next  morning,  there  was  an  appearance  of  mysterious  move- 
ment and  agitation  among  the  natives  on  shore.  Of  this  the  Span 
iards  could  not  ascertain  the  cause;  as  there  was  no  longer  that  con- 
stant and  unreserved  communication  between  them,  which  former-, 
ly  prevailed.  A  messenger  from  the  cacique  inquired  of  the  admi- 
ral how  long  he  intended  to  remain  at  the  harbour,  and  was  inform- 
ed that  he  should  sail  on  the  following  day.     In  the  evening  the 


*  Hist  del  Alrairante,  Cap.  49.        f  Peter  Martyr,  Decad,  1,  Lib.  2. 


228  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  VI 

brother  of  Guacanagari  came  on  board,  under  pretext  of  bartering 
a  quantity  of  gold.  He  was  observed  to  converse  in  private  with 
the  Indian  women,  and  particularly  with  Catalina,  the  one  whose 
distinguished  appearance  had  attracted  the  attention  of  Guacana- 
gari. After  remaining  some  time  on  board,  he  returned  to  the  shore. 
It  would  seem,  from  subsequent  events,  that  the  "warm  heart  of  the 
cacique  had  been  touched  by  the  situation  of  this  Indian  beauty, 
and  captivated  by  her  charms,  and  that,  with  a  kind  of  native 
gallantry,  he  had  undertaken  to  deliver  her  from  bondage. 

At  midnight,  when  the  crew  were  buried  in  their  first  sleep,  the 
intrepid  Catalina  awakened  her  companions,  and  proposed  a  bold 
attempt  to  regain  their  liberty.  The  ship  was  anchored  full  three 
miles  from  the  shore,  and  the  sea  was  rough ;  but  these  island  women 
were  accustomed  to  buffet  with  the  waves,  and  to  consider  the  water 
almost  as  their  natural  element.  Letting  themselves  down  from  the 
side  of  the  vessel  with  great  caution  and  silence,  they  committed 
themselves  to  the  vigour  of  their  arms,  and  swam  bravely  for  the 
shore.  With  all  their  precautions,  they  were  overheard  by  the 
watch.  The  alarm  was  given,  the  boats  were  manned,  and  gave 
chase  in  the  direction  of  a  light  blazing  on  the  shore,  an  evident 
beacon  for  the  fugitives.  Notwithstanding  all  the  exertions  of  the 
oar,  such  was  the  vigour  of  these  sea  nymphs,  that  they  reached 
the  land  in  safety.  Four  were  retaken  on  the  beach,  but  the  heroic 
Catalina,  with  the  rest  of  her  companions,  made  good  their  escape 
into  the  forest. 

When  the  day  dawned,  Columbus  sent  to  Guacanagari  to  de- 
mand the  fugitives,  or  if  they  were  not  in  his  possession,  that  he 
would  have  search  made  for  them.  The  residence  of  the  cacique, 
however,  was  silent  and  deserted;  not  an  Indian  was  to  be  seen. 
Either  conscious  of  the  suspicions  of  the  Spaniards,  and  apprehen- 
sive of  their  hostility,  or  desirous  to  enjoy  his  prize  unmolested, 
the  cacique  had  removed,  with  all  his  effects,  his  household  and  his 
followers,  and  had  taken  refuge  w^ith  his  island  beauty  in  the  interior. 
This  sudden  and  mysterious  desertion  gave  redoubled  force  to  the 
doubts  heretofore  entertained,  and  Guacanagari  was  generally  stig 
matized  as  a  traitor  to  the  white  men,  and  the  perfidious  destroyer 
of  the  garrison.* 


*  Peter  Martyr,  Decad.  1,  Lib.  2.    Letter  of  Dr.  Chanca.  Cura  de  los  Palacios 
Cap.  120.  MS. 


Chap.  VI.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  229 


CHAPTER  VI. 

FOUNDING    OF   THE    CITY    OF    ISABELLA MALADIES    OF   THE 

SPANIARDS. 

[  1493.  ] 

The  misfortunes  which  had  befallen  the  Spaniards  both  by  sea  and 
land,  in  the  vicinity  of  this  harbour,  had  thrown  a  gloom  round  the 
neighbourhood.  The  rains  of  the  fortress,  and  the  graves  of  their 
murdered  countrymen,  were  continually  before  their  eyes ;  and  the 
forests  no  longer  looked  beautiful,  while  there  was  an  idea  that 
treachery  might  be  lurking  in  their  shades.  The  silence  and  dreari- 
ness, also,  caused  by  the  desertion  of  the  natives,  gave  a  sinister 
appearance  to  the  place.  It  began  to  be  considered  by  the  credulous 
mariners  as  under  some  baleful  influence,  or  malignant  star.  These 
were  sufficient  objections  to  discourage  the  founding  of  a  settlement 
in  that  superstitious  age,  but  there  were  others  of  a  more  solid  na- 
ture. The  land  in  the  vicinity  was  low,  moist,  and  unhealthy,  and 
there  was  no  stone  for  building;  Columbus  determined,  therefore, 
to  abandon  the  place  altogether,  and  to  found  his  projected  colony 
in  some  more  favourable  situation.  No  time  was  to  be  lost ;  the 
animals  on  board  of  the  ships  were  suffering  from  long  confinement, 
and  needed  the  reviving  range  and  the  fresh  herbage  of  the  pasture; 
and  the  multitude  of  persons,  unaccustomed  to  the  sea,  and  pent  up 
in  the  fleet,  languished  for  the  refreshment  of  the  land.  Recon- 
noitring expeditions  were  dispatched,  therefore,  in  the  lighter  cara- 
vels, which  scoured  the  coast  in  each  direction,  entering  the  rivers 
and  harbours  in  search  of  an  advantageous  site  for  a  colony.  They 
were  instructed  also  to  make  inquiries  after  Guacanagari,  of  whom 
Columbus,  notwithstanding  every  suspicious  appearance,  still  re- 
tained a  favourable  opinion.  The  expeditions  returned,  after  rang- 
ing a  considerable  extent  of  coast,  without  success.  There  were 
fine  rivers  and  secure  ports,  but  the  coast  was  low  and  marshy,  and 
deficient  in  stone.  The  countrj^-  was  generally  deserted,  or  if  they 
saw  any  of  the  natives,  they  fled  immediately  to  the  woods.  Mel- 
chor  Maldonado  had  proceeded  to  the  eastward,  until  he  came  to 
the  dominions  of  a  cacique,  who  at  first  issued  forth  at  the  head 
of  his  warriors,  with  menacing  aspect  and  a  show  of  hostility,  but 

U 


230  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  VI. 

was  readily  soothed  into  the  most  amicable  disposition.  From  him 
he  learnt  that  Guacanagari  had  retired  from  the  plain  to  the  moun- 
tains. Another  party  discovered  an  Indian  concealed  near  a  hamlet, 
having  been  disabled  by  a  wound  received  from  a  lance  when  fight- 
ing against  Caonabo.  His  account  of  the  destruction  of  the  for- 
tress agreed  with  that  of  the  Indians  at  the  harbour,  and  concurred 
to  vindicate  the  cacique  from  the  charge  of  treachery.  Thus  the 
minds  of  the  Spaniards  continued  full  of  doubt  and  perplexity,  as  to 
the  real  perpetrators  of  this  dark  and  dismal  tragedy. 

Being  convinced  that  there  was  no  place  in  this  part  of  the  island 
favourable  for  a  settlement,  Columbus  weighed  anchor  on  the  7th  of 
December,  with  the  intention  of  seeking  the  port  of  La  Plata.  In 
consequence  of  adverse  weather,  however,  he  was  obliged  to  put  into 
a  harbour  about  ten  leagues  east  of  Monte  Christ i;  and  on  consider- 
ing the  place  was  struck  with  its  advantages. 

The  harbour  was  spacious,  and  commanded  by  a  pomt  of  land 
protected  on  one  side  by  a  natural  rampart  of  rocks,  and  on  another 
by  an  impervious  forest,  presenting  a  strong  position  for  a  fortress. 
There  were  two  rivers,  one  large  and  the  other  small,  watering  a 
green  and  beautiful  plain,  and  offering  advantageous  situations  for 
mills.  About  a  bow  shot  from  the  sea,  on  the  banks  of  one  of  the 
rivers,  was  an  Indian  village.  The  soil  appeared  to  be  fertile,  the 
waters  to  abound  in  excellent  fish,  and  the  climate  to  be  temperate 
and  genial;  for  the  trees  were  in  leaf,  the  shrubs  in  flower,  and  the 
birds  in  song,  though  it  was  the  middle  of  December.  They  had 
not  yet  become  familarized  with  the  temperature  of  this  favoured  isl- 
and, where  the  rigours  of  winter  are  unknown,  where  there  is  a 
perpetual  succession  and  even  intermixture  of  fruit  and  flower,  and 
where  smiling  verdure  reigns  throughout  the  year. 

Another  grand  inducement  to  form  their  settlement  in  this  place, 
was  information  received  from  the  Indians  of  the  adjacent  village, 
that  the  mountains  of  Cibao,  where  the  gold  mines  were  situated, 
lay  at  no  great  distance,  and  almost  parallel  to  the  harbour.  It  was 
determined,  therefore,  that  there  could  not  be  a  situation  more 
favourable  for  their  colony. 

An  interesting  and  animated  scene  now  commenced.  The  troops 
and  various  persons  belonging  to  the  land  service,  and  the  various 
labourers  and  artificers  to  be  employed  in  building,  were  disembarked. 
The  provisions,  articles  of  traffic,  guns  and  ammunition  for  defence, 
and  implements  of  every  kind,  were  brought  to  shore ;  as  were  also 
the  cattle  and  live  stock,  which  had  suffered  excessively  from  long 
restraint,  especially  the  horses.  There  was  a  general  joy  at  escaping 
from  the  irksome  confinement  of  the  ships,  and  once  more  treading 


I 


Chap.  VI.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  231 

the  firm  green  earth,  and  breathing  the  sweetness  of  the  fields.  An 
eiwjampment  was  formed  on  the  margin  of  the  plain,  around  a  basin 
or  sheet  of  water,  and  in  a  little  while  the  whole  place  was  in 
activity.  Thus  was  founded  the  first  Christian  city  of  the  New 
World,  to  which  Ck)lumbus  gave  the  name  of  Isabella,  in  honour  of 
his  royal  patroness. 

A  plan  was  formed,  and  streets  and  squares  projected,  according 
to  which  the  place  was  to  be  built.  The  greatest  diligence  was  then 
exerted  in  erecting  a  church,  a  public  storehouse,  and  a  residence  for 
the  admiral.  These  were  built  of  stone;  the  private  houses  were 
constructed  of  wood,  plaster,  reeds,  or  such  materials  as  the  exigency 
of  the  case  permitted ;  and  for  a  short  time  every  one  exerted  himself 
with  the  utmost  zeal. 

This  animated  scene  was  soon  overcast  by  maladies  which  broke 
out  among  the  people.  Many  were  unaccustomed  to  the  sea,  and  had 
suffered  greatly  from  the  confinement  of  the  ships,  an'^  the  sickness 
incident  to  voyages ;  their  healths  had  likewise  been  affected  by  sub- 
sisting for  a  length  of  time  on  salt  provisions,  much  of  which  was 
in  an  unwholesome  state,  and  on  biscuit  which  was  mouldy  and  de- 
cayed. They  had  been  subject  to  great  exposures  on  the  land  also, 
before  houses  could  be  built  for  their  reception;  for  the  exhalations  of 
a  hot  and  a  moist  climate,  and  a  new  rank  soil,  the  humid  vapours 
from  the  rivers,  and  the  stagnant  air  of  close  overwhelming  forests, 
render  the  luxuriant  wilderness  a  place  of  severe  trial  to  constitutions 
accustomed  to  old  and  highly  cultivated  countries.  The  labour  also 
of  building  the  city,  clearing  fields,  setting  out  orchards,  and  plant- 
ing gardens,  having  all  to  be  done  with  great  haste  bore  hard  upon 
men,  who,  after  tossing  so  long  upon  the  ocean,  stood  in  need  of  re- 
laxation and  repose. 

The  maladies  of  the  mind,  also,  mingled  with  those  of  the  body. 
Many,  as  has  been  shown,  had  embarked  in  the  expedition  with  the 
most  visionary  and  romantic  expectations.  Some  had  anticipated 
the  golden  regions  of  Cipango  and  Cathay,  where  they  were  to  amass 
wealth  without  toil  or  trouble ;  others  a  region  of  Asiatic  luxury, 
abounding  with  wonders  and  delights ;  and  others  a  splendid  and 
open  career  for  gallant  adventure,  and  chivalrous  enterprise.  What 
then  was  their  disappointment  to  find  themselves  confined  to  the 
margin  of  an  island,  surrounded  by  impenetrable  forests,  doomed 
to  struggle  with  the  rudeness  of  a  wilderness;  to  toil  painfully 
for  mere  subsistence,  and  to  attain  every  comfort  by  the  severest 
exertion.  As  to  gold,  it  was  brought  to  them  from  various  quarters, 
but  in  small  quantities,  and  it  was  evidently  to  be  procured  only  by 
patient  and  persevering  labour.     All  these  disappointments  sank 


252  UPE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  VI, 

deep  into  their  hearts;  their  spirits  flagged  as  their  golden  dreams 
melted  away;  and  the  gloom  of  despondency  aided  the  ravages  of 
disease. 

Columbus  himself  did  not  escape  the  prevalent  maladies.  The 
arduous  nature  of  his  enterprise ;  the  responsibility  under  which  he 
found  himself,  not  merely  to  his  followers,  or  to  his  sovereigns,  but  to 
the  world  at  large,  had  kept  his  mind  in  continual  agitation.  The 
cares  of  so  large  a  squadron;  the  incessant  vigilance  required  not 
only  against  the  lurking  dangers  of  these  unknown  seas,  but  against 
the  passions  and  follies  of  his  followers ;  the  distress  he  had  suffered 
from  the  fate  of  his  murdered  garrison ;  and  his  uncertainty  as  to  the 
conduct  of  the  barbarous  tribes  by  which  he  was  surrounded ;  all 
these  had  harassed  his  mind  and  broken  his  rest,  while  on  board  the 
ship ;  since  landing,  new  cares  and  toils  had  crowded  upon  him, 
which,  added  to  the  exposures  incident  to  his  situation  in  this  new 
climate,  completely  overpowered  his  strength.  Still,  though  con 
fined  for  several  weeks  to  his  bed  by  severe  indisposition  his  energetic 
mind  rose  superior  to  the  sufferings  of  the  body,  and  he  continued  to 
give  directions  about  the  building  of  the  city,  and  to  superintend  the 
general  concerns  of  the  expedition.* 


CHAPTER  VII. 

EXPEDITION    OF   ALONZO    I>E    OJEDA    TO    EXPLORE    THE    INTERIOR 
OP   THE    ISLAND DISPATCH    OF    THE    SHIPS    TO    SPAIN. 

[1493.] 

The  ships  having  discharged  their  cargoes,  it  was  necessary  to 
send  the  greater  part  of  them  back  to  Spain.  Here  new  anxieties 
pressed  upon  the  mind  of  Columbus.  He  had  hoped  to  find  trea- 
sures of  gold,  and  precious  merchandise,  accumulated  by  the  men 
he  had  left  behind ;  or  at  least  the  sources  of  wealthy  trafiic  ascer- 
tained, by  which  he  would  have  been  enabled  speedily  to  freight 
his  vessels.  The  destruction  of  the  garrison  had  defeated  all  those 
hopes.     He  was  aware  of  the  extravagant  expectations  entertained 

♦  Hist,  del  Almirante,  Cap.  50.  Herrera,  Hist.  Ind.  Decad.  1,  Lib.  2,  Cap.  tOl 
Peter  Martyn  Decad.  1,  Lib.  2.    Letter  of  Dr.  Chanca,  &c. 


Jhap.  Vn.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  233. 

bj  the  sovereigns  and  the  nation.  What  would  be  their  disappoint- 
ment when  the  returning  ships  brought  nothing  but  a  tale  of  disas- 
ter !  Something  must  be  done  before  the  vessels  sailed,  to  keep  up 
the  fame  of  his  discoveries,  and  justify  his  own  magnificent  repre^ 
sentations. 

As  jet  he  knew  nothing  of  the  interior  of  the  island,  and  his  san- 
guine imagination  pictured  it  as  abounding  with  riches.  If  it  were 
really  the  island  of  Cipango,  it  must  contain  populous  cities,  exist- 
ing very  probably  in  some  more  cultivated  region,  beyond  the  lofty 
mountams  with  which  it  was  intersected.  All  the  Indians  con- 
curred in  mentioning  Cibao  as  the  tract  of  country  from  whence 
they  derived  their  gold.  The  very  name  of  its  cacique,  Caonabo, 
signifying  "  the  Lord  of  the  Golden  House,"  seemed  to  indicate  the 
wealth  of  his  dominions.  The  tract  where  the  mines  were  said  to 
abound,  lay  at  a  distance  of  about  three  or  four  days'  journey,  di- 
rectly in  the  interior ;  Columbus  determined,  therefore,  to  send  an 
expedition  to  explore  it,  previous  to  the  sailing  of  the  ships.  If  the 
result  should  confirm  his  hopes,  he  would  then  be  able  to  send  home 
the  fleet  with  confidence,  bearing  tidings  of  the  discovery  of  the 
golden  mountains  of  Cibao.* 

The  person  he  chose  for  this  enterprise  was  Don  Alonzo  de  Ojeda, 
the  same  cavalier  who  has  been  already  noticed  for  his  daring  spiwit 
and  great  bodily  force  a^d  agility.  Delighting  in  all  service  of  a 
hazardous  and  adventurous  nature,  Ojeda  was  the  more  stimulated 
to  this  expedition,  from  the  formidable  character  of  the  mountain 
cacique,  Caonabo,  whose  dominions  he  was  to  penetrate.  He  set 
out  from  the  harbour  early  in  January,  1494,  accompanied  by  a 
small  force  of  well  armed  and  determined  men,  several  of  them 
young  and  spirited  cavaliers  like  himself  He  struck  directly  south- 
ward into  the  interior.  For  the  two  first  days  the  march  was  toil- 
i^ome  and  difficult,  through  a  country  abandoned  by  its  inhabitants ; 
for  terror  of  the  Spaniards  seemed  to  have  extended  along  the  sea- 
coast.  On  the  second  evening  they  came  to  a  lofty  range  of  moun- 
tains, which  they  ascended  by  an  Indian  path,  winding  up  a  steep 
and  narrow  defile,  and  they  slept  for  the  night  at  the  summit.  From 
hence,  the  next  morning,  they  beheld  the  sun  rise  with  great  glorj 
over  a  vast  and  delicious  plain,  covered  with  noble  forests,  studded 
with  villages  and  hamlets,  and  enhvened  by  the  shining  waters  of 
the  Yagui. 

Descending  into  this  plain,  Ojeda  and  his  companions  boldly  en 
tered  the  Indian  villages.     The  inhabitants,  far  from  being  hostile, 

*  Herrera.  Hist.  Ind,  D.  1,  L.  2,  Cap.  10.  tt  o 


234  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  VJ 

overwhelmed  them  with  hospitality,  and,  in  fact,  impeded  their  jour 
ney  by  their  kindness.  They  had  also  to  ford  many  rivers  in  tra« 
versing  this  plain,  so  that  they  were  five  or  six  days  in  reaching  the 
chain  of  mountains  which  locked  up,  as  it  were,  the  golden  region 
of  Cibao.  They  penetrated  into  this  district  without  meeting  with 
any  other  obstacles  than  those  presented  by  the  rude  nature  of  the 
country.  Caonabo,  so  redoubtable  for  his  courage  and  ferocity, 
must  have  been  in  some  distant  part  of  his  dominions ;  for  he  never 
appeared  to  dispute  their  progress.  The  natives  received  them  with 
kindness ;  they  were  naked  and  uncivilized,  like  the  other  inhabit- 
ants of  the  island ;  nor  were  there  any  traces  of  the  important  cities 
which  their  imaginations  had  once  pictured  forth.  They  saw,  how- 
ever, ample  signs  of  natural  wealth.  The  sands  of  the  mountain 
streams  glittered  with  particles  of  gold ;  these  the  natives  would 
skilfully  separate,  and  frankly  give  to  the  Spaniards,  without  ex- 
pecting a  recompense.  In  some  places  they  picked  up  large  speci- 
mens of  virgin  ore,  from  the  beds  of  the  torrents,  and  stones  streaked 
and  richly  impregnated  with  it.  Peter  Martyr  affirms,  that  he  saw 
a  mass  of  rude  gold  weighing  nine  ounces,  which  Ojeda  himself 
had  found  in  one  of  the  brooks.* 

All  these  were  considered  as  mere  superficial  washings  of  the 
soil,  betraying  the  hidden  treasures  lurkii^  m  the  deep  veins,  and 
rocky  bosoms  of  the  mountains,  and  only  requiring  the  hand  of 
labour  to  bring  them  to  light.  As  the  object  of  his  expedition  was 
merely  to  ascertain  the  nature  of  the  country,  Ojeda  led  back  his 
little  band  to  the  harbour,  full  of  enthusiastic  accounts  of  the  golden 
promise  of  these  mountains.  A  young  cavalier  of  the  name  of  Gor- 
valan,  who  had  been  dispatched  at  the  same  time  on  a  similar  expe- 
dition, and  who  had  explored  a  diflferent  tract  of  country,  returned 
with  similar  reports.  These  flattering  accounts  served  for  a  time  to 
reanimate  the  drooping  and  desponding  colonists,  and  induced  Co- 
lumbus to  believe  that  it  was  only  necessary  to  explore  the  mines  of 
Cibao,  to  open  inexhaustible  sources  of  riches.  He  determined,  as 
soon  as  his  health  would  permit,  to  repair  in  person  to  the  moun- 
tains, and  seek  a  favourable  site  for  a  mining  establishment.* 

The  season  was  now  propitious  for  the  return  of  the  fleet.  En- 
couraged hy  the  promising  prospects  he  was  enabled  to  hold  out, 
Columbus  lost  no  time  in  dispatching  twelve  of  the  ships,  under 
the  command  of  Antonio  de  Torres,  retaining  only  five  for  the  ser- 
vice of  the  colony. 

By  this  opportunity  he  sent  home  specimens  of  the  gold  found 
among  the  mountains  and  rivers  of  Cibao,  and  of  all  such  fruits  and 


♦  P.  Martyr,  Decad.  1,  Lib.  2.        t  Hist,  del  Alrairante,  Cap.  50. 


danr.  VII.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  235 

plants  as  were  curious,  or  appeared  to  be  valuable.  He  wrote  in  the 
most  sanguine  terms  of  the  expeditions  of  Ojeda  and  Gorvalan,  the 
last  of  whom  returned  to  Spain  in  the  fleet.  He  repeated  his  confi- 
dent anticipations  of  soon  being  able  to  make  abundant  shipments  of 
gold,  of  precious  drugs  and  spices;  the  search  for  them  being  de- 
layed for  the  present,  bj  the  sickness  of  himself  and  people,  and  the 
cares  and  labours  required  in  building  the  infant  city.  He  described 
the  beauty  and  fertility  of  the  island ;  its  ranges  of  noble  mountains ; 
its  wide  abundant  plains,  watered  by  beautiful  rivers ;  the  quick  fe- 
cundity of  the  soil,  evinced  in  the  luxuriant  growth  of  the  sugar- 
cane, and  of  various  grains  and  vegetables  brought  from  Europe. 

As  it  would  take  some  time,  however,  to  obtain  provisions  from 
their  fields  and  gardens,  and  the  produce  of  their  live  stock,  adequate 
to  the  subsistence  of  the  colony,  which  consisted  of  about  a  thousand 
souls ;  and,  as  they  could  not  accustom  themselves  to  the  diet  of  the 
natives,  Columbus  requested  present  supplies  from  Spain.  Their 
provisions  were  already  growing  scanty.  Much  of  their  wine  had 
been  lost  from  the  badness  of  the  casks ;  and  the  colonists,  in  their 
infirm  state  of  health,  suffered  greatly  from  the  want  of  their  accus- 
tomed nourishment.  There  was  an  immediate  necessity  of  medi- 
cines, clothing  and  arms.  Horses  were  required,  likewise,  for  the 
public  works,  and  for  military  service ;  being  found  of  great  eflfect  in 
awing  the  natives,  who  had  the  utmost  dread  of  these  animals.  He 
requested  also  an  additional  number  of  workmen  and  mechanics, 
and  men  skilled  in  mining  and  in  smelting  and  purifying  ore.  He 
recommended  various  persons  to  the  notice  and  favour  of  the  sove- 
reigns ;  among  whom  was  Pedro  Margarite,  an  Aragonian  cavalier 
of  the  order  of  St.  Jago,  who  had  a  wife  and  children  to  be  provided 
for,  and  who,  for  his  good  services,  Columbus  begged  might  be  ap- 
pointed to  a  command  in  the  order  to  which  he  belonged.  In  like 
manner  he  entreated  patronage  for  Juan  Aguado,  who  was  about  to 
return  in  the  fleet,  making  particular  mention  of  his  merits.  From 
both  of  these  men  he  was  destined  to  experience  the  most  signal 
ingratitude. 

In  these  ships  he  sent  also  the  men,  women,  and  children,  taken  in 
the  Caribbee  islands,  recommending  that  they  should  be  carefully 
instructed  in  the  Spanish  language,  and  the  Christian  faith.  From 
the  roving  and  adventurous  nature  of  these  people,  and  their  general 
acquaintance  with  the  various  languages  of  this  great  archipelago, 
he  thought  that,  when  the  precepts  of  religion,  and  the  lights  of 
civilization  had  reformed  their  savage  manners,  and  cannibal  pro- 
pensities, they  might  be  rendered  eminently  serviceable  as  interpre- 
ters, and  as  means  of  propagating  the  doctrines  of  Christianity. 


236  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  VI 

Among  the  many  sound  and  salutary  suggestions  in  this  letter, 
there  is  one  of  a  most  pernicious  tendency,  written  in  that  mistaken 
view  of  natural  rights,  prevalent  at  the  day,  but  fruitful  of  so  much 
wrong  and  misery  in  the  world.  Considering  that  the  greater  the 
number  of  these  cannibal  pagans  transferred  to  the  Catholic  soil  of 
Spain,  the  greater  would  be  the  number  of  souls  put  in  the  way  of 
salvation,  he  proposed  to  establish  an  exchange  of  them  as  slaves, 
against  live  stock,  to  be  furnished  by  merchants  to  the  colony.  The 
ships  to  bring  such  stock,  were  to  land  no  where  but  at  the  harbour 
of  Isabella,  where  the  Carib  captives  would  be  ready  for  delivery. 
A  duty  was  to  be  levied  on  each  slave  for  the  benefit  of  the  royal 
revenue.  In  this  way,  the  colony  would  be  furnished  with  all  kinds 
of  live  stock  free  of  expense  ;  the  peaceful  islanders  would  be  freed 
from  warlike  and  inhuman  neighbours ;  the  royal  treasury  would  be 
greatly  enriched ;  and  a  vast  number  of  souls  would  be  snat€hed 
from  perdition,  and  carried,  as  it  were,  by  main  force  to  heaven. 
Such  is  the  strange  sophistry  by  which  upright  men  may  sometimes 
deceive  themselves.  Columbus  feared  the  disappointment  of  the 
sovereigns  in  respect  to  the  product  of  his  enterprises,  and  was 
anxious  to  devise  some  mode  of  lightening  their  expenses,  until  he 
could  open  some  ample  source  of  profit.  The  conversion  of  infidels, 
by  fair  means  or  foul,  hy  persuasion  or  force,  was  one  of  the  popular 
tenets  of  the  day ;  and  in  recommending  the  enslaving  of  the  Caribs, 
Columbus  thought  that  he  was  obeying  the  dictates  of  his  conscience, 
when  he  was  in  reality  listening  to  the  incitements  of  his  interest. 
It  is  but  just  to  add,  that  the  sovereigns  did  not  accord  with  his 
ideas ;  but  ordered  that  the  Caribs  should  be  converted  like  the  rest 
of  the  islanders ;  a  command  which  emanated  from  the  merciful 
heart  of  Isabella,  who  ever  manifested  herself  the  benign  protectress 
of  the  Indians. 

The  fleet  put  to  sea  on  the  2d  of  February,  1494.  Though  it 
brought  back  no  wealth  to  Spain,  yet  expectation  was  kept  alive  by 
the  sanguine  letter  of  Columbus,  and  the  specimens  of  gold  which 
he  transmitted  ;  his  favourable  accounts  were  corroborated  by  letters 
from  friar  Boyle,  Dr.  Chanca  and  other  persons  of  credibility,  and 
by  the  personal  reports  of  Gorvalan.  The  sordid  calculations  of 
petty  spirits  were  as  yet  overruled  by  the  enthusiasm  of  generous 
minds,  captivated  by  the  lofty  nature  of  these  enterprises.  There 
was  something  wonderfully  grand  in  the  idea  of  thus  introducing 
new  races  of  animals  and  plants,  of  building  cities,  extending  colo- 
nies, and  sowing  the  seeds  of  civilization  and  of  enlightened  em- 
pire, in  this  beautiful  but  savage  world.  It  struck  the  minds  of 
learned  and  classical  men  with  admiration,  filling  them  with  pleasant 


Cha^.  Vm.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  237 

dreams  and  reveries,  and  seeming  to  realize  the  poetical  pictures  of 
the  olden  time.  "  Columbus,"  says  old  Peter  Martyr,  "  has  begun  to 
build  a  city,  as  he  has  lately  written  to  me,  and  to  sow  our  seeds  and 
propagate  our  animals !  Who  of  us  shall  now  speak  with  wonder 
of  Saturn,  Ceres,  and  Triptolemus,  travelhng  about  the  earth,  to 
spread  new  inventions  among  mankind?  Or  of  the  Phoenicians  who 
built  Tyre  and  Sidon  ?  Or  of  the  Tyrians  themselves,  whose  roving 
desires  led  them  to  migrate  into  foreign  lands,  to  build  new  cities, 
and  establish  new  communities  ?"* 

Such  were  the  comments  of  enlightened  and  benevolent  men,  who 
hailed  with  enthusiasm  the  discovery  of  the  New  World,  not  for  the 
wealth  it  would  bring  to  Europe,  but  for  the  field  it  would  open  for 
glorious  and  benevolent  enterprise,  and  the  blessings  and  improve- 
ments of  civilized  life  which  it  would  widely  dispense  through  bar- 
barous and  uncultivated  regions. 


CHAPTER  VIIL 


|>ISCONTENTS  AT  ISABELLA— MUTINY    OF    BERNAL    DIAZ    DB    PISA. 

[1494.] 

The  embryo  city  of  Isabella  was  rapidly  assuming  a  form.  A  dry 
stone  wall  surrounded  it,  to  protect  it  from  any  sudden  attack  of 
the  natives ;  although  the  most  friendly  disposition  was  evinced  by 
the  Indians  of  the  vicinity,  who  brought  supplies  of  their  simple 
articles  of  food,  and  gave  them  in  exchange  for  European  trifles. 
On  the  day  of  Epiphany,  the  6th  of  February,  the  church  being 
sufficiently  completed,  high  mass  was  celebrated,  with  great  pomp 
and  ceremony,  by  friar  Boyle,  and  the  twelve  ecclesiastics.  The 
affairs  of  the  settlement  being  thus  apparently  in  a  regular  train, 
Columbus,  though  still  confined  by  indisposition,  began  to  make 
arrangements  for  his  contemplated  expedition  to  the  mountains  of 
Cibao,  when  an  unexpected  disturbance  in  his  little  community  for 
a  time  engrossed  his  attention. 

The  sailing  of  the  fleet  for  Spain  had  been  a  melancholy  sight  to 
many  whose  terms  of  enlistment  compelled  them  to  remain  on  the 


*  Letter  153,  to  Pomponius  Letus. 


18 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


[Book  VI. 


island.  Disappointed  in  their  expectations  of  immediate  wealth,  dis- 
gusted with  the  labours  imposed  on  them,  and  appalled  by  the  maladies 
prevalent  throughout  the  community,  they  began  to  look  with  horror 
upon  the  surrounding  wilderness,  as  destined  to  be  the  grave  of  their 
hopes  and  of  themselves.  When  the  last  sail  disappeared,  which 
was  bearing  their  companions  back  to  Spain,  they  felt  as  if  com- 
pletely severed  from  their  country;  and  the  tender  recollections  of 
home,  which  had  been  checked  for  a  time  by  the  novelty  and  bustle 
around  them,  rushed  with  sudden  force  upon  their  minds.  To 
return  to  Spain,  became  their  ruling  idea ;  and  the  same  want  of 
reflection,  which  had  hurried  them  into  the  enterprise,  without  in- 
quiring into  its  real  nature,  now  prompted  them  to  extricate  them- 
selves from  it,  by  any  means  however  desperate. 

Where  popular  discontents  prevail,  there  is  seldom  wanting  some 
daring  spirit  to  give  them  a  dangerous  direction.  One  Bernal  Diaz 
de  Pisa,  a  man  of  some  standing,  who  had  held  a  civil  office  about 
the  court,  had  come  out  with  the  expedition  as  comptroller:  he 
seems  to  have  presumed  upon  his  official  powers,  and  to  have  had 
early  differences  with  the  admiral.  Disgusted  with  his  employment 
in  the  colony,  he  soon  made  a  faction  among  the  discontented,  and 
proposed  that  they  should  take  advantage  of  the  indisposition  of 
Columbus,  to  seize  upon  some  or  all  of  the  five  ships  in  the  harbour, 
and  return  in  them  to  Spain.  It  would  be  easy  to  justify  their 
clandestine  return,  by  preferring  a  complaint  against  the  admiral, 
representing  the  fallacy  of  his  enterprises,  and  accusing  him  of 
gross  deceptions  and  exaggerations,  in  his  accounts  of  the  countries 
he  had  discovered.  It  is  probable  that  some  of  these  people  really 
considered  him  culpable  of  the  charges  thus  fabricated  against  him; 
for  in  the  disappointment  of  their  avaricious  hopes,  they  overlooked 
the  real  value  of  those  fertile  islands,  which  were  to  enrich  nations 
by  the  produce  of  their  soil.  Every  country  was  sterile  and  unpro- 
fitable in  their  eyes,  that  did  not  immediately  teem  with  gold. 
Though  they  had  continual  proofs,  in  the  specimens  brought  by  the 
natives  to  the  settlement,  or  furnished  to  Ojeda  and  Gorvalan,  that 
the  rivers  and  mountains  in  the  interior  abounded  with  ore,  yet  even 
these  daily  proofs  were  falsified  in  their  eyes.  One  Fermin  Cedo, 
a  wrong-headed  and  obstinate  man,  who  had  come  out  as  assayer 
and  purifier  of  metals,  had  imbibed  the  same  prejudice  against  the 
expedition  with  Bernal  Diaz.  He  pertinaciously  insisted  that  there 
was  no  gold  m  the  island ;  or  at  least  that  it  was  found  in  such  in- 
considerable quantities  as  not  to  repay  the  search.  He  declared 
that  the  large  grains  of  virgin  ore  brought  hy  the  natives  had  been 
melted ;  that  they  had  been  the  slow  accumulations  of  many  years 


Chap.  VHI.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  239 

havins^  remained  a  long  time  in  the  families  of  the  Indians,  and 
been  handed  down  from  generation  to  generation.  Other  speci- 
mens, of  a  very  large  size,  he  pionounced  of  a  very  inferior  quality, 
and  that  they  had  been  debased  with  brass  by  the  natives.  Thus 
the  words  of  this  man  outweighed  the  evidence  of  facts;  and  many 
joined  him  in  the  belief  that  the  island  was  really  destitute  of  gold. 
It  was  not  until  some  time  afterwards,  that  the  real  character  of 
Fermin  Cedo  was  ascertained,  and  the  discovery  made,  that  his 
ignorance  was  at  least  equal  to  his  obstinacy  and  his  presumption; 
qualities  which  are  apt  to  enter  largely  into  the  compound  of  a 
meddlesome  and  mischievous  man.* 

Encouraged  by  such  substantial  co-operation,  a  number  of  the 
turbulent  spirits  of  the  colony  concerted  to  carry  the  plan  into  im- 
mediate effect,  and  to  take  possession  of  the  ships  and  make  sail 
for  Europe.  The  influence  of  Bernal  Diaz  de  Pisa  at  court,  would 
obtain  for  them  a  favourable  hearing ;  and  they  trusted  to  their 
unanimous  representations,  to  prejudice  Columbus  in  the  opinion  of 
the  public,  ever  fickle  in  its  smiles,  and  most  ready  to  turn  suddenly 
and  capriciously  from  the  favourite  it  has  most  idolized. 

Fortunately  this  mutiny  was  discovered  before  it  proceeded  to 
action.  Columbus  immediately  ordered  the  ringleaders  to  be  arrested. 
On  making  investigations,  a  memorial  or  information  against  himself, 
full  of  slanders  and  misrepresentations,  was  found  concealed  in  the 
buoy  of  one  of  the  ships.  It  was  in  the  handwriting  of  Bernal  Diaz. 
The  admiral  conducted  himself  with  great  moderation.  Out  of 
respect  to  the  rank  and  station  of  Diaz,  he  forebore  to  inflict  any 
punishment  on  him ;  but  confined  him  on  board  of  one  of  the  ships 
to  be  sent  to  Spain  for  trial,  together  with  the  process  or  investigation 
of  his  oflfence,  and  the  seditious  memorial  which  had  been  discovered. 
Several  of  the  inferior  mutineers  were  punished  according  to  the  de- 
gree of  their  culpability,  but  not  with  the  severity  which  their  offence 
deserved.  To  guard  against  any  recurrence  of  a  similar  attempt, 
Columbus  ordered  that  all  the  guns  and  naval  munitions  should  be 
taken  out  of  four  of  the  vessels,  and  put  into  the  principal  ship, 
which  was  given  m  charge  to  persons  in  whom  he  could  place  im- 
plicit confidence.! 

This  was  the  first  time  that  Columbus  exercised  the  right  of  pu- 
nishing delinquents  in  his  new  government;  and  it  immediately 
awakened  the  most  violent  animadversions.  His  measures,  though 
necessary  for  the  general  safety,  and  characterized  by  the  greatest 
lenity,  were  censured  as  arbitrary   and   vindictive.     Already  the 


•  Cura  de  los  Palacios,  Cap.  120. 122.  MS. 

t  Herrera,  Hist.  Ind.  Decad.  1,  L.  2,  Cap.  11     Hist,  del  Almirante,  C.  50. 


240  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  VI. 

disadvantage  of  being  a  foreigner  among  the  people  he  was  to  go- 
vern, was  clearly  manifested.  He  had  national  prejudices  to  encoun- 
ter, of  all  others  the  most  general  and  illiberal.  He  had  no  natural 
friends  to  rally  round  him ;  whereas  the  mutineers  had  connexions 
in  Spain,  friends  in  the  colony,  and  met  with  sympathy  in  every  dis- 
contented mind.  An  early  hostility  was  thus  engendered  against 
Columbus,  which  continued  to  increase  throughout  his  life;  and  the 
seeds  ware  sown  of  a  series  of  factions  and  mutinies,  which  after- 
wards distracted  the  Island. 


CHAPTER  IX 

EXPEDITION  OF  COLUMBUS  TO    THE    MOUNTAINS  OF  CIBAO. 

[1494.] 

Having  at  length  recovered  from  his  long  illness,  and  the  mutiny  at 
the  settlement  being  effectually  checked,  Columbus  prepared  for  his 
immediate  departure  for  Cibao.  He  intrusted  the  command  of  the 
city  and  the  ships,  during  his  absence,  to  his  brother,  Don  Diego, 
appointing  able  persons  to  counsel  and  assist  him.  Don  Diego  is  re- 
presented by  Las  Casas,  who  knew  him  personally,  as  a  man 
of  great  merit  and  discretion;  of  a  gentle  and  pacific  disposition, 
and  more  characterized  by  simplicity  than  shrewdness.  He  was 
sober  in  his  attire,  wearing  almost  the  dress  of  an  ecclesiastic;  and 
Las  Casas  thinks  he  had  secret  hopes  of  preferment  in  the  church  ;* 
indeed,  Columbus  intimates  as  much  when  he  mentions  him  in 
his  will. 

As  the  admiral  intended  to  build  a  fortress  in  the  mountains, 
and  to  form  an  estabhshment  for  working  the  mines,  he  took  with 
him  the  necessary  artificers,  workmen,  miners,  munitions,  and  im- 
plements. He  was  also  about  to  enter  the  territories  of  the  redoubt- 
able Caonabo;  it  was  important,  therefore,  to  take  with  him  a  force 
that  should  not  only  secure  him  against  any  warlike  opposition,  but 
that  should  spread  through  the  country  a  formidable  idea  of  the 
power  of  the  white  men,  and  deter  the  Indians  from  any  future  act] 

*  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.  L.  1,  C.  82.  MS. 


Chap.  IX.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  241 

of  violence,  either  towards  communities  or  wandering  individuals, 
whom  chance  might  throw  into  their  power.  Every  healthy  person, 
therefore,  who  could  be  spared  from  the  settlement,  was  put  in  requisi 
tioii,  together  with  all  the  cavalry  that  could  be  mustered;  and  every 
arrangement  was  made  to  strike  the  savages  with  a  display  of  mili- 
tary splendour. 

On  the  12th  of  March,  Columbus  set  out  at  the  head  of  about  four 
hundred  men,  well  armed  and  equipped,  with  shining  helmets  and 
corslets;  with  arquebusses,  lances,  swords,  and  cross-bows,  and  fol- 
lowed by  a  multitude  of  the  neighbouring  Indians.  They  sallied 
forth  from  the  city  in  battle  array,  with  banners  flying,  and  sound 
of  drum  and  trumpet.  Their  march  for  the  first  day  was  across  the 
plain,  which  lay  between  the  sea  and  the  mountains,  fording  two 
rivers,  and  passing  through  a  fair  and  verdant  country.  They  en- 
camped m  the  evening  in  the  midst  of  pleasant  fields,  at  the  foot 
of  a  wild  and  rocky  pass  of  the  mountains. 

The  ascent  of  this  rugged  defile  presented  formidable  difiiculties 
to  the  little  army,  encumbered  as  it  was  with  various  implements  and 
munitions.  There  was  nothing  but  an  Indian  foot  path  winding 
among  rocks  and  precipices,  or  through  brakes  and  thickets,  entan- 
gled by  the  rich  vegetation  of  a  tropical  forest.  A  number  of  high 
spirited  young  cavaliers  volunteered  to  open  a  route  for  the  army. 
The  youthful  cavaliers  of  Spain  were  accustomed  to  this  kind  of  ser- 
vice in  the  Moorish  wars;  where  it  was  oftfen  necessary,  on  a  sudden, 
to  open  roads  for  the  march  of  troops,  and  the  conveyance  of  artillery, 
across  the  mountains  of  Granada.  Throwing  themselves  in  the  ad- 
vance, with  labourers  and  pioneers  whom  they  stimulated  by  their 
example,  as  well  as  by  promises  of  liberal  reward,  they  soon  con- 
structed the  first  road  formed  in  the  new  world;  and  which  was 
called  El  Puerto  de  los  Hidalgos,  or  The  Gentlemen's  Pass,  in  ho- 
nour of  the  gallant  cavaliers  who  effected  it.* 

On  the  following  day,  the  army  toiled  up  this  steep  defile,  and 
arrived  to  where  the  gorge  of  the  mountain  opened  into  the  interior. 
Here  a  land  of  promise  suddenly  burst  upon  their  view.  It  was  the 
same  glorious  prospect  which  had  delighted  Ojeda  and  his  compan 
ions.  Below  lay  a  vast  and  delicious  plain,  painted  and  enamelled, 
as  it  were,  with  all  the  rich  variety  of  tropical  vegetation.  The 
magnificent  forests  presented  that  mingled  beauty  and  majesty  of 
vegetable  forms,  known  only  to  these  generous  C-imates.  Palms  of 
prodigious  height,  and  wide-spreading  mahogany  trees,  towered  from 
amid  a  wilderness  of  variegated  foliage.     Universal  freshness  and 


*  Hist,  del  Almirante,  C.  50.    Hidalgo,  i.  e.  Hijo  de  Algo — literally,  a  son  ol 
somebody. 

Vol.  I.  16  V 


242  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  VI. 

verdure  were  maintained  bj  numerous  streams,  which  wandered 
gleaming  through  the  deep  bosom  of  the  woodland ;  while  various 
villages  and  hamlets,  peeping  from  among  the  trees,  and  the  smoke 
of  others  rising  out  of  the  midst  of  the  forests,  gave  signs  of  a  nu- 
merous population.  The  luxuriant  landscape  extended  as  far  as  the 
eye  could  reach,  until  it  appeared  to  melt  away  and  mingle  with  the 
horizon.  The  Spaniards  gazed  with  rapture  upon  this  soft  voluptu- 
ous country,  which  seemed  to  realize  their  ideas  of  a  terrestrial  para- 
dise ;  and  Columbus,  struck  with  its  vast  extent,  gave  it  the  name 
of  the  Vega  Real,  or  Royal  Plain.* 

Having  descended  the  rugged  pass,  the  army  issued  unon  the 
plain,  in  military  array,  with  great  clangor  of  warlike  mstruments. 
When  the  Indians  beheld  this  shining  band  of  warriors,  glittering 
in  steel,  emerging  from  the  mountains,  with  prancing  steeds  and 
flaunting  banners,  and  heard  for  the  first  time  their  rocks  and  forests 
echoing  to  the  din  of  drum  and  trumpet,  they  might  well  have  taken 
such  a  wonderful  pageant  for  a  supernatural  vision. 

In  this  way  Columbus  disposed  his  forces,  whenever  he  approached 
a  populous  village ;  placing  the  cavalry  in  front,  for  the  horses  in- 
spired a  mingled  terror  and  admiration  among  the  natives.  Las 
Casas  observes  that  at  first  they  supposed  the  rider  and  his  horse  to 
be  one  animal,  and  nothing  could  exceed  their  astonishment  at  see- 
ing the  horseman  dismount ;  a  circumstance  which  shows  that  the 
alleged  origin  of  the  ancient  fable  of  the  Centaurs  is  at  least  founded 
in  nature.  On  the  approach  of  the  army,  the  Indians  generally  fled 
with  terror,  and  took  refuge  in  their  houses.  Such  was  their  sim- 
phcity,  that  they  merely  put  up  a  slight  barrier  of  reeds  at  the  portal, 
and  seemed  to  consider  themselves  perfectly  secure.  Columbus, 
pleased  to  meet  with  such  artlessness,  ordered  that  these  frail  barriers 
should  be  scrupulously  respected,  and  the  inhabitants  allowed  to 
remain  in  their  fancied  security.!  By  degrees  their  fears  were 
allayed,  through  the  mediation  of  the  interpreters,  and  the  distribu- 
tion of  trifling  presents.  Nothing  could  then  surpass  their  kindness 
and  gratitude;  and  the  march  of  the  army  was  continually  retarded 
by  the  hospitality  of  the  numerous  villages  through  which  it  passed. 
Such  was  the  frank  communion  among  these  people,  that  the  Indians 
who  accompanied  the  army,  entered  without  ceremony  into  the 
houses,  helping  themselves  to  any  thing  of  which  they  stood  in  need, 
without  exciting  surprise  or  anger  in  the  inhabitants;  the  latter 
offered  to  do  the  same  with  respect  to  the  Spaniards,  and  seemed  asto- 
nished when  they  met  with  a  repulse.     This,  it  is  probable,  was  the 


*  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.  Lib.  1,  Cap.  90.  MS.        tLas  Casas,  Lib.  Sup.  L.  1, 
C.  90. 


Chap.  IX-l  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  243 

case  merely  with  respect  to  articles  of  food ;  for  we  are  told  that  the 
Indians  were  not  careless  in  their  notions  of  property,  and  the  crima 
of  theft  was  one  of  the  few  which  were  punished  among  them  with 
great  severity.  Food,  however,  is  generally  open  to  free  participa- 
tion in  savage  life,  and  is  rarely  made  an  object  of  barter,  until  habits 
of  trade  have  been  introduced  by  the  white  men.  The  untutored 
savage,  in  almost  every  part  of  the  world,  scorns  to  make  a  traffic 
of  hospitality. 

After  a  march  of  five  leagues  across  this  plain,  they  arrived  at 
the  banks  of  a  large  and  beautiful  stream,  called  by  the  natives,  the 
Yagui,  but  to  which  the  admiral  gave  the  name  of  the  River  of 
Reeds.  He  was  not  aware  that  it  was  the  same  stream,  which,  after 
winding  through  the  Vega,  falls  into  the  sea  near  Monte  Christi, 
and  which  in  his  first  voyage  he  had  named  the  River  of  Gold, 
On  its  green  banks  the  army  encamped  for  the  night,  animated  and 
delighted  with  the  beautiful  scenes  through  which  they  had  passed. 
They  bathed  and  sported  in  the  waters  of  the  Yagui,  enjoying  the 
amenity  of  the  surrounding  landscape,  and  the  delightful  airs  which 
prevail  in  that  genial  season.  "  For  though  there  is  but  little  dififer- 
ence,"  observes  Las  Casas,  "from  one  month  to  another  in  all  the 
year  in  this  island,  and  in  most  parts  of  these  Indias,  yet  in  the 
months  from  September  to  May,  it  is  like  hving  in  paradise."* 

On  the  following  morning,  they  crossed  this  stream  by  the  aid  of 
canoes  and  rafts,  swimming  the  horses  over.  For  two  days  they  con- 
tinued their  march  through  the  same  kind  of  rich  level  country, 
diversified  by  noble  forests,  and  watered  by  abundant  streams,  several 
of  which  descended  from  the  mountains  of  Cibao,  and  were  said  to 
bring  down  gold  dust  mingled  with  their  sands.  To  one  of  these, 
the  limpid  waters  of  which  ran  over  a  bed  of  smooth  round  pebbles, 
Columbus  gave  the  name  of  Rio  Verde,  or  Green  River,  from  the 
verdure  and  freshness  of  its  banks.  In  the  course  of  this  march, 
they  passed  through  numerous  villages,  where  they  experienced  ge- 
nerally the  same  reception.  The  simple  inhabitants  fled  at  their  ap- 
proach, putting  up  their  slight  barricadoes  of  reeds,  but,  as  before 
they  were  easily  won  to  familiarity,  and  tasked  their  limited  means 
to  entertain  the  strangers. 

Thus  penetrating  into  the  midst  of  this  great  island,  where  every 
scene  presented  the  wild  luxuriance  of  beautiful  but  uncivilized  na- 
ture, they  arrived,  on  the  evening  of  the  second  day,  to  a  chain  of 
lofty  and  rugged  mountains,  which  formed  a  kind  of  barrier  to  the 
Vega.     These,  Columbus  was  told,  were  the  golden  mountains  of 


Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.  L.  1,  C.  90.  MS. 


244  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  VL 

Cibao,  whose  reg-ion  commenced  at  their  rocky  summits.  The 
country  beginning  to  grow  rough  and  difficult,  and  the  people  being 
wayworn,  they  encamped  for  the  night  at  the  foot  of  a  steep  defile, 
which  led  up  into  the  mountains,  and  pioneers  were  sent  in  advance 
to  open  a  road  for  the  army.  From  this  place  they  sent  back  mulct 
for  a  supply  of  bread  and  wine,  their  provisions  beginning  to  grow 
scanty,  for  they  had  not  as  yet  accustomed  themselves  to  the  food 
of  the  natives,  which  was  afterwards  found  to  be  of  that  light  di 
g-estible  kind  suitable  to  the  climate. 

On  the  next  morning  they  resumed  their  march  up  a  narrow  and 
steep  glen,  winding  among  craggy  rocks,  where  they  were  obliged 
to  lead  the  horses.  Arrived  at  the  summit,  they  once  more  enjoyed 
a  prospect  of  the  delicious  Vega,  which  here  presented  a  still  grander 
appearance,  stretching  far  and  wide  on  either  hand,  like  a  vast  ver- 
dant lake.  This  noble  plain,  according  to  Las  Casas,  is  eighty 
leagues  in  length,  and  from  twenty  to  thirty  in  breadth,  and  of  in- 
comparable beauty. 

They  now  entered  Cibao,  the  famous  region  of  gold,  which,  as 
if  nature  delighted  in  contrarieties,  displayed  a  miser-like  poverty 
of  exterior,  in  proportion  to  its  hidden  treasures.  Instead  of  the  soft 
luxuriant  landscape  of  the  Vega,  they  beheld  chains  of  rocky  and 
sterile  mountains,  scantily  clothed  with  lofty  pines.  The  trees  in 
the  valleys  also,  instead  of  possessing  the  rich  tufted  foliage  common 
to  other  parts  of  the  island,  were  meagre,  and  dwarfish,,  excepting 
such  as  grew  on  the  banks  of  streams.  The  very  name  of  the 
country  bespoke  the  nature  of  the  soil ;  Ciba,  in  the  language  of  the 
natives,  signifying  a  stone.  Still,  however,  there  were  deep  glens 
and  shady  ravines  among  the  mountains,  watered  by  the  most  limpid 
rivulets,  where  the  green  herbage,  and  the  strips  of  woodland,  were 
the  more  delightful  to  the  eye  from  the  neighbouring  sterility.  But 
what  consoled  the  Spaniards  for  the  asperity  of  the  soil,  was  to 
observe  particles  of  gold  glittering  among  the  sands  of  those  crystal 
streams,  which,  though  scanty  in  quantity,  they  regarded  as  earnests 
of  the  wealth  locked  up  within  the  mountains. 

The  natives  having  been  pre\^iously  visited  by  the  exploiting  party 
under  Ojeda,  came  forth  to  meet  them  with  great  alacrity;  bringing 
them  food,  and  above  all,  grains  and  particles  of  gold,  which  they 
had  collected  in  the  brooks  and  torrents,  seeing  how  eagerly  that 
metal  was  coveted  by  the  Spaniards.  From  the  quantities  of  gold 
dust  in  every  stream,  Columbus  was  convinced  that  there  must  be 
several  mines  in  the  vicinity.  He  had  met  with  specimens  of  amber 
and  lapis  lazuli,  though  in  very  small  quantities;  and  thought  that 
he  had  discovered  a  mine  of  copper.     He  wus  now  about  eighteen 


Chap.  IX.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  245 

leagues  from  the  settlement;  the  rugged  nature  of  the  mountains 
made  a  communication,  even  from  this  distance,  laborious.  He 
gave  up  the  idea,  therefore,  of  penetrating  further  into  the  country, 
and  determined  to  establish  a  fortified  post  in  this  neighbourhood, 
with  a  large  number  of  men,  as  well  to  work  the  mines,  as  to  explore 
the  rest  of  the  province.  He  accordingly  selected  a  pleasant  situa- 
tion on  an  eminence  almost  entirely  surrounded  by  a  small  river 
called  the  Yanique,  the  waters  of  which  were  as  pure  as  if  distilled, 
and  the  sound  of  its  current  musical  to  the  ear.  In  its  bed  were 
found  curious  stones  of  various  colours,  large  masses  of  beautiful 
marble,  and  pieces  of  pure  jasper.  From  the  foot  of  the  height 
extended  one  of  those  graceful  and  verdant  plains  called  savannahs, 
which  was  freshened  and  fertilized  by  the  river.* 

On  this  eminence,  Columbus  ordered  a  strong  fortress  of  wood  and 
plaster  to  be  erected,  capable  of  defence  against  any  attack  of  the 
natives,  and  protected  by  a  deep  ditch  on  the  side  which  the  river  did 
not  secure.  To  this  fortress  he  gave  the  name  of  St.  Thomas, 
intended  as  a  gravely  pleasant,  though  pious,  reproof  of  the  in- 
credulity of  Fermin  Cedo  and  his  doubting  adherents,  who  obstinately 
refused  to  believe  that  the  island  produced  gold,  until  they  beheld  it 
with  their  eyes  and  touched  it  with  their  hands,  t 

The  natives  having  heard  of  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards  in  their 
vicinity,  came  flocking  from  various  parts,  anxious  to  obtain  Euro- 
pean trinkets.  The  admiral  signified  to  them  that  any  thing  would 
be  given  in  exchange  for  gold ;  upon  hearing  this,  some  of  them  ran 
to  a  neighbouring  river,  and  gathering  and  sifting  its  sands,  returned 
in  a  little  while  with  considerable  quantities  of  gold  dust.  One  old 
man  brought  two  pieces  of  virgin  ore  weighing  an  ounce,  and 
thought  himself  richly  repaid  when  he  received  a  hawks'  bell.  On 
remarking  that  the  admiral  was  struck  with  the  size  of  these  speci- 
mens, he  affected  to  treat  them  with  contempt,  as  insignificant, 
intimating  by  signs,  that  in  his  country,  which  lay  within  half  a 
day's  journey,  they  found  pieces  of  gold  as  big  as  an  orange.  Other 
Indians  brought  grains  of  gold  weighing  ten  and  twelve  drachms, 
and  declared  that  in  the  country  from  whence  they  got  them,  there 
were  masses  of  ore  as  large  as  the  head  of  a  child.  J  As  usual,  how- 
ever, these  golden  tracts  were  always  in  sonue  more  remote  valley,  or 
along  some  rugged  and  sequestered  stream;  and  the  wealthiest  spot 
was  sure  to  be  at  the  greatest  distance ;  for  the  land  of  promise  is 
ever  beyond  the  mountain. 


♦  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.  L.  1,  C.  90.  MS.        t  Idem, 

t  Peter  Martyr,  Decad.  1,  Lib.  3.  y  o 


246  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  Yl 


CHAPTER  X 

EXCURSION    OF   JUAN    DE    LUXAN    AMONG    THE     MOUNTAINS CUS- 
TOMS   AND     CHARACTERISTICS     OF    THE     NATITES RETURN     OF 

COLUMBUS    TO    ISABELLA. 

[  1494.  ] 

While  the  admiral  remained  amonj^  the  mountains,  superintending 
the  building  of  the  fortress,  he  dispatched  a  joung  cavalier  of  Madrid; 
named  Juan  de  Luxan,  with  a  small  band  of  armed  men,  to  range 
about  the  country,  and  explore  the  whole  of  the  province ;  which 
from  the  reports  of  the  Indians  appeared  to  be  equal  in  extent  to  the 
kingdom  of  Portugal.  Luxan  returned  after  a  few  days'  absence, 
with  the  most  satisfactory  accounts.  He  had  traversed  a  great  part 
of  Cibao,  which  he  had  found  more  capable  of  cultivation  than  had 
at  first  been  imagined.  It  was  generally  mountainous,  and  the  soil 
covered  with  large  round  pebbles  of  a  blue  colour,  yet  there  was  good 
pasturage  in  many  of  the  valleys.  The  mountains  also,  being 
watered  by  frequent  showers,  produced  grass  of  surprisingly  quick 
and  luxuriant  growth,  often  reaching  to  the  saddles  of  the  horses. 
The  forests  seemed  to  Luxan  to  be  full  of  valuable  spices,  he  being 
deceived  by  the  odours  emitted  by  those  aromatic  plants  and  herbs 
which  abound  in  the  woodlands  of  the  tropics.  There  were  great 
vines,  also,  climbing  to  the  very  summits  of  the  trees,  and  bearing 
clusters  of  grapes  already  ripe,  full  of  juice,  and  of  a  pleasant 
flavour.  Every  valley  and  glen  possessed  its  stream,  large  or  small, 
according  to  the  size  of  the  neighbouring  mountain,  and  all  yielding 
more  or  less  gold,  in  small  particles,  showing  the  universal  prevalence 
of  that  precious  metal.  Luxan  was  supposed  likewise  to  have 
learned  from  the  Indians  many  of  the  secrets  of  their  mountains;  to 
have  been  shown  the  parts  where  the  greatest  quantity  of  ore  was 
found,  and  to  have  been  taken  to  the  most  golden  streams.  On  all 
these  points,  however,  he  observed  a  discreet  mystery,  communicating 
the  particulars  to  no  one  but  the  admiral.* 

The  fortress  of  St.  Thomas  being  nearly  completed,  Columbus 
gave  it  in  command  to  Pedro  Margarite,  the  same  cavalier  whom 
he  had  recommended  to  the  favour  of  the  sovereigns,  and  he  left 


*  Peter  Martyr,  Decad.  1,  Lib.  3. 


<5hap.  X.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  247 

with  him  a  garrison  of  fifty-six  men.  He  then  set  out  on  his  return 
for  Isabella.  On  arriving  at  the  banks  of  the  Rio  Verde,  or  Green 
River,  in  the  Royal  Vega,  he  found  a  number  of  Spaniards  on  their 
way  to  the  fortress  with  supplies.  He  remained,  therefore,  a  few 
days  in  the  neighbourhood,  searching  for  the  best  fording  place  of 
the  river,  and  establishing  a  route  between  the  fortress  and  the  har- 
bour. During  this  time  he  resided  in  the  Indian  villages,  endea- 
vouring to  accustom  his  people  to  the  food  of  the  natives ;  as  well 
as  to  inspire  the  latter  with  a  mingled  feeling  of  good  will  and  re- 
verence for  the  white  men. 

From  the  report  of  Luxan,  Columbus  had  derived  some  informa- 
tion concerning  the  c  aracter  and  customs  of  the  natives,  and  he 
acquired  still  more  from  his  own  observations  in  the  course  of  his 
sojourn  among  the  tribes  of  the  mountains  and  the  plains.  And 
here  a  brief  notice  of  a  few  of  the  characteristics  and  customs  of 
these  people  may  be  interesting.  They  are  given,  not  merely  as 
observed  by  the  admiral  and  his  officers  during  this  expedition,  but 
as  recorded  some  time  afterwards  in  a  crude  dissertation,  by  a  friar 
of  the  name  of  Roman,  a  poor  hermit,  as  he  styled  himself,  of  the 
order  of  the  Jeronimites,  who  was  one  of  the  colleagues  of  father 
Boyle,  and  resided  for  some  time  in  the  Vega  as  a  missionary. 

Columbus  had  already  discovered  the  error  of  one  of  his  opinions 
concerning  these  islanders,  formed  during  his  first  voyage.  They 
were  not  so  entirely  pacific,  nor  so  ignorant  of  warlike  arts,  as  he 
had  imagined.  He  had  been  deceived  by  the  enthusiasm  of  his  own 
feelings,  and  by  the  gentleness  of  Guacanagari  and  his  subjects. 
The  casual  descents  of  the  Caribs  had  compelled  the  inhabitants  of 
the  seaboard  to  acquaint  themselves  with  the  use  of  arms.  Some  of 
the  mountain  tribes  near  the  coast,  particularly  those  on  the  part 
which  looked  towards  the  Caribbee  islands,  were  of  a  more  hardy 
and  warlike  character  than  those  of  the  plains.  Caonabo,  also,  the 
Carib  chieftain,  had  introduced  something  of  his  own  warrior  spirit 
into  the  centre  of  the  island.  Yet,  generally  speaking,  the  habits 
of  the  people  were  mild  and  gentle.  If  wars  sometimes  occurred 
among  them,  they  were  of  short  duration,  and  unaccompanied  by 
any  great  effusion  of  blood ;  and  in  general  they  mingled  amicably 
and  hospitably  with  each  other. 

Columbus  had  also  at  first  indulged  in  the  error  that  the  natives 
of  Hayti  were  destitute  of  all  notions  of  religion ;  and  he  had  con- 
sequently flattered  himself  that  it  would  be  the  easier  to  introduce 
into  their  minds  the  doctrines  of  Christianity;  not  aware  that  it  is 
more  difficult  to  light  up  the  fire  of  devotion  in  the  cold  heart  of  an 
atheist,  than  to  divert  the  flame  to  a  new  object  when  it  is  already 


248  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  VJ. 

enkindled.  There  are  few  beings,  however,  so  destitute  of  reflec- 
tion, as  not  to  be  impressed  with  the  conviction  of  an  overruhng 
deity.  A  nation  of  atheists  never  existed.  It  was  soon  discovered 
that  these  islanders  had  their  creed,  though  of  a  vague  and  simple 
nature.  They  believed  in  one  supreme  being  who  inhabited  the 
sky,  who  was  immortal,  omnipotent  and  invisible ;  to  whom  they 
ascribed  an  origin ;  who  had  a  mother,  but  no  father.*  They  ne- 
ver addressed  their  worship  directly  to  him,  but  employed  inferior 
deities,  called  Zemes,  as  messengers  and  mediators.  Each  cacique 
had  his  tutelar  deity  of  this  order,  whom  he  invoked  and  pretended 
to  consult  in  all  his  public  undertakings,  and  who  was  reverenced 
by  his  people.  He  had  a  house  apart,  as  a  temple  to  this  deity,  in 
■which  was  an  image  of  his  Zemi,  carved  of  wood,  or  stone,  or 
shaped  of  clay  or  cotton,  and  generally  of  some  monstrous  and  hi- 
deous form.  Each  family,  and  each  individual,  had  likewise  a  par- 
ticular Zemi,  or  protecting  genius,  like  the  Lares  and  Penates  of  the 
ancients  These  were  placed  in  every  part  of  their  houses,  or  carved 
on  their  furniture.  Some  had  them  of  a  small  size,  and  bound  them 
about  their  foreheads  when  they  went  to  battle.  They  believed  their 
Zemes  to  be  transferable,  with  all  their  powers,  and  often  stole  them 
from  each  other.  When  the  Spaniards  came  among  them,  they 
often  hid  their  idols,  lest  they  should  be  taken  away.  They  believed 
that  these  Zemes  presided  over  every  object  in  nature,  each  having 
a  particular  charge  or  government.  They  influenced  the  seasons 
arid  the  elements ;  causing  steril  or  abundant  years,  exciting  hurri- 
canes and  whirlwinds,  and  tempests  of  rain  and  thunder,  or  sending 
sweet  and  temperate  breezes  and  fruitful  showers.  They  governed 
the  seas  and  forests,  the  springs  and  fountains ;  like  the  Nereids, 
the  Dryads,  and  the  Satyrs  of  antiquity.  They  gave  success  in 
hunting  and  fishing ;  they  guided  the  waters  of  the  mountains  into 
safe  channels,  and  led  them  down  to  wander  through  the  plains,  in 
gentle  brooks  and  peaceful  rivers;  or,  if  incensed,  they  caused  them 
to  burst  forth  into  rushing  torrents  and  overwhelming  floods,  inundat- 
ing and  laying  waste  the  valleys. 

The  natives  had  their  Butios,  or  priests,  who  pretended  to  hold 
communion  with  these  Zemes.  They  practised  rigorous  fasts  and 
ablutions,  and  inhaled  the  powder,  or  drank  the  infusion  of  a  cer- 
tain herb,  which  produced  a  temporary  intoxication  or  delirium. 
In  the  course  of  this  process,  they  professed  to  have  trances  and 
visions,  and  that  the  Zemes  revealed  to  them  coming  events,  or  in- 
structed them  in  the  treatment  of  maladies.     They  were  in  genera^ 


*  Escritura  de  Fr.  Roman.    Hist,  del  Almirante, 


Chap.  X.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  249 

great  herbalists,  and  well  acquainted  with  the  medicinal  properties  of 
trees  and  vegetables.  Thej  cured  diseases  through  their  knowledge 
of  simples,  but  always  with  many  mysterious  rites  and  ceremonies 
and  supposed  charms;  chanting,  and  burning  a  light  in  the  cham- 
ber of  the  patient,  and  pretending  to  exorcise  the  malady,  to  expei 
it  from  the  mansion,  and  to  send  it  to  the  sea  or  to  the  mountain.* 

Their  bodies  were  painted  or  tattooed  with  figures  of  the  Zemes, 
which  were  regarded  with  horror  by  the  Spaniards,  as  so  many  re- 
presentations of  the  devil ;  and  the  Butios,  esteemed  as  a  kind  of 
saints  by  the  natives,  were  abhorred  by  the  former  as  necromancers. 
These  Butios  often  assisted  the  caciques  in  practising  deceptions 
upon  their  subjects,  speaking  oracularly  through  the  Zemes,  by- 
means  of  hollow  tubes;  inspiriting  the  Indians  to  battle  by  predicting 
success,  or  dealing  forth  such  promises  or  menaces  as  might  suit  the 
purposes  of  the  chieftain. 

There  is  but  one  of  their  solemn  religious  ceremonies,  of  which 
any  record  exists.  The  cacique  proclaimed  a  day  when  a  kind  of 
festival  was  to  be  held  in  honour  of  his  Zemes.  His  subjects  as- 
sembled from  all  parts,  and  formed  a  solemn  procession;  the  married 
men  and  women  decorated  with  their  most  precious  ornaments,  the 
young  females  entirely  naked.  The  cacique,  or  the  principal  per- 
sonage, marched  at  the  head,  beating  a  kind  of  drum.  In  this  way 
they  proceeded  to  the  consecrated  house,  or  temple,  in  which  were 
-set  up  the  images  of  the  Zemes.  Arrived  at  the  door,  the  cacique 
seated  himself  on  the  outside,  continuing  to  beat  his  drum,  while  the 
procession  entered;  the  females  carrying  baskets  of  cakes  orna- 
mented with  flowers,  and  singing  as  they  advanced.  These  oflfer- 
ings  were  received  by  the  Butios,  with  loud  cries,  or  rather  howl- 
ings.  They  broke  the  cakes  after  they  had  been  oflfered  to  the 
Zemes,  and  distributed  the  morsels  to  the  heads  of  families,  who  pre- 
served them  carefully  throughout  the  year,  as  preventive  of  all  ad- 
verse accidents.  This  done,  at  a  given  signal  the  females  danced, 
singing  songs  in  honour  of  the  Zemes,  or  in  praise  of  the  heroic 
actions  of  their  ancient  caciques,  The  whole  ceremony  finished  by 
invoking  the  Zemes  to  watch  over  and  protect  the  nation.f 

Beside  the  Zemes,  each  cacique  had  three  idols  or  talismans, 
which  were  mere  stones,  but  which  were  held  in  great  reverence  by 
themselves  and  their  subjects.  One  they  supposed  had  the  power  to 
produce  abundant  harvests;  another  to  remove  all  pain  from  women 
in  travail;  and  the  third  to  call  forth  rain  or  sunshine;  when  either 


*  Oviedo,  Cronica,  L.  5,  C.  1, 

*  Charlevoix,  Hist.  St.  Doming.  L.  1,  p.  56. 


250  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  VL 

was  required.     Three  of  these  were  sent  home  by  Columbus  to  the 
sovereigns.* 

The  ideas  of  the  natives  with  respect  to  creation,  were  vague  and 
undefined.  They  gave  their  own  island  of  Hayti  priority  of  exist- 
ence over  all  others;  and  believed  that  the  sun  and  moon  originally 
issued  out  of  a  cavern  in  the  island,  to  give  light  to  the  world. 
This  cavern  still  exists,  about  seven  or  eight  leagues  from  Cape 
Francois.  It  is  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  feet  in  depth,  and 
nearly  the  same  in  height,  but  very  narrow.  It  receives  no  light 
but  from  the  entrance,  and  from  a  round  hole  in  the  roof,  from 
whence  it  was  said  the  sun  and  moon  issued  forth  to  take  their 
places  in  the  sky.  The  vault  was  so  fair  and  regular,  that  it  ap- 
peared a  work  of  art  rather  than  of  nature.  In  the  time  of  Charle- 
voix, the  figures  of  various  Zemes  were  still  to  be  seen  cut  in  the 
rocks,  and  there  were  the  remains  of  niches,  as  if  to  receive  statues. 
This  cavern  was  held  in  great  veneration.  It  was  painted,  and 
adorned  with  green  branches,  and  other  simple  decorations.  There 
were  in  it  two  images  or  Zemes.  When  there  was  a  want  of  rain, 
the  natives  made  pilgrimages  and  processions  to  it,  with  songs  and 
dances,  bearing  offerings  of  fruits  and  flowers. f 

They  believed  that  mankind  issued  from  another  cavern;  the 
large  men  from  a  great  aperture,  the  small  men  from  a  little  cranny. 
They  were  for  a  long  time  destitute  of  women;  but,  wandering  on 
one  occasion  near  a  small  lake,  they  saw  certain  animals  among  the 
branches  of  the  trees,  which  proved  to  be  women.  On  attempting 
to  catch  them,  however,  they  were  found  to  be  as  slippery  as  eels,  so 
that  it  was  impossible  to  hold  them.  At  length  they  employed  cer* 
tain  men,  whose  hands  were  rendered  rough  by  a  kind  of  leprosy. 
These  succeeded  in  securing  four  of  these  slippery  females,  from 
whom  the  world  was  peopled. 

While  the  men  inhabited  this  cavern,  they  dared  only  venture 
forth  at  night,  for  the  sight  of  the  sun  was  fatal  to  them,  turning 
them  into  trees  and  stones.  There  was  a  cacique  named  Vagoniona, 
who  sent  one  of  his  men  forth  from  the  cave  to  fish,  who,  lingering  at 
his  sport  until  the  sun  had  risen,  was  turned  into  a  bird  of  melodious 
note,  the  same  that  Columbus  mistook  for  the  nightingale.  They 
added,  that  yearly  about  the  time  when  he  had  suffered  this  trans- 
formation, he  comes  in  the  night,  with  a  mournful  song,  bewailing 
his  misfortune,  which  is  the  cause  why  that  bird  always  sings  in  the 
night  season.^ 


*  Hist,  del  Almirante,  Cap.  61. 

•j-  Charlevoix,  Hist,  St.  Doming.  L.  1,  p.  60. 

t  Fray  Roman.    Hist.  Almirante,  Peter  Martyr,  Decad.  1,  Lib.  9 


CaAP.  X.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  251 

Like  most  savage  nations,  they  had  also  a  tradition  concerning 
the  universal  deluge,  equally  fanciful  with  most  of  the  preceding; 
for  it  is  singular  how  the  human  mind,  in  its  natural  state,  is  apt  to 
account,  by  trivial  and  familiar  causes,  for  great  events.  They 
said,  that  there  once  lived  in  the  island  a  mighty  cacique,  whose 
only  son  conspiring  against  him,  he  slew  him.  He  afterwards  col- 
lected and  picked  his  bones,  and  preserved  them  in  a  gourd,  as  was 
the  custom  of  the  natives  with  the  reliques  of  their  friends.  On  a 
subsequent  day,  the  cacique  and  his  wife  opened  the  gourd  to  con- 
template the  bones  of  their  son,  when  to  their  astonishment  several 
fish,  great  and  small,  leaped  out.  Upon  this  the  cacique  closed  the 
gourd,  and  placed  it  on  the  top  of  his  house,  boasting  that  he  had  the 
sea  shut  up  within  it,  and  could  have  fish  whenever  he  pleased. 
Four  brothers,  however,  who  had  been  born  at  the  same  birth,  and 
were  curious  intermeddlers,  hearing  of  this  gourd,  came  during  the 
absence  of  the  cacique  to  peep  into  it.  In  their  carelessness  they 
suffered  it  to  fall  upon  the  ground,  where  it  was  dashed  to  pieces; 
whenlo!  to  their  astonishment  and  dismay,  there  issued  forth  a 
mighty  flood,  with  dolphins  and  sharks  and  tumbling  porpoises  and 
great  spouting  whales;  and  the  water  spread  until  it  overflowed  the 
earth,  and  formed  the  ocean,  leaving  only  the  tops  of  the  mountains 
uncovered,  which  are  the  present  islands.* 

They  had  singular  modes  of  treating  the  dying  and  the  dead. 
When  the  life  of  a  cacique  was  despaired  of,  they  strangled  him  out 
of  a  principle  of  respect,  rather  than  suffer  him  to  die  Hke  the  vul- 
gar. Common  people  were  extended  in  their  hammocks,  bread  and 
water  placed  at  their  head,  and  they  were  then  abandoned  to  die  in 
solitude.  Sometimes  they  were  carried  to  the  cacique,  and  if  he  per- 
mitted them  the  distinction,  they  were  strangled.  After  death,  the 
body  of  a  cacique  was  opened,  dried  at  a  fire,  and  preserved;  of 
others  the  head  only  was  treasured  up  as  a  memorial,  or  occasionally 
a  limb.  Sometimes  the  whole  body  was  interred  in  a  cave,  with  a 
calabash  of  water  and  a  loaf  of  bread;  sometimes  it  was  consumed 
with  fire,  in  the  house  of  the  deceased. 

They  had  confused  and  uncertain  notions  of  the  existence  of  the 
soul,  when  separated  from  the  body.  They  believed  in  the  appari- 
tions of  the  departed  at  night,  or  by  daylight  in  solitary  places,  to 
lonely  individuals;  sometimes  advancing  as  if  to  attack  them,  but 
upon  the  traveller's  striking  at  them  they  vanished,  and  he  struck 
merely  against  trees  or  rocks.  Sometimes  they  mingled  among  the 
living,  and  were  only  to  be  known  by  having  no  navels.     The  In- 


*  Escritura  de  Fray  Roman,  pobre  Heremito. 


252  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  VI. 

Jians,  fearful  of  meeting  with  these  apparitions,  disliked  to  go  about 
alone,  and  in  the  dark. 

They  had  an  idea  of  a  place  of  reward,  to  which  the  spirits  of 
good  men  repaired  after  death ;  where  they  were  re-united  to  the 
spirits  of  those  they  had  most  loved  during  life,  and  to  all  their  an- 
cestors. Here  they  enjoyed  uninterruptedly,  and  in  perfection,  those 
•  pleasures  which  constituted  their  felicity  on  earth.  They  lived  in 
shady  and  blooming  bowers,  with  beautiful  women,  and  banquetted 
on  delicious  fruits.  The  paradise  of  these  happy  spirits  was  vari- 
ously placed,  almost  every  tribe  assigning  some  favourite  spot  in 
their  native  province.  Many,  however,  concurred  in  describing  this 
region  as  being  near  a  lake  in  the  western  part  of  the  island,  in  the 
beautiful  province  of  Xaragua.  Here  there  were  delightful  valleys, 
covered  with  a  delicate  fruit  called  the  mamey,  about  the  size  of  an 
apricot.  They  imagined  that  the  souls  of  the  deceased  remained 
cencealed  among  the  airy  and  inaccessible  cliffs  of  the  mountains 
during  the  day,  but  descended  at  night  into  these  happy  valleys,  to 
regale  on  this  consecrated  fruit.  The  living  were  sparing,  therefore, 
in  eating  of  it,  lest  the  souls  of  their  friends  should  suffer  for  want  of 
their  favourite  nourishment.* 

The  dances  to  which  the  natives  seemed  so  immoderately  addicted, 
and  which  had  been  at  first  considered  by  the  Spaniards  mere  idle 
pastimes,  were  found  to  be  often  ceremonials  of  a  serious  and  mystic 
character.  They  form  indeed  a  singular  and  important  feature 
throughout  the  customs  of  the  aboriginals  of  the  New  World.  In 
these  are  typified,  by  signs  well  understood  by  the  initiated,  and,  as 
it  were,  by  hieroglyphic  action,  their  historic  events,  their  projected 
enterprises,  their  huntings,  their  ambuscades,  and  their  battles,  re- 
sembling, in  some  respects,  the  Pyrrhic  dances  of  the  ancients. 
Speaking  of  the  prevalence  of  these  dances  among  the  natives  of 
Hayti,  Peter  Martyr  observes  that  they  performed  them  to  the  chant 
of  certain  metres  and  ballads  handed  down  from  generation  to  gene- 
ration, in  which  were  rehearsed  the  deeds  of  their  ancestors.  "  These 
rhymes  or  ballads,"  he  adds,  '^they  call  Areytos,  and  as  our  min* 
strels  are  accustomed  to  sing  to  the  harp  and  lute,  so  do  they  in  like 
manner  sing  these  songs,  and  dance  to  the  same,  playing  on  timbrels 
made  of  shells  of  certain  fishes.  These  timbrels  they  call  maguey. 
They  have  also  songs  and  ballads  of  love,  and  others  of  lamentation 
or  mourning.  Some  also  to  encourage  them  to  the  wars,  all  sung 
to  tunes  agreeable  to  the  matter." 


*  Hist,  del  Almirante,  C.  61.    Peter  Martyr,  Decad.  1,  Lib.  9.    Charlevoix, 
Hist.  St.  Doming.  Lib.  I. 


Chap.  X.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  253 

It  was  for  these  dances,  as  has  been  already  observed,  that  they 
were  so  eager  to  procure  hawks'  bells,  suspending  them  about  their 
persons,  and  keeping  time  with  their  sound  to  the  cadence  of  the 
singers.  This  mode  of  dancing  to  a  ballad,  has  been  compared  to 
the  dances  of  the  peasants  in  Flanders  during  the  summer,  and  to 
those  prevalent  throughout  Spain,  to  the  sound  of  the  castinets,  and 
to  the  wild  popular  chants  said  to  be  derived  from  the  Moors;  but 
which  in  fact  existed  before  their  invasion,  among  the  Goths  who 
overran  the  peninsula.* 

The  earliest  history  of  almost  all  nations  has  generally  been  pre- 
served by  rude  heroic  rhymes  and  ballads,  and  by  the  lays  of  the 
minstrels ;  and  such  was  the  case  with  the  areytos  of  the  Indians. 
When  a  cacique  died,  says  Oviedo,  they  sang  in  dirges  his  life  and 
actions,  and  all  the  good  that  he  had  done  came  to  memory.  Thus 
they  formed  the  ballads  or  areytos  which  constituted  their  history,  t 
Some  of  these  ballads  wera  of  a  sacred  character,  containing  their 
traditional  notions  of  theology,  and  the  superstitions  and  fables 
which  comprised  their  religious  creeds.  None  were  permitted  to 
sing  these  but  the  sons  of  caciques,  who  were  instructed  in  them  by 
their  Butios.  They  were  chanted  before  the  people  on  solemn  fes- 
tivals, like  those  already  described,  accompanied  by  the  sound  of  a 
kind  of  drum,  made  from  a  hollow  tree. J 

Such  are  a  few  of  the  characteristics  remaining  upon  record  of 
these  simple  people,  who  perished  from  the  face  of  the  earth  before 
their  customs  and  creeds  were  thought  of  sufficient  importance  to  be 
investigated.  The  present  work  does  not  profess  to  enter  into 
detailed  accounts  of  the  countries  and  people  discovered  by  Colum- 
bus, otherwise  than  as  they  may  be  useful  for  the  illustration  of  his 
history ;  and  perhaps  the  foregoing  are  carried  to  an  unnecessary 
length  ;  but  they  may  serve  to  give  greater  interest  to  the  subsequent 
transactions  of  the  island. 

Many  of  these  particulars,  as  has  been  observed,  were  gathered 
by  the  admiral  and  his  officers  during  their  excursion  among  the 
mountains,  and  their  sojourn  in  the  plain.  The  natives  appeared 
to  them  a  singularly  idle  and  improvident  race,  indifferent  to  most 
of  the  objects  of  human  anxiety  and  toil.  They  were  impatient  of 
all  kinds  of  labour,  scarcely  giving  themselves  the  trouble  to  culti- 
vate the  yuca  root,  the  maize  and  the  potato,  which  formed  main 
articles  of  subsistence.     For  the  rest,  their  streams  abounded  with 


*  Mariana,  Hist.  Esp.  L.  5,  C.  1.         t  Oviedo,  Cronica  de  las  Indias,  L.  5,  C.  3. 

t  Fray  Roman.    Hist,  del  Almirante,  C.  61.     P.  Martyr,  D.  1,  L.  9.    Herrera, 

Hist.  Ind.  Decad.  1,  L.  3,  C.  4.     Oviedo,  L.  5,  C.  1.  ,„ 

W 


254  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  VI. 

fish ;  they  caught  the  utia  or  coney,  the  guana,  and  various  birds 
and  they  had  a  perpetual  banquet  from  the  fruits  spontaneously  pro- 
duced by  their  groves.  Though  the  air  was  sometimes  cold  among 
the  mountains,  yet  they  preferred  submitting  to  a  little  temporary 
suffering,  rather  than  take  the  trouble  to  construct  garments  from  the 
gossampine  cotton,  which  abounded  in  their  forests-.  They  loitered 
away  existence  in  vacant  inactivity  under  the  shade  of  their  trees 
or  amusing  themselves  occasionally  with  various  games  and  dances 

In  fact,  they  were  destitute  of  all  powerful  motives  to  toil ;  being 
free  from  most  of  those  wants  which  doom  mankind  in  civilized 
life,  or  in  less  genial  climates,  to  incessant  labour.  They  had  no 
steril  winter  to  provide  against,  particularly  in  the  valleys  and  the 
plains,  where,  according  to  Peter  Martyr,  "  the  island  enjoyed  per- 
petual spring  time,  and  was  fortunate  with  continual  summer  and 
harvest.  The  trees  flourished  throughout  the  year,  and  the  meadows 
continued  always  green."  "There  is  no  province,  nor  any  region," 
he  again  observes,  "  which  is  not  notable  for  the  majesty  of  moun- 
tains, the  fraitfulness  of  vales,  the  pleasantness  of  hills,  and  delecta- 
bleness  of  plains,  with  abundance  of  fair  rivers  running  through 
them.  There  never  was  any  noisome  animal  found  in  it,  nor  yet 
any  ravening  fourfooted  beast ;  no  lion,  nor  bear ;  no  fierce  tigers 
nor  crafty  foxes,  nor  devouring  wolves,  but  all  things  blessed  and 
fortunate."* 

In  the  soft  regions  of  the  Vega,  the  circling  seasons  brought  each 
its  store  of  fruits ;  and  while  some  were  gathered  in  full  maturity, 
others  were  ripening  on  the  boughs,  and  buds  and  blossoms  gave 
promise  of  still  future  abundance.  What  need  was  there  of  garner- 
ing up,  and  anxiously  providing  for  coming  days,  to  men  who  lived 
in  a  perpetual  harvest?  What  need,  too,  of  toilfully  spinning,  or 
labouring  at  the  loom,  where  a  genial  temperature  prevailed  through- 
out the  year,  and  neither  nature  nor  custom  prescribed  the  necessity 
of  clothing  ? 

The  hospitality  which  characterizes  men  in  such  a  simple  and 
easy  mode  of  existence,  was  evinced  towards  Columbus  and  his  fol- 
lowers, during  their  sojourn  in  the  Vega.  Wherever  they  went,  it 
was  a  continual  scene  of  festivity  and  rejoicing.  The  natives  has- 
tened from  all  parts,  bearing  them  presents,  and  laying  the  treasures 
of  their  groves,  and  streams,  and  mountains,  at  the  feet  of  beings, 
whom  they  still  considered  as  descended  from  the  skies,  to  bring 
blessings  to  their  island. 

Having  accomplished  the  purposes  of  his  residence  in  the  Vega, 


*  P.  Martvr.  Decad.  3,  L.  9     English  translation  by  R.  Eden,  London,  1555. 


Chap.  XI.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  255 

Columbus,  at  the  end  of  a  few  days,  took  leave  of  its  hospitable  in- 
habitants, and  resumed  his  march  for  the  harbour,  returning  with 
his  little  army  through  the  lofty  and  rugged  gorge  of  the  mountains, 
called  the  Pass  of  the  Hidalgos.  As  we  accompany  him  in  imagi- 
nation over  the  rocky  height,  from  whence  the  Vega  first  broke  upon 
the  eye  of  the  Europeans,  we  cannot  help  pausing,  to  cast  back  a 
look  of  mingled  pity  and  admiration  over  this  beautiful  but  devoted 
region.  The  dream  of  natural  liberty,  of  ignorant  content,  and  loi- 
tering idleness,  was  as  yet  unbroken ;  but  the  fiat  had  gone  forth ; 
the  white  man  had  penetrated  into  the  land;  avarice,  and  pride,  and 
ambition,  and  pining  care  and  sordid  labour  and  withering  poverty, 
were  soon  to  follow,  and  the  indolent  paradise  of  the  Indian  was 
about  to  disappear  for  ever. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

ARRIVAL    OF   COLUMBUS    AT    ISABELLA SICKNFSS    OF    THE 

COLONY. 

[1494] 

It  was  on  the  29th  of  March  that  Columbus  arrived  at  Isabella, 
highly  satisfied  with  his  expedition  into  the  interior.  The  appear- 
ance of  every  thing  in  the  vicinity  of  the  harbour  was  calculated  to 
increase  his  anticipations  of  future  prosperity.  The  plants  and 
fruits  of  the  Old  World,  which  he  was  endeavouring  to  introduce 
into  the  island,  gave  promise  of  rapid  increase.  The  orchards,  fields 
and  gardens  were  in  a  great  state  of  forwardness.  The  seeds  of  va- 
rious fruits  had  produced  young  plants ;  the  sugar-cane  had  pros- 
pered exceedingly ;  a  native  vine,  trimmed  and  dressed  with  care, 
had  yielded  grapes  of  tolerable  flavour ;  and  cuttings  from  European 
vines  already  began  to  form  their  clusters.  On  the  30th  of  March, 
a  husbandman  brought  to  Columbus  ears  of  wheat  which  had  been 
sown  in  the  latter  part  of  January.  The  smaller  kind  of  garden 
herbs  came  to  maturity  in  sixteen  days,  and  the  larger  kind,  such 
as  melons,  gourds,  pompions,  and  cucumbers,  were  fit  for  the  table 
within  a  month  after  the  seed  had  been  put  into  the  ground.  The 
•oil,  moistened  by  brooks,   and  rivers,   and  frequent  showers,  and 


256  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  VL 

Stimulated  hy  an  ardent  sun,  possessed  those  principles  of  fecundity, 
which  surprise  the  strang-er,  accustomed  to  less  vigorous  climates, 
by  the  promptness  and  prodigality  of  vegetation. 

The  admiral  had  scarcely  returned  to  Isabella,  when  a  messenger 
arrived  from  Pedro  Margarite,  the  commander  at  fort  St.  Thomas, 
informing  him  that  the  Indians  of  the  vicinity  had  manifested  un- 
friendly feelings ;  abandoning  their  villages,  and  shunning  all  inter- 
course with  the  white  men ;  and  that  Caonabo  was  assembling  his 
warriors,  and  secretly  preparing  to  attack  the  fortress.  The  fact 
was,  that  the  moment  the  admiral  had  departed,  the  Spaniards,  no 
longer  awed  by  his  presence,  had  as  usual  listened  only  to  their 
passions,  and  had  exasperated  the  natives  by  wresting  from  them 
their  gold,  and  wronging  them  with  respect  to  their  women.  Cao- 
nabo also  had  seen  with  impatience  these  detested  intruders  planting 
their  standard  in  the  very  midst  of  his  mountains,  and  he  knew  that 
he  had  nothing  to  expect  from  them  but  vengeance. 

The  tidings  from  Margarite,  however,  caused  but  little  solicitude 
in  the  mind  of  Columbus.  From  what  he  had  seen  of  the  Indians 
in  the  interior,  he  had  no  apprehensions  from  their  hostility.  He 
knew  their  weakness  and  their  awe  of  white  men ;  and  above  all, 
he  confided  in  their  terror  of  the  horses,  which  they  regarded  as  fe- 
rocious beasts  of  prey,  obedient  to  the  Spaniards,  but  ready  to  devour 
their  enemies.  He  contented  himself,  therefore,  with  sending  Mar- 
garite a  reinforcement  of  twenty  men,  with  a  supply  of  provisions 
and  ammunition,  and  detaching  thirty  men  to  open  a  road  between 
the  fortress  and  the  port. 

What  gave  Columbus  real  and  deep  anxiety,  was  the  sickness 
the  discontent,  and  dejection,  which  continued  to  increase  in  the  set- 
tlement. The  same  principles  of  heat  and  humidity,  which  gave 
such  fecundity  to  the  fields,  were  fatal  to  the  people.  The  exhala- 
tions from  undrained  marshes  and  a  vast  continuity  of  forest^  and  the 
action  of  an  ardent  sun  upon  a  reeking  vegetable  soil,  produced  inter- 
mittent fevers,  and  various  other  of  the  maladies  so  trying  to  Euro- 
pean constitutions  in  the  uncultivated  countries  of  the  tropics.  Many 
of  the  Spaniards  suffered  also  under  the  torments  of  a  disease  hitherto 
unknown  to  them ;  the  scourge,  as  was  supposed,  of  their  licentious 
intercourse  with  the  Indian  females ;  bat  the  origin  of  which,  whe- 
ther American  or  European,  has  been  a  subject  of  gi-eat  dispute 
Thus  the  greater  part  of  the  colonists  were  either  confined  by  posi- 
tive illness,  or  reduced  to  great  debility.  The  stock  of  medicines 
was  soon  exhausted ;  there  was  a  lack  of  medical  aid,  and  of  the 
watchful  attendance  which  is  even  more  important  than  medicine 
to  the  sick...  Every  one  who  was  well,  was  either  engrossed  by  the 


Chap.  XL]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  257 

public  labours,  or  by  his  own  wants  and  cares  ;  having  to  perform 
all  menial  offices  for  himself,  even  to  the  cooking  of  his  provisions. 
The  public  works,  therefore,  languished,  and  it  was  impossible  to 
cultivate  the  soil  in  a  sufficient  degree  to  produce  a  supply  of  the 
fruits  of  the  earth.  Provisions  began  to  fail;  much  of  the  stores 
brought  from  Europe  had  been  wasted  on  board  ship,  or  suffered  to 
spoil  through  carelessness,  and  much  had  perished  on  shore,  from 
the  warmth  and  humiditj^  of  the  climate.  It  seemed  impossible  for 
the  colonists  to  accommodate  themselves  to  the  food  of  the  natives ; 
and  their  infirm  condition  required  the  aliments  to  which  they  had 
been  accustomed.  To  avert  an  absolute  famine,  therefore,  it  was 
necessary  to  put  the  people  on  short  allowance  even  of  the  damaged 
and  unhealthy  provisions  which  remained.  This  immediately 
caused  loud  and  factious  murmurs,  in  which  many  of  those  in 
office,  who  ought  to  have  supported  Columbus  in  his  measures  for 
the  common  safety,  took  a  leading  part.  Among  these  was  father 
Boyle,  a  priest  as  turbulent  as  he  was  crafty.  He  had  been  irri- 
tated, it  is  said,  by  the  rigid  impartiality  of  Columbus;  who  in  en^ 
forcing  his  salutary  measures  made  no  distinction  of  rank  or  persons, 
and  put  the  friar  and  his  household  on  a  short  allowance,  as  well  as 
the  rest  of  the  community. 

In  the  midst  of  this  general  discontent  the  bread  began  to  grow 
scarce.  The  stock  of  flour  was  exhausted,  and  there  was  no  mode 
of  grinding  corn  but  by  the  tedious  and  toilsome  process  of  the 
hand-mill.  It  became  necessary,  therefore,  to  erect  a  mill  immedi- 
ately, and  other  works  were  required  equally  important  to  the  wel- 
fare of  the  settlement.  Many  of  the  workmen,  however,  were  ill, 
some  feigning  greater  sickness  than  they  really  suffered ;  for  there 
was  a  general  disinclination  to  all  kind  of  labour,  which  was  not  to 
produce  immediate  wealth.  In  this  emergency,  Columbus  put  every 
healthy  person  in  requisition;  and  as  the  cavaliers  and  gentlemen  of 
rank  required  food  as  well  as  the  lower  orders,  they  were  called 
upon  to  take  their  share  in  the  common  labour.  This  was  consi- 
dered a  deadly  degradation  by  many  youthful  hidalgos,  of  high 
blood    and   haughty  spirit,  and  they  refused  to  obey  the  summons. 

Columbus,  however,  was  a  strict  disciplinarian,  and  felt  the  im-? 
portance  of  making  his  authority  respected.  He  resorted,  therefore, 
to  strong  and  compulsory  measures,  and  enforced  their  obedience. 
This  was  another  cause  of  the  deep  and  lasting  hostilities  that 
sprang  up  against  him.  It  roused  the  immediate  indignation  of 
every  person  of  birth  and  rank  in  the  colony,  and  drew  upon  him 
the  resentment  of  several  of  the  proud  families  of  Spain.  He  was 
inveighed  against  as  an  arrogant  and  upstart  foreigner,  who,  inflat- 

Vol.  I.  17  W  2 


258  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Boo*  VI 

ed  with  a  sudden  acquisition  of  power,  and  consulting"  only  his  own 
wealth  and  aggrandizement,  was  trampling  upon  the  rights  and  dig- 
nities of  Spanish  gentlemen,  and  insulting  the  honour  of  the  natioii. 

Columbus  may  have  been  too  strict  and  indiscriminate  in  his  regu- 
lations. There  are  cases  in  which  even  justice  nmy  become  op- 
pressive, and  where  the  severity  of  the  law  should  be  tempered  with 
indulgence.  What  was  mere  toilsome  labour  to  a  common  man, 
became  humiliation  and  disgrace  when  forced  upon  a  Spanish  cava- 
lier. Many  of  these  young  men  had  come  out,  not  in  the  pursuit 
of  wealth,  but  with  romantic  dreams,  inspired  by  his  own  repre- 
sentations; hoping  no  doubt  to  distinguish  themselves  by  heroic 
achievements  and  chivalrous  adventure^  and  to  continue  in  the 
Indias  the  career  of  arms  which  they  had  commenced  in  the  recent 
wars  of  Granada.  Others  had  been  brought  up  in  soft  luxurious 
indulgence,  in  the  bosoms  of  opulent  families,  and  were  little  cal- 
culated for  the  rude  perils  of  the  seas,  the  fatigues  of  the  land,  and 
the  hardships,  the  exposures  and  deprivations  which  attend  a  new 
settlement  in  the  wilderness.  When  they  fell  ill  their  case  soon  be- 
came incurable.  The  ailments  of  the  body  were  increased  by  sick- 
ness of  the  heart.  They  suifered  under  the  irritation  of  wounded 
pride,  and  the  morbid  melancholy  of  disappointed  hope;  their  sick 
bed  was  destitute  of  all  the  tender  care  and  soothing  attention  to 
which  they  were  accustomed ;  and  they  sank  into  the  grave  in  all 
the  sullenness  of  despair,  cursing  the  day  that  ihey  had  left  their 
country. 

The  venerable  Las  Casas,  and  after  him  Herrera,  record  with 
much  solemnity  a  popular  belief  current  in  the  island  at  the  time  of 
his  residence  there,  and  connected  with  the  untimely  fate  of  these 
cavaliers. 

In  after  years,  when  the  seat  of  the  colony  was  removed  from 
Isabella,  on  account  of  its  unhealthy  situation,  the  city  fell  to  ruin, 
and  was  abandoned.  Like  all  decayed  and  deserted  places^  it  soon 
became  an  object  of  awe  and  superstition  to  the  common  people, 
and  no  one  ventured  to  enter  its  gates.  Those  who  passed  near  it/ 
or  hunted  the  wild  swine  which  abounded  in  the  neighbourhood,  de- 
clared that  they  heard  appalling  voices  issue  from  within  its  walls 
by  night  and  day.  The  labourers  became  fearful,  therefore,  to  cul- 
tivate the  fields  adjacent.  The  story  went,  adds  Las  Casas,  that  two 
Spaniards  happened  one  day  to  wander  among  the  ruined  edifices  of 
the  place.  On  entering  one  of  the  solitary  streets,  they  beheld  two 
lows  of  men,  evidently  from  their  stately  demeanour,  hidalgos  of 
noble  blood,  and  cavaliers  of  the  court.  They  were  richly  attired  in 
the  old  Castilian  mode,  with  rapiere  by  their  sides,  and  broad  tra- 


Chap.  XIL]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  259 

veiling  hats,  such  as  were  worn  at  the  time.  The  two  men  were 
astonished  to  behold  persons  of  their  rank  and  appearance  apparent- 
ly inhabiting  that  desolate  place,  unknown  to  the  people  of  the 
island.  They  saluted  them,  and  inquired  whence  they  came  and 
when  they  had  arrived.  The  cavaliers  maintained  a  gloomy  silence, 
but  courteously  returned  the  salutation  by  raising  their  hands  to 
their  sombreros  or  hats,  in  taking  off  which  their  heads  came  off 
also,  and  their  bodies  stood  decapitated.  The  whole  phantom  as- 
semblage then  vanished.  So  great  was  the  astonishment  and  hor- 
ror of  the  beholders,  that  they  had  nearly  fallen  dead,  and  remain- 
ed stupified  for  several  days.* 

The  foregoing  legend  is  curious  as  illustrating  the  superstitious 
character  of  the  age.  and  especially  of  the  people,  with  whom  Co- 
lumbus had  to  act  It  shows  also  the  deep  and  gloomy  impression 
made  upon  the  minds  of  the  common  people,  by  the  death  of  these 
cavaliers,  which  operated  materially  to  increase  the  unpopularity 
of  Columbus;  as  it  was  mischievously  represented  that  they  had 
been  seduced  from  their  homes  by  his  delusive  promises,  and  sacri- 
ficed to  his  private  interests. 


CHAPTER  XII. 


I 


DISTRIBUTION    OF  THE  SPANISH  FORCES    IN   THE    INTERIOR PRE- 
PARATIONS FOR  A  VOYAGE  TO  CUBA. 

[1494.] 

The  increasing  discontents  of  the  motley  population  of  Isabella,  and 
the  rapid  consumption  of  the  scanty  stores  which  remained,  were 
causes  of  great  anxiety  to  Columbus.  He  was  desirous  of  proceed- 
ing on  another  voyage  of  discovery,  but  it  was  indispensable,  before 
sailing,  to  place  the  affairs  of  the  island  in  such  a  state  as  to  secure 
tranquillity.  He  determined,  therefore,  to  send  all  the  men  that 
could  be  spared  from  Isabella,  into  the  interior;  with  orders  to  visit 
the  territories  of  the  different  caciques,  and  to  explore  the  island. 
By  this  means  they  would  be  roused  and  animated;  they  would  be- 
come accustomed  to  the  climate,  and  to  the  diet  of  the  natives,  and 


•  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.  L.  1,  C.  92.  MS.    Herrera,  Hist.  Ind.  Decad.  1,  L.  2, 
C.  12. 


260  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  VI 

such  a  force  would  be  displayed  as  to  overawe  the  machinations 
of  Caonabo,  or  any  other  hostile  cacique.  In  pursuance  of  this  plan, 
every  healthy  person,  not  absolutely  necessary  to  the  concerns 
of  the  city  or  the  care  of  the  sick,  was  put  under  arms,  and  a  little 
army  mustered,  consisting  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  crossbow-men, 
one  hundred  and  ten  arquebussiers,  sixteen  horsemen,  and  twenty 
officers.  The  general  command  of  the  forces  was  intrusted  to  Pe- 
dro Margarite,  in  whom  Columbus  had  great  confidence,  as  a  noble 
Catalonian,  and  a  cavalier  of  the  order  of  Santiago.  Alonzo  de 
Ojeda  was  to  conduct  the  army  to  the  fortress  of  St.  Thomas,  where 
he  was  to  succeed  Margarite  in  the  command,  and  the  latter  was  to 
proceed  with  the  main  body  of  the  troops  on  a  military  tour,  in 
which  he  was  particularly  to  explore  the  province  of  Cibao,  and 
subsequently  the  other  parts  of  the  island. 

Columbus  wrote  a  long  and  earnest  letter  of  instructions  to  Mar- 
garite, by  which  to  govern  himself  in  a  service  requiring  such  great 
circumspection.  He  charged  him,  above  all  things,  to  observe  the 
greatest  justice  and  discretion  in  respect  to  the  Indians,  protecting 
them  from  all  wrong  and  insult,  and  treating  them  in  such  a 
manner  as  to  secure  their  confidence  and  friendship.  At  the  same 
time,  they  were  to  be  made  to  respect  the  property  of  the  white  men, 
and  all  thefts  were  to  be  severely  punished.  Whatever  provisions 
were  required  from  them  for  the  subsistence  of  the  army,  were  to 
be  fairly  purchased,  by  persons  whom  the  admiral  appointed  for 
that  purpose;  the  purchases  were  to  be  made  in  the  presence  of  the 
agent  of  the  comptroller.  If  the  Indians  refused  to  sell  the  necessary 
provisions,  then  Margarite  was  to  interfere  and  compel  them  to  do 
80,  acting,  however,  with  all  possible  gentleness,  and  soothing  them 
by  kindness  and  caresses.  No  traffic  was  to  be  allowed  between 
individuals  and  the  natives,  being  displeasing  to  the  sovereigns  and 
injurious  to  the  service;  and  it  was  always  to  be  kept  in  mind,  that 
their  majesties  were  more  desirous  of  the  conversion  of  the  natives, 
than  of  any  riches  to  be  derived  from  them. 

A  strict  discipline  was  to  be  maintained  in  the  army,  all  breach 
of  orders  to  be  severely  punished,  the  men  to  be  kept  together,  and 
not  suflfered  to  wander  from  the  main  body,  either  singly  or  in  small 
parties,  so  as  to  expose  themselves  to  be  cut  off  by  the  natives;  for, 
he  observed,  though  these  people  were  pusillanimous,  yet  there  were 
no  people  so  apt  to  be  perfidious  and  cruel  as  cowards,  seldom  spar- 
ing the  life  of  an  enemy  when  in  their  power.* 

These  judicious  instructions,  which,  if  followed,  might  have  pre- 


Letter  of  Columb.    Navarrete,  CoUec.  T.  2,  Document,  l^o.  72. 


Chap.  XII.J  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  261 

served  an  amicable  intercourse  with  the  natives,  are  more  especially 
deservmg  of  notice,  because  Margarite  disregarded  them  all,  and  by 
his  disobedience  brought  trouble  on  the  colony,  obloquy  on  the  na- 
tion, destruction  on  the  Indians,  and  unmerited  censure  on  Columbus, 

In  addition  to  the  foregoing  orders  there  were  particular  direc- 
tions for  the  surprising  and  securing  of  the  persons  of  Caonabo  and 
his  brothers.  The  warlike  character  of  that  chieftain,  his  artful  po- 
licy, extensive  power,  and  implacable  hostility,  rendered  him  a  dan- 
gerous enemy.  The  measures  proposed  were  not  the  most  open  and 
chivalrous,  but  Columbus  thought  himself  justified  in  opposing  strata- 
gem to  stratagem,  with  a  subtle  and  sanguinary  foe. 

On  the  9th  of  April  Alonzo  de  Ojeda  sallied  forth  from  Isabella 
at  the  head  of  the  forces,  amounting  to  nearly  four  hundred  men. 
On  arriving  at  the  River  del  Oro,  in  the  Royal  Vega,  he  learnt  that 
three  Spaniards,  coming  from  the  fortress  of  St.  Thomas,  had  been 
robbed  of  their  effects  by  five  Indians,  whom  a  neighbouring  cacique 
had  sent  to  assist  them  in  fording  the  river;  and  that  the  cacique, 
instead  of  punishing  the  thieves  had  countenanced  them,  and  shared 
their  booty.  Ojeda  was  a  quick  impetuous  soldier,  whose  ideas 
of  legislation  were  all  of  a  military  kind.  Having  caught  one 
of  the  thieves  he  inflicted  summary  justice  upon  him  by  ordering  his 
ears  to  be  cut  oflf  in  the  public  square  of  the  village;  he  then  seized 
the  cacique,  his  son  and  nephew,  and  sent  them  in  chains  to  the 
admiral ;  which  done,  he  pursued  his  march  for  the  fortress. 

In  the  meantime  the  prisoners  arrived  at  Isabella,  in  deep  dejec- 
tion. They  were  accompanied  by  a  neighbouring  cacique,  who, 
relying  upon  the  merit  of  various  kindnesses  which  he  had  shown 
to  the  Spaniards,  came  to  plead  for  their  forgiveness.  His  interces- 
sions appeared  to  be  of  no  avail.  Columbus  felt  the  importance 
of  strikmg  an  awe  into  the  minds  of  the  natives  with  respect  to  the 
property  of  the  white  men.  He  ordered,  therefore,  that  the  prisoners 
should  be  taken  to  the  public  square  with  their  hands  tied  behind 
them,  their  crime  and  punishment  proclaimed  by  the  crier,  and  their 
heads  struck  off.  Nor  was  this  a  punishment  disproportioned  to 
their  own  ideas  of  justice,  for  we  are  told  that  the  crime  of  theft  was 
held  in  such  abhorrence  among  them,  that  though  not  otherwise  san- 
guinary in  their  laws,  they  punished  it  with  impalement.*  It  is  not 
probable,  however,  that  Columbus  really  meant  to  carry  the  sentence 
into  effect.  At  the  place  of  execution,  the  prayers  and  tears  of  the 
friendly  cacique  were  redoubled,  pledging  himself  that  there  should 
be  no  repetition  of  the  offence.     The  admiral  at  length  made  a 

♦  Oviedo,  Hist;  Ind.  Lib.  5,  Cap.  3, 


262  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  VI, 

merit  of  jrielding  to  his  entreaties  and  released  the  prisoners.  Just 
at  this  juncture  a  horseman  arrived  from  the  fortress,  who,  in  passing 
by  the  village  of  the  captive  cacique,  had  found  five  Spaniards  in 
the  power  of  the  Indians.  The  sight  of  his  horse  had  put  the  mul 
titude  to  flight,  though  upwards  of  four  hundred  in  number.  He 
had  pursued  the  fugitives,  wounding  several  with  his  lance,  and  had 
brought  oflf  his  countrj'men  in  triumph. 

Convinced  by  this  circumstance  that  nothing  was  to  be  appre- 
hended from  the  hostilities  of  these  timid  people  as  long  as  his  orders 
were  obeyed,  and  confiding  in  the  distribution  he  nad  made  of  his 
forces,  both  for  the  tranquillity  of  the  colony  and  the  island,  Colum- 
bus prepared  to  depart  on  the  prosecutioii  of  his  discoveries.  To 
administer  the  affairs  of  the  island  during  his  absence,  he  formed  a 
junto,  of  which  his  brother  Don  Diego  was  president,  and  father 
Boyle,  Pedro  Fernandez  Coronal,  Alonzo  Sanchez  Caravajal,  and 
Juan  de  Luxan,  were  counsellors.  He  left  his  two  largest  ships  in 
the  harbour,  being  of  too  great  a  size  and  draft  of  water  t(?  explore 
unknown  coasts  and  rivers,  and  he  took  with  him  three  carayela 
the  Nina  or  Santa  Clara,  the  San  Juan  and  the  Cordera. 


LIFE   AND  VOYAGES 

OF 

CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS 


BOOK  VII. 
CHAPTER  I. 

VOYAGE  TO  THE  EAST  END  OF  CUBA. 

[1494.] 

The  expedition  of  Columbus,  which  we  are  now  about  to  record, 
may  appear  of  minor  importance  at  the  present  day,  leading  as  it 
did  to  no  grand  discovery,  and  merely  extending  along  the  coasts  of 
islands  with  which  the  reader  is  sufficiently  familiar.  Some  may 
feel  impatient  at  the  developement  of  opinions  and  conjectures 
which  have  long  since  been  proved  to  be  fallacious,  and  the  minute 
detail  of  exploring  enterprises,  undertaken  in  error,  and  which  they 
know  must  end  in  disappointment.  But  to  feel  these  voyages  pro- 
perly, we  must,  in  a  manner,  divest  ourselves  occasionally  of  the 
information  we  possess,  relative  to  the  countries  visited ;  we  must 
transport  ourselves  to  the  time,  and  identify  ourselves  with  Colum- 
bus, thus  fearlessly  launching  into  seas,  where  as  yet  a  civilized  sail 
had  never  been  unfurled.  We  must  accompany  him,  step  by  step, 
in  his  cautious,  but  bold,  advances  along  the  bays  and  channels  of 
an  unknown  coast,  ignorant  of  the  dangers  which  might  lurk 
around  or  which  might  await  him  in  the  interminable  region  of  mys- 
.  tery  that  still  kept  breaking  upon  his  view.  We  must,  as  it  were, : 
consult  with  him  as  to  each  new  reach  of  shadowy  land,  and  long 
line  of  promontory,  that  we  see  faintly  emerging  from  the  ocean  and 
stretching  along  the  distant  horizon.  We  must  watch  with  him, 
each  light  canoe  that  comes  skimming  the  billows,  to  gather  from  the 
looks,  the  ornaments,  and  the  imperfect  communications  of  its  wan- 
dering crew,  whether  those  unknown  lands  are  also  savage  and  uncul- 


264  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  VH. 

tivated,  whether  they  are  islands  in  the  ocean,  untrodden  as  yet  by 
civilized  man,  or  tracts  of  the  old  continent  of  Asia,  and  wild  fron- 
tiers of  its  populous  and  splendid  empires.  We  must  enter  into  his 
very  thoughts  and  fancies,  find  out  the  data  that  assisted  his  judg- 
ment and  the  hints  that  excited  his  conjectures,  and,  for  a  time,  clothe 
the  regions  through  which  we  are  accompanying  hi;m,  with  the  gor- 
geous colouring  of  his  own  imagination.  In  this  way  we  may  de- 
lude ourselves  into  participation  of  the  delight  of  exploring  unknown 
and  magnificent  lands,  where  new  wonders  and  beauties  break  upon 
us  at  every  step,  and  we  may  ultimately  be  able  as  it  were  from  our 
own  familiar  acquaintance,  to  form  an  opinion  of  the  character  of 
this  extraordinary  man,  and  of  the  nature  of  his  enterprises. 

The  plan  of  the  present  expedition  of  Columbus  was  to  revisit  the 
coast  of  Cuba  at  the  point  where  he  had  abandoned  it  on  his  firs* 
voyage,  and  thence  to  explore  it  on  the  southern  side.  As  has  already 
been  observed,  he  supposed  it  to  be  a  continent,  and  the  extreme  end 
of  Asia,  and  if  so,  by  following  its  shores  in  the  proposed  direction, 
he  must  eventually  arrive  at  Cathay  and  those  other  rich  and  com- 
mercial, though  semi-barbarous,  countries  described  by  Mandeville 
and  Marco  Polo.* 

He  set  sail  wilh  his  little  squadron  from  the  harbour  of  Isabella 
on  the  24th  of  April  and  steered  to  the  westward.  After  touching 
at  Monte  Christi,  he  anchored  on  the  same  day  at  the  disastrous 
harbour  of  La  Navidad.  His  object  in  revisiting  this  melancholy 
scene  was  to  obtain  an  interview  with  Guacanagari,  who,  he  under 
stood,  had  returned  to  his  former  residence.  He  could  not  be  per- 
suaded of  the  perfidy  of  that  cacique,  so  deep  was  the  impression 
made  upon  his  heart  by  past  kindness  ;  he  trusted,  therefore,  that  a 
frank  explanation  would  remove  all  painful  doubts,  and  restore  a 
friendly  intercourse,  which  would  be  highly  advantageous  to  the 
Spaniards,  in  their  present  time  of  scarcity  and  suffering,  Guaca- 
nagari, however,  still  maintained  his  equivocal  conduct,  absconding 
at  the  sight  of  the  ships ;  and  though  several  of  his  subjects  assured 
Columbus  Chat  the  cacique  would  soon  make  him  a  visit,  he  did  not 
think  it  adviseable  to  delay  his  voyage  on  such  an  uncertamty. 

Pursuing  his  course,  impeded  occasionally  by  contrary  winds,  he 
arrived  on  the  29th  at  the  port  of  St.  Nicholas,  from  whence  he 
beheld  the  extreme  point  of  Cuba,  to  which  in  his  preceding  voyage 
he  had  given  the  name  of  Alpha  and  Omega,  but  which  was  called 
by  the  natives  Bayatiquiri,  and  is  now  known  as  Point  Maysi, 
Having  crossed  the  channel,  which  is  about  eighteen  leagues  wide, 


♦  Cura  de  losPalacios,  Cap.  123.  MS. 


C^AP.  I.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  265 

Columbus  sailed  along  the  southern  coast  of  Cuba  for  the  distance 
of  twenty  leagues,  when  he  anchored  in  a  harbour  to  which,  from 
its  size,  he  gave  the  name  of  Puerto  Grande,  at  present  called 
Guantanamo.  The  entrance  was  narrow  and  winding,  though 
deep;  the  harbour  expanded  within  like  a  beautiful  lake,  in  the 
bosom  of  a  wild  and  mountainous  country,  covered  with  trees,  some 
of  them  in  blossom,  others  bearing  fruit.  Not  far  from  the  shore 
were  two  cottages  built  of  reeds ;  and  several  fires  blazing  in  various 
parts  of  the  beach,  gave  signs  of  inhabitants.  Columbus  landed, 
therefore,  attended  by  several  men  well  armed,  and  by  the  young 
Indian  interpreter,  Diego  Colon,  the  native  of  the  island  of  Gua- 
nahani,  who  had  been  baptized  in  Spain. 

On  arriving  at  the  cottages,  he  found  them  deserted ;  the  fires  also 
were  abandoned,  and  there  was  not  a  human  being  to  be  seen.  The 
Indians  had  all  fled  to  the  woods  and  mountains.  The  sudden  arrival 
of  the  ships  had  spread  a  panic  throughout  the  neighbourhood,  and  ap- 
parently interrupted  the  preparations  for  a  rude  but  plentiful  banquet. 
There  were  great  quantities  of  fish,  utias  and  guanas ;  some  suspended 
to  the  branches  of  the  trees,  others  roasting  on  wooden  spits  before 
the  fires.  The  Spaniards,  accustomed  of  late  to  slender  fare,  fell 
without  ceremony  on  this  bounteous  feast,  thus  spread  for  them,  as 
it  were,  in  the  wilderness.  They  abstained,  however,  from  the  gua- 
nas, which  they  still  regarded  with  disgust,  as  a  species  of  serpent, 
though  they  were  considered  so  delicate  a  food  by  the  savages,  that, 
according  to  Peter  Martyr,  it  was  no  more  lawful  for  the  common 
people  to  eat  of  them,  than  of  peacocks  and  pheasants  in  Spain.* 

After  their  repast,  as  the  Spaniards  were  roving  about  the  vicinity^ 
they  beheld  about  seventy  of  the  natives  collected  on  the  top  of  a 
lofty  rock,  and  looking  down  upon  them  with  great  awe  and  amaze- 
ment. On  attempting  to  approach  them,  they  instantly  disappeared 
among  the  woods  and  clefts  of  the  mountain.  One,  however,  more 
bold  or  more  curious  than  the  rest,  lingered  on  the  brow  of  the  pre- 
cipice, gazing  with  timid  wonder  at  the  Spaniards,  partly  encouraged 
by  their  friendly  signs,  but  ready  in  an  instant  to  bound  away  after 
his  companions. 

By  order  of  Columbus  the  young  Lucayan  interpreter  advanced 
and  accosted  him.  The  expressions  of  friendship,  in  his  own  lan- 
guage, soon  dispelled  the  apprehensions  of  the  wondering  savage. 
He  came  to  meet  the  interpreter,  and  being  informed  by  him  of  the 
good  intentions  of  the  Spaniards,  hastened  to  communicate  the 
intelligence  to  his  comrades.     In  a  httle  while  they  were  seen 


*  P.  Martyr,  Decad.  1,  Lib.  3 


266  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  VII. 

descending  from  their  rocks,  and  issuing  from  their  forests;  ap- 
proaching the  strangers  with  great  gentleness  and  veneration. 
Through  means  of  the  interpreter,  Columbus  learnt  that  thej  had 
been  sent  to  the  coast  by  their  cacique,  to  procure  fish  for  a  solemn 
banquet  which  he  was  about  to  give  to  a  neighbouring  chieftain, 
and  that  they  roasted  the  fish,  to  prevent  it  from  spoiling  in  the  trans- 
portation. They  seemed  to  be  of  the  same  gentle  and  pacific  cha- 
racter with  the  natives  of  Hayti.  The  ravages  that  had  been  made 
among  their  provisions  by  the  hungry  Spaniards,  gave  them  no  con- 
cern, for  they  observed  that  one  night's  fishing  would  replace  all  the 
loss.  Columbus,  however,  in  his  usual  spirit  of  justice,  ordered  that 
ample  compensation  should  be  made  them;  and,  shaking  hands, 
they  parted  mutually  well  pleased.* 

Leaving  this  harbour  on  the  1st  of  May,  the  admiral  continued 
to  the  westward,  sailing  along  a  mountainous  coast,  adorned  by 
beautiful  rivers,  and  indented  by  those  commodious  harbours  for 
which  this  island  is  so  remarkable.  As  he  advanced,  the  country 
grew  more  fertile  and  populous.  The  natives  crowded  to  the  shores, 
man,  woman,  and  child,  gazing  with  astonishment  at  the  ships, 
which  glided  gently  along  at  no  great  distance.  They  held  up 
fruits  and  provisions,  inviting  the  Spaniards  to  land ;  others  came 
off  in  canoes,  bringing  cassava  bread,  fish,  and  calabashes  of  water, 
not  for  sale,  but  as  offerings  to  the  strangers,  whom,  as  usual,  they 
considered  celestial  beings  descended  from  the  skies.  Columbus 
distributed  the  customary  presents  among  them,  which  were  received 
with  transports  of  joy  and  gratitude.  After  continuing  some  dis- 
tance along  the  coast,  he  came  to  another  gulf  or  deep  bay,  narrow 
at  the  entrance,  and  expanding  within,  surrounded  by  a  rich  and 
beautiful  country.  There  were  lofty  mountains  sweeping  up  from 
the  sea,  but  the  shores  were  enlivened  by  numerous  villages,  and 
cultivated  to  such  a  degree  as  to  resemble  gardens  and  orchards. 
In  this  harbour,  which  it  is  probable  was  the  same  at  present  called 
St.  Jago  de  Cuba,  Columbus  anchored  and  passed  a  night,  over- 
whelmed, as  usual,  with  the  simple  hospitality  of  the  natives.! 

On  inquiring  of  the  people  of  this  coast  afteT  gold,  they  uniformly 
pointed  to  the  south,  and  as  far  as  they  could  be  understood,  inti- 
mated that  a  great  island  lay  in  that  direction,  where  it  abounded. 
The  admiral,  in  the  course  of  his  first  voyage,  had  received  informa- 
tion of  such  an  island,  which  some  of  his  followers  had  thought 
might  be  Babeque,  the  object  of  so  much  anxious  search,  and  chi- 
merical expectation.     He  had  felt  a  strong  inclination  to  diverge 


*  Peter  Martyr,  ubi  sup.        t  Cura  de  los  Palacios,  Cap.  124.  MS. 


Chap.  II.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  267 

from  his  course,  and  go  in  quest  of  it,  and  this  desire  increased  with 
every  new  report.  On  the  following  day,  therefore,  (the  3d  of  May,) 
after  standing  westward  to  a  high  cape,  he  suddenly  turned  his 
prow  directly  south ;  and  abandoning  for  a  time  the  coast  of  Cuba, 
Bteered  off  into  the  broad  sea,  in  quest  of  this  reported  island. 


CHAPTER  II. 

DISCOVERY    OF    JAMAICA. 
[1494.] 


Columbus  had  not  sailed  many  leagues  before  the  blue  summits 
of  a  vast  and  lofty  island  at  a  great  distance,  began  to  rise  like 
clouds  above  the  horizon.  It  was  two  days  and  nights,  however, 
before  he  reached  its  shores,  filled  with  admiration,  as  he  gradually 
drew  near,  at  its  vast  size,  the  beauty  of  its  mountains,  the  majesty 
of  its  forests,  the  fertility  of  its  valleys,  and  the  great  number  of  vil 
iages  with  which  the  whole  face  of  the  country  was  animated. 
'  On  approaching  the  land,  at  least  seventy  canoes,  filled  with  sa- 
vages gaily  painted  and  decorated  with  feathers,  sallied  forth  more 
than  a  league  from  shore.  They  advanced  in  warlike  array, 
uttering  loud  yells,  and  brandishing  lances  of  pointed  wood.  The 
mediation  of  the  interpreter,  and  a  few  presents  to  one  of  the  canoes 
which  ventured  nearer  than  the  rest,  soothed  this  angry  armada, 
p,nd  the  squadron  pursued  its  course  unmolested.  Columbus  an- 
chored in  a  harbour  about  the  centre  of  the  island,  to  which,  from 
the  great  beauty  of  the  surrounding  country,  he  gave  the  name  of 
Santa  Gloria.* 

On  the  following  morning  he  weighed  anchor  at  daybreak,  and 
coasted  westward,  in  search  of  a  sheltered  harbour,  where  his  ship 
could  be  careened  and  caulked,  as  it  leaked  considerably.  After 
proceeding  a  few  leagues,  he  found  one  apparently  suitable  for  the 
purpose.  On  sending  a  boat  to  sound  the  entrance,  two  large  ca- 
noes, filled  with  Indians,  issued  forth  to  oppose  their  landing,  hurl- 
ing their  lances,  but  from  such  distance  as  to  fall  short  of  the  Span- 
iards.    Not  wishing  to  proceed  to  any  act  of  hostihty  that  might 


*  Curade  los  Palacios,  Cap.  125. 


268  UPE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  VH. 

prevent  future  intercourse,  Columbus  ordered  the  boat  to  return  on 
board,  and,  finding  there  was  sufficient  depth  of  water  for  his  ship, 
entered  and  anchored  in  the  harbour.  Immediately  the  whole  beach 
was  covered  with  Indians,  painted  with  a  variety  of  colours,  but 
chiefly  black;  some  partly  clothed  with  palm  leaves,  and  all  wear- 
ing tufts  and  coronets  of  gay  tropical  feathers.  Unlike  the  hospi- 
table islanders  of  Cuba  and  Hayti,  these  appeared  to  partake  of  the 
warlike  character  of  the  Caribs,  manifesting  the  fiercest  hostility, 
hurling  their  javelins  at  the  ships,  and  making  the  shores  resound 
with  their  yells  and  war-whoops. 

The  admiral  reflected  that  further  forbearance  might  be  mistaken 
for  cowardice.  It  was  necessary  to  careen  his  ship,  and  to  send  men 
on  shore  for  a  supply  of  water ;  but  previously  it  was  adviseable  to 
strike  an  awe  into  the  savages,  that  might  prevent  any  molestation 
from  them.  As  the  caravels  could  not  approach  sufficiently  near  to 
the  beach  where  the  Indians  were  collected,  he  dispatched  the  boats 
well  manned  and  armed.  These  rowing  close  to  the  shore  let  fly  a 
volley  of  arrows  from  their  crossbows,  by  which  several  Indians 
were  wounded,  and  the  rest  thrown  into  confusion.  The  Span- 
iards then  sprang  on  shore  and  put  the  whole  multitude  to  flight ; 
giving  another  discharge  of  their  crossbows,  and  letting  loose  upon 
them  a  dog,  who  pursued  them  with  sanguinary  fury.*  This  is  the 
first  instance  of  the  use  of  dogs  against  the  natives,  which  were 
afterwards  employed  with  such  cruel  effect  by  the  Spaniards  in  their 
Indian  wars. 

Columbus  now  landed  and  took  formal  possession  of  the  island,  to 
which  he  gave  the  name  of  Santiago ;  but  fortunately  it  has  re- 
tained its  original  Indian  name  of  Jamaica.  The  harbour,  from  its 
commodiousness,  he  called  Puerto  Bueno;  it  was  in  the  form  of  a 
horse-shoe,  and  a  river  entered  the  sea  in  its  vicinity,  f 

During  the  rest  of  the  day  the  neighbourhood  remained  silent  and 
deserted.  On  the  following  morning,  however,  before  sunrise,  six 
Indians  were  seen  on  the  shore,  making  signal  of  amity.  They 
proved  to  be  envoys  sent  by  the  caciques  with  proffers  of  peace  and 
friendship.  These  were  cordially  reciprocated  by  the  admiral;  pre- 
sents of  trinkets  were  sent  to  the  chieftains ;  and  in  a  little  while 
the  harbour  again  swarmed  with  the  naked  and  painted  multitude ; 
bringing  abundance  .of  provisions,  similar  in  kind,  but  superior  in 
quality,  to  those  of  the  other  islands. 

During  three  days  that  the  ships  remained  in  this  harbour,  the 
most  amicable  intercourse  was  kept  up  with  the  natives.     They  ap* 


1 


♦  Cura  do  kw  Palacios,  Cap.  125.        i  Hist,  del  Almirante,  ubi  sup. 


Chap.  IL]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  269 

peared  to  be  more  ingenious,  as  well  as  more  warlike,  than  their 
neighbom-s  of  Cuba  and  Hayti.  Their  canoes  were  better  con- 
structed, being  ornamented  with  carving  and  painting  at  the  bow 
and  stern.  Many  were  of  great  size,  though  formed  from  the  trunks 
of  single  trees ;  often  from  a  species  of  the  mahogany.  Columbus 
measured  one,  which  was  ninety-six  feet  long,  and  eight  broad,* 
hollowed  out  of  one  of  those  magnificent  trees,  which  rise  like  ver- 
dant towers  amidst  the  rich  forests  of  the  tropics.  Every  cacique 
prided  himself  on  possessing  a  large  canoe  of  the  kind,  which  he 
seemed  to  regard  as  his  ship  of  state.  It  is  curious  to  remark  the 
apparently  innate  difference  between  these  island  tribes.  The  na- 
tives of  Porto  Rico,  though  surrounded  by  adjacent  islands,  and  sub- 
ject to  frequent  incursions  of  the  Caribs,  were  yet  of  a  pacific  cha- 
racter, and  possessed  very  few  canoes;  while  Jamaica,  separated 
by  distance  from  intercourse  with  other  islands,  protected  in  the  same 
way  from  the  dangers  of  invasion,  and  embosomed,  as  it  were,  in  a 
peaceful  mediterranean  sea,  was  inhabited  by  a  warlike  race,  and 
surpassed  all  the  other  islands  in  its  maritime  armaments. 

His  ship  being  repaired,  and  a  supply  of  water  taken  in,  Columbus 
made  sail,  and  continued  along  the  coast  to  the  westward,  so  close 
to  the  shore,  that  the  little  squadron  was  continually  surrounded  by 
the  canoes  of  the  natives ;  who  came  off  from  every  bay,  and  river, 
and  headland ;  no  longer  manifesting  hostility,  but  anxious  to  ex- 
change any  thing  they  possessed  for  European  trifles.  After  pro- 
ceeding about  twenty-four  leagues,  they  approached  the  western 
extremity  of  the  island,  where,  the  coast  bending  to  the  south,  the 
wind  became  unfavourable  for  their  further  progress'  along  the 
shore.  Being  disappointed  in  his  hopes  of  finding  gold  in  Jamaica, 
and  the  breeze  being  fair  for  Cuba,  Columbus  determined  to  return 
thither,  and  not  to  leave  it,  until  he  had  explored  its  coast  to  a  suffi- 
cient distance  to  determine  the  question,  whether  it  were  terra  firma 
or  an  island.!  To  the  last  place  at  which  he  touched  in  Jamaica, 
he  gave  the  name  of  the  Gulf  of  BueU'tiempo,  or  (Fair  Weather.) 
on  account  of  the  propitious  wind  which  blew  for  Cuba.  Just  as 
he  was  about  to  sail,  a  young  Indian  came  off  to  the  ship,  and  begged 
that  the  Spaniards  would  take  him  with  them  to  their  country.  He 
was  followed  by  his  relatives  and  friends,  who  endeavoured  by  the 
most  affecting  supplications  to  dissuade  him  from  his  purpose.  For 
some  time  he  was  distracted  between  concern  for  the  distress  of  his 
family,  and  an  ardent  desire  to  see  the  home  of  these  wonderful 
strangers,  which  his  imagination  pictured  as  a  region  of  celestial 

*  Cura  de  los  Palacios,  Cap.  124.        t  Hist,  del  Alrmrante,  Cap.  54. 

X  3 


S7a  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  VH. 

delights.  Curiosity,  and  the  youthful  propensity  to  rove  prevailed  j 
he  tore  himself  from  the  embraces  of  his  friends,  and  that  he  might 
not  behold  the  tears  of  his  sisters,  hid  himself  in  a  secret  part  of  the 
ship.  Touched  by  this  scene  of  natural  affection,  and  pleased  with 
the  enterprising  and  confiding  spirit  of  the  youth,  Columbus  gave 
orders  that  he  should  be  treated  with  especial  kindness.* 

It  would  have  been  interesting  to  have  known  something  more  of 
the  fortunes  of  this  curious  savage,  and  of  the  impressions  made 
upon  so  lively  a  mind  by  a  first  sight  of  the  wonders  of  civilization. 
Whether  the  land  of  the  white  men  equalled  his  hopes ;  whether,  as 
is  usual  with  savages,  he  pined  amidst  the  splendours  of  cities  for  his 
native  forests,  and  whether  he  ever  returned  to  the  arms  of  his  family. 
The  early  Spanish  historians  seem  never  to  have  interested  them- 
selves in  the  feelings  or  fortunes  of  these  first  visiters  from  the  new 
world  to  the  old.  No  further  mention  is  made  of  this  youthful  ad- 
venturer. 


CHAPTER  III. 

RETURN    TO  CUBA NAVIGATION    AMONG    THE    ISLANDS   CALLED 

THE    queen's    GARDEN. 

[1494.] 

Setting  sail  from  the  gulf  of  Buen-tiempo,  the  squadron  once  more 
Steered  for  the  island  of  Cuba,  and  on  the  18th  of  May  arrived  at  a 
great  cape,  to  which  Columbus  gave  the  name  of  Cabo  de  la  Cruz, 
which  it  still  retains.  Here,  landing  at  a  large  village,  he  was  well 
received  and  entertained  by  the  cacique  and  his  subjects,  who  had 
long  since  heard  of  himself  and  his  ships.  In  fact,  Columbus  found, 
from  the  report  of  this  chieftain,  that  the  numerous  Indians  who  had 
visited  his  ships  during  his  cruise  along  the  northern  coast,  in  his 
first  voyage,  had  spread  the  story  far  and  near,  of  these  wonderful 
visiters,  who  had  descended  from  the  sky,  and  had  filled  the  whole 
island  with  rumours  and  astonishment,  f  The  admiral  endeavoured 
to  ascertain  from  this  cacique  and  his  people,  whether  Cuba  was  an 
island  or  a  continent.     They  all  replied  that  it  was  an  island,  but  of 


♦  Hist,  del  Almirante,  Cap*  54.        i  Cura  de  los  Palacios^  C.  126. 


Chap.  HI.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  271 

infinite  extent ;  for  they  declared  that  no  one  had  ever  seen  the  end 
of  it.  This  reply,  while  it  manifested  their  ignorance  of  the  nature 
of  a  continent,  left  the  question  still  in  doubt  and  obscurity.  The 
Indian  name  of  this  province  of  Cuba  was  Macaca. 

Resuming  his  course  to  the  west,  on  the  following  day  Columbus 
came  to  where  the  coast  suddenly  swept  away  to  the  northeast  for 
many  leagues,  and  then  curved  round  again  to  the  west,  forming  an 
immense  bay,  or  rather  gulf  Here  he  was  assailed  by  a  violent 
storm,  accompanied  by  awful  thunder  and  Hghtning;  which,  in 
these  latitudes,  seem  to  rend  the  very  heavens.  Fortunately  the 
storm  was  not  of  long  duration,  or  his  situation  would  have  been 
perilous  in  the  extreme ;  for  he  found  the  navigation  rendered  diffi- 
cult by  numerous  keys*  and  sand  banks.  These  increased  as  he 
advanced,  until  the  mariner  stationed  at  the  mast-head  beheld  the 
sea,  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach,  completely  studded  with  small 
islands.  Some  of  them  were  low,  naked  and  sandy,  others  covered 
with  verdure,  and  others  tufted  with  lofty  and  beautiful  forests. 
They  were  of  various  sizes,  from  one  to  four  leagues,  and  were  gene- 
rally the  more  fertile  and  elevated  the  nearer  they  were  to  Cuba. 
Finding  them  to  increase  in  number,  so  as  to  render  it  impossible  to 
give  names  to  each,  the  admiral  gave  this  whole  labyrinth  of  islands, 
which  in  a  manner  enamelled  the  face  of  the  ocean  with  variegated 
verdure,  the  name  of  the  dueen's  Gardens.  He  thought  at  first  of 
leaving  this  archipelago  on  his  right,  and  standing  further  out  to 
sea ;  but  he  called  to  mind  that  Sir  John  Mandeville  and  Marco 
Polo  had  mentioned  that  the  coast  of  Asia  was  fringed  with  islands, 
to  the  amount  of  several  thousand.  He  persuaded  himself  that  he 
was  among  that  cluster  ;  and  resolved  not  to  lose  sight  of  the  main 
land,  by  following  which,  if  it  were  really  Asia,  he  must  soon  arrive 
at  the  dominions  of  the  Grand  Khan. 

Entering  among  these  islands,  therefore,  Columbus  soon  became 
entangled  in  the  most  perplexed  navigation,  in  which  he  was  ex- 
posed to  continual  perils  and  difficulties,  from  sand  banks,  counter 
currents,  and  sunken  rocks.  The  ships  were  obliged,  in  a  manner, 
to  grope  their  way,  with  men  stationed  at  the  mast-head,  and  the 
lead  continually  going.  Sometimes  they  were  obliged  to  shift  their 
course,  within  the  hour,  to  all  points  of  the  compass ;  sometimes  they 
were  straitened  in  a  narrow  channel,  where  it  was  necessary  to 
lower  all  sail,  and  tow  the  vessels  out,  lest  they  should  run  aground ; 
notwithstanding  all  which  precautions,  they  frequently  touched 
upon  sand  banks,  and  were  extricated  with  great  difficulty. 


*  Keys,  from  cayos,  rocks,  which  occasionally  form  small  islands  on  the  coasts 
of  America.  '  x 


272  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  VII. 

The  variableness  of  the  weather  added  to  the  embarrassment  of 
the  navigation ;  though  after  a  httle  while  it  began  to  assume  some 
method  in  its  very  caprices.  In  the  morning  the  wind  rose  in  the 
east  with  the  sun,  and  following  his  course  through  the  day,  died 
away  at  sunset  in  the  west.  Heavy  clouds  gathered  with  the  ap- 
proach  of  evening,  sending  forth  sheets  of  lightning,  and  distant 
peals  of  thunder,  and  menacing  a  furious  tempest ;  but  as  the  moon 
rose,  the  whole  mass  broke  away,  part  melting  in  a  shower  of  rain, 
and  part  dispersed  by  a  breeze  which  sprang  up  from  the  land. 

There  was  much  in  the  character  of  the  surrounding  scenery,  to 
favour  the  idea  of  Columbus  that  he  was  in  the  Asiatic  archipelago. 
As  the  ships  glided  along  the  smooth  and  glassy  canals  which  se- 
parated these  verdant  islands,  the  magnificence  of  their  vegetation, 
the  soft  odours  wafted  from  flowers  and  blossoms  and  aromatic 
shrubs,  and  the  splendid  plumage  of  the  scarlet  cranes,  or  rather 
flamingoes,  which  abounded  in  the  meadows,  and  of  other  tropical 
birds  which  fluttered  among  the  groves,  resembled  what  is  described 
of  oriental  climes. 

These  islands  were  generally  uninhabited.  They  found  a  consi- 
derable village,  however,  on  one  of  the  largest,  where  they  landed  on 
the  22d  of  May.  The  houses  were  abandoned  by  their  inhabitants, 
who  appeared  to  depend  principally  on  the  sea  for  their  subsistence. 
Large  quantities  of  fish  were  found  in  their  dwellings,  and  the  adja- 
cent shore  was  covered  with  the  shells  of  tortoises.  There  were  also 
domesticated  parrots,  and  scarlet  cranes,  and  a  number  of  dumb 
dogs,  which  it  was  after  wads  found  they  fattened  as  an  article  of 
food.     To  this  island  the  admiral  gave  the  name  of  Santa  Marta. 

In  the  course  of  his  voyage  among  these  islands,  Columbus 
beheld  one  day  a  number  of  the  natives  in  a  canoe,  on  the  still  sur- 
face of  one  of  the  cl»annels,  occupied  in  fishing,  and  was  struck 
with  the  singular  means  they  employed.  They  had  a  small  fish,  the 
flat  head  of  which  was  furnished  with  numerous  suckers,  by  which 
it  attached  itself  so  firmly  to  any  object  as  to  be  torn  in  pieces 
rather  than  abandon  its  hold.  Tying  a  line  of  great  length  to  the 
tail  of  this  fish,  the  Indians  permitted  it  to  swim  at  large ;  it  genC' 
rally  kept  near  the  surface  of  the  water  until  it  perceived  its  prey, 
when  darting  down  swiftly  it  attached  itself  by  the  suckers  to  the 
throat  of  the  fish,  or  to  the  under  shell  of  a  tortoise ;  nor  did  it  relin- 
quish its  prey  until  both  were  drawn  up  by  the  fishermen,  and  taken 
out  of  the  water.  In  this  way  the  Spaniards  witnessed  the  taking 
of  a  tortoise  of  immense  size ;  and  Fernando  Columbus  affirms  that 
he  himself  saw  a  shark  caught  in  this  manner  on  the  coast  of  Vera- 
gua.     The  fact  has  been  corroborated  by  the  accounts  of  various 


Chap.  III.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  273 

voyagers ;  and  the  same  mode  of  fishing  is  said  to  be  employed  or 
the  eastern  coast  of  Africa,  at  Mosambique  and  at  Madagascar. 
"  Thus,"  it  has  been  observed,  "  savage  people,  who  probably 
have  never  held  communication  with  each  other,  oiFer  the  most 
striking  analogies  in  their  modes  of  exercising  their  empire  over 
animals."* 

These  fishermen  came  on  board  of  the  ships  in  a  frank  and  fear- 
less manner.  They  furnished  the  Spaniards  with  a  supply  of  fish, 
and  would  cheerfully  have  given  them  every  thing  they  possessed. 
To  the  admiral's  inquiries  concerning  the  geography  of  these  parts, 
they  said  that  the  sea  was  full  of  islands  to  the  south  and  to  the  west, 
but  as  to  Cuba  it  continued  running  to  the  westward  without  any 
termination. 

Having  extricated  himself  from  this  archipelago,  Columbus  stood 
for  a  mountainous  part  of  the  island  of  Cuba,  about  fourteen 
leagues  distant,  where  he  landed  at  a  large  village  on  the  3d  of  June. 
Here  he  was  received  with  that  kindness  and  amity  which  distin- 
guished the  inhabitants  of  Cuba,  whom  he  extolled  above  all  the 
other  islanders  for  their  mild  and  pacific  character.  Their  very  ani- 
mals, he  said,  were  tamer,  as  well  as  larger,  and  better  than  those  of 
the  other  islands.  Among  the  various  articles  of  food,  which  the 
natives  brought  with  joyful  alacrity  from  all  parts  to  the  Spaniards, 
were  stockdoves  of  uncommon  size  and  flavour.  Perceiving  some- 
thing peculiar  in  their  taste,  Columbus  ordered  the  crops  of  several 
newly  killed  to  be  opened,  in  which  were  found  sweet  spices,  these  he 
considered  favourable  indications  of  the  productions  of  the  country. 

While  the  crews  of  the  boats  were  procuring  water  and  provi- 
sions, Columbus  sought  to  gather  information  from  the  venerable  ca- 
cique, and  several  of  the  old  men  of  the  village.  They  told  him 
that  the  name  of  their  province  was  Ornofay ;  that  further  on  to 
the  westward  the  sea  was  again  covered  ai  ith  innumerable  islands, 
and  had  but  little  depth.  As  to  Cuba,  none  of  them  had  ever  heard 
that  it  had  an  end  to  the  westward ;  forty  moons  would  not  suffice 
to  reach  to  its  extremity ;  in  fact,  they  considered  it  interminable. 
They  observed,  however,  that  the  admiral  would  receive  more  ample 
mformation  from  the  inhabitants  of  Mangon,  an  adjacent  provmce 
which  lay  towards  the  west. 

The  quick  apprehension  of  Columbus  was  struck  with  the  sound 
of  this  name;  it  resembled  that  of  Mangi,  the  richest  province  of 
the  Grand  Khan,  bordering  on  the  ocean.  He  made  further  inqui- 
ries concerning  this  region  of  Mangon,  and  understood  the  Indians 


*  Humboldt  Essai  Politique  sur  Pile  de  Cuba,  T.  1,  p.  364. 

Vol.  I.  18 


274  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  VH. 

to  say,  that  it  was  inhabited  by  people  who  had  tails  like  animals, 
and  wore  garments  to  conceal  them.  He  recollected  that  Sir  John 
Mandeville,  in  his  account  of  the  remote  parts  of  the  east,  had  re- 
corded a  story  of  the  same  kind  as  current  among  certain  naked 
tribes  of  Asia,  and  told  by  them  in  ridicule  of  the  garments  of  their 
civilized  neighbours,  which  they  could  only  conceive  useful  in  con- 
cealing some  bodily  defect.*  He  became,  therefore,  more  confident 
than  ever,  that  by  keeping  along  the  coast  to  the  westward,  he 
should  eventually  arrive  at  the  civilized  realms  of  Asia.  He  flat- 
tered himself  with  the  hopes  of  finding  this  region  of  Mangon  to  be 
the  rich  province  of  Mangi,  and  its  people  with  tails  and  garment^ 
the  long-robed  inhabitants  of  the  empire  of  Tartary. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

COASTINe    OF    THE    SOUTHERN    SIPE    OF    CUBA. 

[1494.] 

Animated  by  one  of  the  pleasing  illusions  of  his  ardent  imagina- 
tion, Columbus  pursued  his  voyage,  with  a  prosperous  breeze,  along 
the  supposed  continent  of  Asia.  He  was  now  opposite  to  that  part 
of  the  southern  side  of  Cuba,  where,  for  nearly  thirty-five  leagues, 
the  navigation  is  unembarrassed  by  banks  and  islands.  To  his  left, 
was  the  broad  and  open  sea,  whose  dark  blue  colour  gave  token  of 
ample  depth;  to  his  right  extended  the  richly  wooded  province  of 
Ornofay,  gradually  sweeping  up  into  a  range  of  interior  mountains; 
the  verdant  coast  watered  by  innumerable  streams,  and  studded  with 
Indian  villages.  The  appearance  of  the  ships  spread  wonder  and 
joy  along  the  seabord.  The  natives  hailed  with  acclamations  the 
arrival  on  their  shores  of  these  wonderful  beings,  whose  fame  had 
circulated  more  or  less  throughout  the  island,  and  who  brought  with 
them  the  blessings  of  heaven.  They  came  off  swimming,  or  in  their 
canoes,  to  offer  the  fruits  and  productions  of  the  land,  and  regarded  the 
white  men  almost  with  adoration.  After  the  usual  evening  shower, 
when  the  breeze  blew  from  the  shore,  and  brought  qS  the  sweetness 
of  the  land,  it  bore  with  it  also  the  distant  songs  of  the  natives,  and 

*  Cura  de  los  Palacios,  Cap.  127. 


Chap.  IV.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  275 

the  sound  of  their  rude  music,  as  they  were  probably  celebrating 
with  their  national  chants  and  dances,  the  arrival  of  the  white  men. 
So  delightful  were  these  spicy  odours  and  cheerful  sounds  to  Co- 
lumbus, who  was  at  present  open  to  all  pleasurable  influences,  that 
he  declared  the  night  passed  away  as  a  single  hour.* 

It  is  impossible  to  resist  noticing  the  striking  contrasts  which  are 
sometimes  presented  by  the  lapse  of  time.  The  coast  here  described, 
so  populous  and  animated,  rejoicing  in  the  visit  of  the  discoverers,  is 
the  same  that  extends  westward  of  the  city  of  Trinidad,  along  the 
gulf  of  Xagua.  All  is  now  silent  and  deserted;  civilization  which 
has  covered  some  parts  of  Cuba  with  glittering  cities,  has  rendered 
this  a  solitude.  The  whole  race  of  Indians  has  long  since  passed 
away;  pining  and  perishing  beneath  the  domination  of  the  strangers 
whom  they  welcomed  so  joyfully  to  their  shores.  Before  me  lies 
the  account  of  a  night  recently  passed  on  this  very  coast,  by  a  cele- 
brated traveller;  but  with  what  different  feelings  from  those  of  Co- 
lumbus! "  I  passed,"  says  he,  "  a  great  part  of  the  night  upon  the 
deck.  What  deserted  coasts !  not  a  light  to  announce  the  cabin  of  a 
fisherman.  From  Batabano  to  Trinidad,  a  distance  of  fifty  leagues, 
there  does  not  exist  a  village.  Yet  in  the  time  of  Columbus  this 
land  was  inhabited  even  along  the  margin  of  the  sea.  When  pits 
are  digged  in  the  soil,  or  the  torrents  plough  open  the  surface  of  the 
earth,  there  are  often  found  hatchets  of  stone  and  vessels  of  copper, 
reliques  of  the  ancient  inhabitants  of  the  island!"! 

For  the  greater  part  of  two  days  the  ships  swept  along  this  open 
part  of  the  coast,  traversing  the  wide  gulf  of  Xagua.  At  length 
they  came  to  where  the  sea  became  suddenly  as  white  as  milk,  and 
perfectly  turbid,  as  though  flour  had  been  mingled  with  it.  This  is 
caused  by  fine  sand,  or  calcareous  particles,  raised  from  the  bottom 
at  certain  depths,  by  the  agitation  of  the  waves  and  currents.  It 
spread  great  alarm  through  the  ships,  which  was  heightened  by 
their  soon  finding  themselves  surrounded  by  banks  and  keys,  and  in 
shallow  water.  The  further  they  proceeded,  the  more  perilous  be- 
came their  situation.  They  were  in  a  narrow  channel  where  they 
had  not  room  to  turn  and  to  beat  out ;  where  there  was  no  hold  for 
their  anchors,  and  where  they  were  violently  tossed  about  by  the 
winds,  and  in  danger  of  being  stranded.  At  length  they  came  to  a 
small  island,  where  they  found  tolerable  anchorage.  Here  they  re- 
mained for  the  night  in  great  anxiety;  many  were  for  abandoning 
all  further  prosecution  of  the  enterprise,  thinking  that  they  might 


*  Cura  de  los  Palacios. 

t  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.  sur  Cuba,  T.  2,  p.  25. 


276  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  VII. 

esteem  themselves  fortunate  should  they  be  able  to  return  from 
whence  they  came.  Columbus,  however,  could  not  consent  to  re- 
linquish his  voyage,  now  that  he  thought  himself  in  the  route  for  a 
brilliant  discovery.  The  next  morning,  he  dispatched  the  smallest 
caravel  to  explore  this  new  labyrinth  of  islands,  and  to  penetrate  to 
the  main  land  in  quest  of  fresh  water,  of  which  the  ships  were  in 
great  need.  The  caravel  returned  with  a  report  that  the  canals  and 
keys  of  this  group  were  as  numerous  and  intricate  as  those  of  the 
Gardens  of  the  Glueen ;  that  the  main  land  was  bordered  by  deep 
marshes  and  a  muddy  coast,  where  the  mangrove  trees  grew  within 
the  water,  and  so  close  together  that  they  formed,  as  it  were,  an  im- 
penetrable wall;  that  within,  the  land  appeared  fertile  and  mountain- 
ous; and  columns  of  smoke  rising  from  various  parts  gave  signs  of 
numerous  inhabitants.* 

Under  the  guidance  of  this  caravel,  Columbus  now  ventured  to 
penetrate  this  little  archipelago;  working  his  way  with  great  cau- 
tion, toil,  and  peril,  among  the  narrow  channels  which  separated  the 
sand  banks  and  islands,  and  frequently  getting  aground.  At  length 
he  reached  a  low  point  of  Cuba,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Point 
Serafin;  within  which  the  coast  swept  off  to  the  east,  forming  so 
deep  a  bay,  that  he  could  not  see  the  land  at  the  bottom.  To  the 
north,  however,  there  were  mountains  afar  off,  and  the  intermediate 
space  was  clear  and  open ;  the  islands  in  sight  lying  to  the  south 
and  west;  a  description  which  agrees  with  that  of  the  great  bay  of 
Batabano.  Columbus  now  steered  for  these  mountains,  with  a  fail 
wind,  and  three  fathoms  of  water,  and  on  the  following  day  anchor 
ed  on  the  coast  near  a  beautiful  grove  of  palm-trees. 

Here  a  party  was  sent  on  shore  for  wood  and  water,  and  found 
two  living  springs  in  the  midst  of  the  grove.  While  they  were  em- 
ployed cutting  wood,  and  filling  their  water  casks,  an  archer  strayed 
into  the  forest  with  his  crossbow  in  search  of  game,  but  soon  returned 
flying  with  great  terror,  and  calling  loudly  for  aid  upon  his  com- 
rades. He  declared  that  he  had  not  proceeded  far,  when  he  sud- 
denly espied  through  an  opening  glade  a  man  in  a  long  white  dress, 
so  like  a  friar  of  the  order  of  St.  Mary  of  Mercy,  that  at  first  sight 
he  took  him  for  the  chaplain  of  the  admiral.  Two  others  followed, 
in  white  tunics  reaching  to  their  knees,  and  the  three  were  of  as 
fair  complexions  as  Europeans.  Behind  these  appeared  many  more, 
to  the  number  of  thirty,  armed  with  clubs  and  lances.  They  made 
no  signs  of  hostility,  but  remained  quiet,  the  man  in  the  long  white 
dress  alone  advancing  to  accost  him;  but  he  was  so  alarmed  at  their 


*  Cura  delos  Palacios,  Cap.  128. 


Chap.  IV.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  277 

number,  that  he  had  fled  amain,  to  seek  the  aid  of  his  compa- 
nions. The  latter,  however,  were  so  alarmed  at  the  reported  num- 
ber of  armed  natives,  that  they  had  not  courage  to  seek  them,  or  to 
await  their  coming,  but  hurried  with  all  speed  to  the  ships. 

When  Columbus  heard  this  story  he  was  greatly  rejoiced,  for  he 
concluded  that  these  must  be  the  clothed  inhabitants  of  Mangon,  of 
whom  he  had  recently  heard,  and  that  he  had  at  length  come  upon 
the  traces  of  a  civilized  people,  if  not  within  the  very  borders  of  the 
rich  province  of  Mangi. 

On  the  following  day  he  dispatched  a  party  of  armed  men  in  quest 
of  these  people  clad  in  white,  with  orders  to  penetrate,  if  necessary, 
forty  miles  into  the  interior,  until  they  met  with  some  of  the  inha- 
bitants; for  he  thought  the  populous  and  cultivated  parts  might  he 
distant  from  the  sea,  and  that  there  might  be  towns  and  cities  be- 
yond the  wild  woods  and  mountains  of  the  coast.  The  party  pene- 
trated through  a  belt  of  thick  forest  which  girdled  the  shore,  and 
then  entered  upon  a  great  plain  or  savannah,  covered  with  rank 
grass  and  herbage  as  tall  as  ripe  corn,  and  destitute  of  any  road  or 
fbotpath.  Here  they  were  so  entangled  and  fettered  as  it  were,  by 
matted  grass  and  creeping  vegetation,  that  it  was  with  the  utmost 
difficulty  they  could  penetrate  the  distance  of  a  mile,  when  they  had 
to  abandon  the  attempt,  and  return  weary  and  exhausted  to  the 
ships. 

Another  party  was  sent  on  the  succeeding  day,  to  penetrate  in  a 
different  direction.  They  had  not  proceeded  far  from  the  coast, 
when  they  beheld  the  footprints  of  some  large  animal  with  claws, 
which  some  supposed  the  tracks  of  a  lion,  others  of  a  griffin,*  but 
which  were  probably  made  by  the  alligators  which  abound  in  that 
vicinity.  Dismayed  at  the  sight,  they  hastened  back  towards  the 
seaside.  In  their  way  they  passed  through  a  forest,  with  lawns 
and  meadows  opening  in  various  parts  of  it,  in  which  were  flocks  of 
cranes,  twice  the  size  of  those  of  Europe.  Many  of  the  trees  and 
shrubs  sent  forth  those  aromatic  odours  which  were  continually  de- 
ceiving them  with  the  hope  of  finding  oriental  spices.  They  saw 
also  abundance  of  grape  vines,  that  beautiful  feature  in  the  vegeta- 
tion of  the  New  World.  Many  of  these  crept  to  the  summits  of  the 
highest  trees,  overwhelming  them  with  foliage,  twisting  themselves 


*  Cardinal  Pierre  de  AUiaco,  a  favourite  author  with  Columbus,  speaks  re- 
peatedly in  his  Imago  Mundi,  of  the  existence  of  Griffins  in  India ;  and  Glanville, 
whose  work,  de  Proprietatibus  Rerum,  was  familiar  to  Columbus,  describes  them 
OS  having:  the  body  and  claws  of  a  lion  and  the  head  and  wings  of  an  eagle ;  and  as 
infesting  the  mountains,  which  abound  with  gold  and  precious  stones,  so  as  to  rer.- 
Uer  the  access  to  them  extremely  perilous.     D.  Proprietat.  Rerum,  h-  18,  C.  150. 

Y 


278  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  VII 

from  branch  to  branch,  and  bearing  ponderous  clusters  of  juicy 
grapes.  The  party  returned  to  the  ships  equally  unsuccessful  with 
their  predecessors,  and  pronouncing  the  country  wild  and  impene- 
trable, though  exceedingly  fertile.  As  a  proof  of  its  abundance, 
they  brought  great  clusters  of  the  wild  grapes,  which  Columbus 
afterwards  transmitted  to  the  sovereigns,  together  with  a  specimen 
of  the  water  of  the  White  Sea  through  which  he  had  passed. 

As  no  tribe  of  Indians  was  ever  discovered  in  Cuba  wearing 
clothing,  it  is  probable  that  the  story  of  the  men  in  white  origi- 
nated in  some  error  of  the  archer ;  who,  full  of  the  idea  of  the  mys- 
terious inhabitants  of  Mangon,  may  have  been  startled,  in  the  course 
of  his  lonely  wanderings  in  the  forest,  by  one  of  those  flocks  of 
cranes  which  it  seems  abounded  in  the  neighbourhood.  These 
birds,  like  the  flamingoes,  feed  in  company,  with  one  stationed  at  a 
distance  as  sentinel.  When  seen  through  the  openings  of  the  wood- 
lands, standing  in  rows  along  a  smooth  savannah  or  in  a  glassy 
pool  of  water,  their  height  and  erectness  give  them,  at  the  first 
glance,  the  semblance  of  human  figures.  Whether  the  story  origi- 
nated in  error  or  in  falsehood,  it  made  a  deep  impression  on  Colum- 
bus; who  was  predisposed  to  be  deceived,  and  to  believe  every  thing 
that  favoured  the  illusion  of  his  being  on  the  confines  of  a  civilized 
country. 

After  he  had  explored  the  deep  bay  to  the  east,  and  ascertamed 
that  it  was  not  an  arm  of  the  sea,  he  continued  westward ;  and  pro- 
ceeding about  nine  leagues,  came  to  an  inhabited  shore,  where  he 
had  communications  with  several  of  the  natives.  They  were  naked, 
as  usual ;  but  that  he  attributed  to  their  being  mere  fishernten,  in- 
habiting a  savage  coast ;  he  presumed  the  civilized  regions  to  lie  in 
the  interior.  As  his  Lucayan  interpreter  did  not  understand  the 
language,  or  rather  dialect,  of  this  part  of  Cuba,  all  his  communi- 
cations with  the  natives  had  to  be  through  the  erroneous  medium  of 
signs  and  gesticulations.  Deluded  by  his  own  favourite  hypothesis, 
he  understood  from  them,  that  among  certain  mountains  which  he 
saw  far  oflf  to  the  west,  there  was  a  powerful  king,  who  reigned  in 
great  state  over  manj^  populous  provinces;  that  he  wore  a  white 
garment  which  swept  the  ground ;  that  he  was  called  a  saint;*  and 
that  he  never  spoke,  but  communicated  his  orders  to  his  subjects  by 
signs,  which  were  implicitly  obeyed. f  In  all  this  we  see  the  busy 
imagination  of  the  admiral  interpreting  every  thing  into  unison  with 


*  Que  le  llamaban  Santo  6  que  traia  tunica  bianca  que  le  arrastra  por  el  suelo^ 
Cura  de  los  Palacios,  Cap.  128. 
+  Herrera,  Hist.  Ind.  Decad.  1,  L.  2,  Cap.  14. 


Chap.  IV.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  279 

his  preconceived  ideas.  Las  Casas  assures  us  that  there  was  no  ca- 
cique ever  known  in  the  island  who  wore  garments,  or  answered  in 
other  respects  to  this  description.  This  king  with  a  saintly  title, 
was  probably  nothing  more  than  a  reflected  image  haunting  the 
mind  of  Columbus,  of  that  mysterious  potentate,  Prester  John,  who 
had  long  figured  in  the  narrations  of  all  eastern  travellers,  sometimes 
as  a  monarch,  sometimes  as  a  priest ;  the  situation  of  whose  empire 
and  court  was  always  a  matter  of  doubt  and  contradiction,  and  had 
recently  become  again  an  object  of  curious  inquiry. 

The  information  derived  from  these  people  concerning  the  coast 
to  the  westward  was  entirely  vague.  They  said  that  it  continued 
for  at  least  twenty  days'  journey,  but  whether  it  terminated  there, 
they  did  not  know.  They  appeared  but  Httle  informed  of  any  thing 
out  of  their  immediate  neighbourhood.  Taking  an  Indian  from  this 
place  as  a  guide,  Columbus  steered  for  the  distant  mountains  said  to 
be  inhabited  by  this  cacique  in  white  raiment,  hoping  they  might 
prove  the  confines  of  a  more  civilized  country.  He  had  not  gone 
far  before  he  was  involved  in  the  usual  perplexities  of  keys,  shelves, 
and  sand  banks.  The  vessels  frequently  stirred  up  the  sand  and 
slime  from  the  bottom  of  the  sea ;  at  other  times  they  were  almost 
imbedded  in  narrow  channels,  where  there  was  no  room  to  tack,  and 
it  was  necessary  to  drag  them  forward  by  means  of  the  capstern,  to 
their  great  injury.  At  one  time  they  came  to  where  the  sea  was 
almost  covered  with  tortoises ;  at  another  time  flights  of  cormorants 
and  wood-pigeons  darkened  the  sun ;  and  one  day  the  whole  air 
was  filled  with  clouds  of  gaudy  butterflies,  until  dispelled  by  the 
evening  shower. 

When  they  approached  the  mountainous  region,  they  found  the 
coast  bordered  by  drowned  lands,  or  morasses,  and  beset  by  such 
'thick  forests,  that  it  was  impossible  to  penetrate  to  the  interior.  They 
were  several  days  seeking  fresh  water,  of  which  they  were  in  great 
want.  At  length  they  found  a  spring  in  a  grove  of  palm-trees,  and 
near  it  shells  of  the  pearl-oyster,  from  which  Columbus  thought 
there  might  be  a  valuable  fishery  for  pearls  in  the  neighbourhood. 

While  thus  cut  oflf  from  all  intercourse  with  the  interior  by  a  belt 
of  swamp  and  forest,  the  country  appeared  to  be  well  peopled.  Co- 
lumns of  smoke  ascended  from  various  parts,  which  grew  more 
frequent  as  they  advanced,  until  they  rose  from  every  rock  and 
woody  height.  The  Spaniards  were  at  a  loss  to  determine  whether 
these  arose  from  villages  and  towns,  oi  whether  from  signal  fires,  to 
give  notice  of  the  approach  of  the  ships,  and  to  alarm  the  country ; 
such  as  were  usual  on  European  seaboard,  when  an  enemy  was 
descried  hovering  in  the  vicinity. 


280 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


[Book  Vll 


For  several  days  Columbus  continued  exploring  this  perplexed 
and  lonely  coast,  whose  intricate  channels  are  seldom  visited,  even 
at  the  present  day,  excepting  by  the  solitary  and  lurking  bark  of  the 
smuggler.  As  he  proceeded,  however,  he  found  that  the  coast  took 
a  general  bend  to  the  southwest.  This  accorded  precisely  with  the 
descriptions  given  by  Marco  Polo  of  the  remote  coast  of  Asia.  He 
now  became  fully  assured  that  he  was  on  that  part  of  the  Asiatic 
continent  which  lies  beyond  the  boundaries  of  the  old  world,  as  laid 
down  by  Ptolemy.  Let  him  but  continue  his  course,  he  thought, 
and  he  must  surely  arrive  to  the  point  where  this  range  of  coast  ter- 
minated in  the  Aurea  Chersonesus  of  the  Ancients.* 

The  ardent  imagination  of  Columbus  was  always  sallying  in  the 
advance,  and  suggesting  some  splendid  track  of  enterprise.  Com- 
bining his  present  conjectures  as  to  his  situation,  with  the  imperfect 
lights  of  geography,  he  conceived  a  triumphant  route  for  his  return 
to  Spain,  Doubling  the  Aurea  Chersonesus,  he  should  emerge  into 
the  seas  frequented  by  the  Ancients,  and  bordered  by  the  luxurious 
nations  of  the  east.  Stretching  across  the  gulf  of  the  Ganges,  he 
might  pass  by  Trapoban,  and  continuing  on  to  the  straits  of  Babel- 
mandel,  arrive  on  the  shores  of  the  Red  sea.  From  thence,  he 
might  make  his  way  by  land  to  Jerusalem,  take  shipping  at  Joppa, 
and  traverse  the  Mediterranean  to  Spain.  Or  should  the  route  from 
Ethiopia  to  Jerusalem  be  deemed  too  perilous  from  savage  and  war-, 
like  tribes,  or  should  he  not  choose  to  separate  from  his  vessels,  he 
might  sail  round  the  whole  coast  of  Africa,  pass  triumphantly  by 
the  Portuguese,  in  their  midway  groping  along  the  shores  of  Gui- 
nea, and  after  having  thus  circumnavigated  the  globe,  furl  his 
adventurous  sails  at  the  pillars  of  Hercules,  the  ne  flus  ultra  of  the 
ancient  world  !  Such  was  the  soaring  meditation  of  Columbus,  as 
recorded  by  one  of  his  intimate  associates;!  nor  is  there  any  thing* 
surprising  in  his  ignorance  of  the  real  magnitude  of  our  globe. 
The  mechanical  admeasurement  of  a  known  part  of  its  circle,  has 
rendered  its  circumference  a  familiar  fact  in  our  day;  but  in  his 
time  it  still  remained  a  problem  with  the  most  profound  philosophers. 

*  The  present  peninsula  of  Malacca. 
+  Cura  de  los  Palacios,  Cap.  123.  MS* 


QiAP.  v.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS. 


CHAPTER  V. 

RETURN    OP    COLUMBUS   ALONG   THE   SOUTHERN   €OAST   OP   CUBA* 

[1494.] 

The  opinion  of  Columbus  that  he  was  coasting  the  continent  of 
Asia,  and  approaching  the  confines  of  eastern  civilization,  was 
shared  by  all  his  fellow-voyagers,  among  whom  were  several  able 
and  experienced  navigators.  They  were  far,  however,  from  sharing 
his  enthusiasm.  They  were  to  derive  no  glory  from  the  success  of 
the  enterprise,  and  they  shrunk  from  its  increasing  difficulties  and 
perils.  The  ships  were  strained  and  crazed  by  the  various  injuries 
they  had  received  in  running  frequently  aground.  Their  cables 
and  rigging  were  worn;  their  provisions  were  growing  scanty,  a 
great  part  of  the  biscuit  was  spoiled  by  the  sea- water,  which  oozed 
in  through  innumerable  leaks.  The  crews  were  worn  out  by  inces- 
sant labour,  and  disheartened  at  the  appearance  of  the  sea  before 
them,  which  continued  to  exhibit  a  mere  wilderness  of  islands. 
They  remonstrated  therefore  against  persisting  any  longer  in  this 
f  voyage.  They  had  already  followed  the  coast  far  enough  to  satisfy 
their  minds  that  it  was  a  continent,  and  though  they  doubted  not 
that  civilized  regions  lay  in  the  route  they  were  pursuing,  yet  their 
1^'  provisions  might  be  exhausted,  and  their  vessels  disabled  before  they 
could  arrive  at  those  countries, 

Columbus,  as  his  imagination  cooled,  was  himself  aware  of  the 
inadequacy  of  his  vessels  to  the  voyage  he  had  contemplated  ;  but 
he  felt  it  of  importance  to  his  fame,  and  to  the  popularity  of  his 
enterprises,  to  furnish  satisfactory  proofs  that  the  land  he  had  dis- 
covered was  a  continent.  He  therefore  persisted  four  days  longer 
in  exploring  the  coast,  as  it  bent  to  the  southwest,  until  every  one 
declared  that  there  could  no  longer  be  a  doubt  on  the  subject,  for 
that  it  was  impossible  so  vast  a  continuity  of  land  could  belong  to  a 
mere  island.  The  admiral  was  determined,  however,  that  the  fact 
should  not  rest  merely  on  his  own  assertion,  having  had  recent 
proofs  of  a  disposition  to  gainsay  his  statements,  and  depreciate  his 
discoveries.  He  sent  round,  therefore,  a  public  notary,  Fernan 
Perez  de  Luna,  to  each  of  the  vessels,  accompanied  by  four  witnesses 

Y2 


282  UFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  VH 

who  demanded  formally  of  every  person  on  board,  from  the  captain 
to  the  ship-boy,  whether  he  had  any  doubt  that  the  land  before  him 
was  a  continent,  the  beginning  and  end  of  the  Indias,  by  which 
any  one  might  return  overland  to  Spain,  and  by  pursuing  the  coast 
of  which,  they  would  soon  arrive  among  civilized  people.  If  any 
one  entertained  a  doubt,  he  was  called  upon  to  express  it,  that  it 
might  be  removed.  On  board  of  the  vessels  were  several  expe- 
rienced navigators,  and  men  well  versed  in  the  geographical  know- 
ledge of  the  times.  They  examined  their  maps  and  charts,  and  the 
reckonings  and  journals  of  the  voyage,  and  after  deliberating  ma- 
turely, declared  under  oath  that  they  had  no  doubt  upon  the  subject. 
They  grounded  their  belief  principally  upon  their  having  coasted 
for  three  hundred  and  thirty-five  leagues,*  an  extent  unheard  of  as 
appertaining  to  an  island  ;  while  the  land  continued  to  stretch  for- 
ward interminably,  bending  towards  the  south,  conformably  to  the 
descriptions  of  the  remote  coast  of  India. 

Lest  they  should  subsequently,  out  of  malice  or  caprice,  contra- 
dict the  opinion  thus  solemnly  avowed,  it  was  proclaimed  by  the  no- 
tary, that  whoever  should  offend  in  such  manner,  if  an  officer, 
should  pay  a  penalty  of  ten  thousand  maravedis ;  if  a  ship-boy,  or  a 
person  of  like  rank,  he  should  receive  a  hundred  lashes,  and  have  his 
tongue  cut  out.  A  formal  statement  was  afterwards  drawn  up  by 
the  notary,  including  the  depositions  and  names  of  every  individual, 
which  document  still  exists,  f  This  singular  process  took  place 
near  that  deep  bay,  called  by  some  the  Bay  of  Philipina,  by  others 
of  Cortes.  At  this  very  time,  as  has  been  remarked,  a  ship-boy 
from  the  mast-head,  might  have  overlooked  the  group  of  islands  to 
the  south,  and  have  beheld  the  open  sea  beyond.}:  Two  or  three 
days  further  sail  would  have  carried  Columbus  round  the  extremity 
of  Cuba,  would  have  dispelled  his  illusion,  and  might  have  given 
an  entirely  different  course  to  his  subsequent  discoveries.  In  his 
present  conviction  he  lived  and  died ;  believing  to  his  last  hour,  that 
Cuba  was  the  extremity  of  the  Asiatic  continent. 

Relinquishing  all  further  investigation  of  the  coast,  he  stood  to 
the  southeast  on  the  13th  of  June,  and  soon  came  in  sight  of  a  large 
island,  with  mountains  rising  majestically  among  tliis  labyrinth  of 
little  keys.  To  this  he  gave  the  name  of  Evangelista :  it  is  at  pre- 
sent known  as  the  island  of  Pines,  and  is  celebrated  for  its  excel- 


*  This  calculation  evidently  includes  all  the  courses  of  the  ships  in  their  various 
tacks  along  the  coast.  Columbus  could  hardly  have  made  such  an  error  as  to  have 
given  this  extent  to  the  southern  side  of  the  island,  even  including  the  inflexions 
•f  the  coast, 

*  Navarrete,  CoUec.  T.  8.        t  Munoz,  Hist,  N.  Mundo,  L.  5,  p.  217- 


Chap.  V.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  283 

lent  mahogany.  Here  he  anchored  and  took  in  a  supply  of  wood 
and  water.  He  then  stood  to  the  south  along  the  shores  of  the  island, 
hoping,  by  turning  its  southern  extremity,  to  find  an  open  route  east- 
ward of  Hispaniola,  and  intending,  on  his  way,  to  run  along  the 
southern  side  of  Jamaica.  He  had  not  proceeded  far  before  he  came 
to  what  he  supposed  to  be  a  channel  opening  to  the  southeast,  be- 
tween Evangelista  and  some  opposite  island.  After  entering  for 
some  distance,  however,  he  found  himself  enclosed  in  a  deep  bay, 
being  the  lagoon  of  Siguanca,  which  penetrates  far  into  the  island, 

Observing  dismay  painted  on  the  faces  of  all  his  crew,  at  finding 
themselves  thus  land-locked,  and  almost  destitute  of  provisions, 
Columbus  cheered  them  with  encouraging  words,  and  resolved  to 
extricate  himself  from  this  perplexed  maze,  by  retracing  his  course 
along  Cuba.  Leaving  the  lagoon,  therefore,  he  returned  to  his  last 
anchoring  place;  and  from  thence  set  sail  on  the  25th  of  June,  na- 
vigating back  through  the  groups  of  islands  between  Evangelista 
and  Cuba,  and  across  a  tract  of  the  White  Sea,  which  had  so  much 
appalled  his  people.  Here  he  experienced  a  repetition  of  the  anxi- 
eties, the  perils,  and  the  toils,  which  had  beset  him  in  his  advance 
along  the  coast.  The  crews  were  alarmed  by  the  frequent  changes 
in  the  colour  of  the  water,  sometimes  green,  sometimes  almost 
black,  at  other  times  as  white  as  milk ;  at  one  time  they  fancied 
themselves  surrounded  by  rocks ;  at  another  the  sea  appeared  to  be 
a  vast  sand-bank.  On  the  30th  of  June  the  admiral's  ship  ran 
aground  with  such  violence  as  to  sustain  great  injury.  Every  effort 
to  extricate  her  by  sending  out  anchors  astern  was  ineffectual,  and 
it  was  necessary  to  drag  her  over  the  shoal  by  the  prow.  At  length 
they  emerged  from  the  clusters  of  islands  called  the  Jardins  and 
Jardinellos,  and  came  to  the  open  part  of  the  coast  of  Cuba.  Here 
they  once  more  sailed  along  the  beautiful  and  fertile  province  of 
Ornofay,  and  were  again  delighted  with  the  fragrant  and  honeyed 
airs  which  were  wafted  from  the  land.  Among  the  mingled  odours 
the  admiral  fancied  he  perceived  that  of  storax  proceeding  from  the 
smoke  of  fires  blazing  on  the  shores.* 

Here  Columbus  sought  some  convenient  harbour  where  he  might 
procure  wood  and  water,  and  allow  his  crews,  to  enjoy  repose  and 
the  recreations  of  the  land,  for  they  were  exceedingly  enfeebled  and 
emaciated  by  the  toils  and  privations  of  the  voyage.  For  nearly 
»wo  months  they  had  been  struggling  with  perpetual  difficulties 


*  Humboldt,  in  his  Essai  Polit.  (T.  2.  p,  24)  speaks  of  the  delicious  fragrance 
»f  flowers  and  honey  which  exhales  from  this  same  coast,  and  is  perceptible  lo  a 
lonsiderable  distance  at  sea. 


284  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  VIL 

and  dangers,  and  suffering  from  a  scarcity  of  provisions.  Among 
these  uninhabited  keys,  and  drowned  shores,  their  supplies  from  the 
natives  had  'been  precarious,  and  at  wide  intervals;  nor  would  the 
fresh  provisions  thus  furnished  last  above  a  day,  from  the  heat  and 
humidity  of  the  climate.  It  was  the  same  case  with  any  fish  they 
might  chance  to  catch,  so  that  they  had  to  depend  almost  entirely 
upon  their  daily  allowance  of  ship's  provisions,  which  was  reduced 
to  a  pound  of  mouldy  bread,  and  a  small  portion  of  wine.  With 
joy,  therefore,  they  anchored  on  the  7th  of  July  in  the  mouth  of  a 
fine  river  in  this  genial  and  abundant  region.  The  ca'cique  of  the 
neighbourhood,  who  reigned  over  an  extensive  territory,  received 
the  admiral  with  demonstrations  of  mingled  joy  and  reverence,  and 
his  subjects  came  laden  with  whatever  their  country  afforded;  utias, 
birds  of  various  kinds,  particularly  large  pigeons,  cassava  bread, 
and  fruits  of  a  rich  and  aromatic  flavour. 

It  was  a  custom  with  Columbus,  in  all  remarkable  places  which 
he  visited,  to  erect  crosses  in  conspicuous  situations,  to  denote  the 
discovery  of  the  country  and  its  subjugation  to  the  true  faith.  He 
ordered  a  large  cross  of  wood,  therefore,  to  be  elevated  on  the  bank 
of  this  river.  This  was  done  on  a  Sunday  morning,  with  great 
ceremony,  and  the  celebration  of  a  solemn  mass.  When  Columbus 
disembarked  for  the  purpose,  he  was  met  upon  the  shore  by  the  ca- 
cique and  his  principal  favourite,  a  venerable  Indian,  fourscore 
years  of  age,  of  grave  and  dignified  deportment.  The  old  man 
brought  a  string  of  a  certain  kind  of  beads,  to  which  the  Indians 
attached  a  mystic  value,  and  a  calabash  of  a  delicate  kind  of  fruit; 
these  he  presented  to  the  admiral  in  token  of  amity.  They  then 
each  took  him  by  the  hand,  and  proceeded  with  him  to  the  grove, 
where  preparations  had  been  made  for  the  celebration  of  the  mass : 
a  multitude  of  the  natives  followed.  While  mass  was  performing 
in  this  natural  temple,  the  Indians  looked  on  with  awe  and  reve- 
rence, perceiving  from  the  tones  and  gesticulations  of  the  priest,  the 
lighted  tapers,  the  smoking  incense,  and  the  devotion  of  the  Span 
iards,  that  it  must  be  a  ceremony  of  a  sacred  and  mysterious  nature. 
When  the  service  was  ended,  the  old  man  of  fourscore,  who  had 
centemplated  it  with  profound  attention,  approached  Columbus,  and 
made  him  an  oration  in  the  Indian  manner. 

"  This  which  thou  hast  been  doing,"  said  he,  "  is  well ;  for  it  ap- 
pears to  be  thy  manner  of  giving  thanks  to  God.  I  am  told  that 
thou  hast  lately  come  to  these  lands  with  a  mighty  force,  and  hast 
subdued  many  countries,  spreading  great  fear  among  the  people; 
but  be  not,  therefore,  vain-glorious.  Know  that,  according  to  our 
belief,  the  souls  of  men  have  two  journeys  to  perform  after  they  have 


Chap.  V.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  285 

departed  from  the  body ;  one  to  a  place,  dismal,  and  foul,  and  cover- 
ed with  darkness,  prepared  for  those  who  have  been  unjust  and  cruel 
to  their  fellow  men ;  the  other  pleasant  and  full  of  delight,  for  such 
as  have  promoted  peace  on  earth.  If  then  thou  art  mortal,  and 
dost  expect  to  die,  and  dost  believe  that  each  one  shall  be  rewarded 
according  to  his  deeds,  beware  that  thou  wrongfully  hurt  no  man, 
nor  do  harm  to  those  who  have  done  no  harm  to  thee."* 

This  speech  was  explained  to  the  admiral  by  his  Lucayan  inter- 
preter, Diego  Colon.  Being  a  man  of  sincere  piety  and  tender 
feelings,  he  was  greatly  moved  by  the  simple  eloquence  of  this  un- 
tutored savage.  He  told  him,  in  reply,  that  he  rejoiced  to  hear  his 
doctrine  respecting  the  future  state  of  the  soul,  having  supposed 
that  no  belief  of  the  kind  existed  among  the  inhabitants  of  these 
countries.  That  he  had  been  sent  among  them  by  his  sovereigns  to 
teach  them  the  true  religion;  to  protect  them  from  all  harm  and 
injury ;  and  e3peciilly  to  subdue  and  punish  their  enemies  and  per- 
secutors, the  Cai.nibals.  That  therefore,  all  innocent  and  peaceable 
men  might  look  up  to  him  with  confidence  as  an  assured  friend  and 
protect  ar. 

The  old  man  was  overjoyed  at  these  words,  but  was  equally 
astonished  to  learn  that  the  admiral,  whom  he  considered  so  grand 
and  powerful,  was  yet  but  a  subject.  His  wonder  increased  when 
the  inlerpreter  told  him  of  the  riches  and  splendour,  and  power  of  the 
Spanish  monarchs,  and  of  the  wonderful  things  that  he  had  beheld 
on  his  visit  to  Spain.  Finding  himself  listened  to  with  eager  curi- 
osity by  the  whole  multitude,  the  interpreter  went  on  to  describe  the 
objects  which  had  most  struck  his  mind  in  the  country  of  the  white 
men.  The  splendid  cities,  the  vast  churches,  the  troops  of  horsemen, 
the  great  animals  of  various  kinds,  the  pompous  festivals  and  tour- 
naments of  the  court  the  glittering  armies  and  above  all  the  bull- 
fights. The  Indians  all  listened  in  mute  amazement,  but  the  old 
man  was  particularly  excited.  He  was  of  a  curious  and  wandering 
disposition,  and  had  been  a  great  voyager;  having,  according  to  his 
account,  visited  Jamaica  and  Hispaniola,  and  the  remote  parts 
of  Cuba.f  A  sudden  desire  now  seized  him  to  behold  the  glorious 
country  thus  described ;  and,  old  as  he  was  he  offered  to  embark 
with  the  admiral.  His  wife  and  children,  however,  beset  him  with 
such  lamentations  and  remonstrances,  that  he  was  obliged  to  aban- 
don the  intention,  though  he  did  it  with  great  reluctance,  asking 
repeatedly  if  the  land  they  spoke  of  were  not  heaven ;  for  it  seemed 
to  him  impossible  that  earth  could  produce  such  wonderful  beings,  t 


*  Herrera,  Dec.  1,  L.  11,  C.  14.    Hist,  del  Almirante,  Cap.  57.    P.  Martyr, 
Decad.  1,  L.  3.     Cura  de  los  Palacios,  Cap.  130. 

t  Hist,  del  Almirante,  Cap.  57.        t  Peter  Martyr,  Decad.  1,  L.  3. 


286 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


[Book  VIL 


CHAPTER  VI. 


COASTING    VOYAGE    ALONG   THE    SOUTH    SIDE    Ot   JAMAICA. 
[1494.] 

Columbus  remained  for  several  days  at  anchor  in  the  river,  to 
which,  from  the  solemn  mass  performed  on  its  banks,  he  gave  the 
name  of  Rio  de  la  Misa.  At  length,  on  the  16th  of  July,  he  took 
leave  of  the  friendly  cacique  and  his  ancient  counsellor,  who  beheld 
his  departure  with  sorrowful  countenances.  He  took  one  young 
Indian  with  him  from  this  place,  whom  he  afterwards  sent  to  the 
Spanish  sovereigns.  Leaving  to  the  left  the  great  cluster  of  islands 
which  he  had  named  the  Queen's  Garden,  he  steered  south  for  the 
broad  open  sea  and  deep  blue  water,  until,  having  a  free  navigation, 
he  could  stand  eastward  for  Hispaniola.  He  had  scarcely  got  clear 
of  the  islands,  however,  when  he  was  assailed  by  furious  gusts 
of  wind  and  rain,  which  for  two  days  pelted  his  crazy  vessels,  and 
harassed  his  enfeebled  crews.  At  length,  as  he  approached  Cape 
Cruz,  a  violent  squall  struck  the  ships,  and  nearly  threw  them  on 
their  beam  ends.  Fortunately  they  were  able  to  take  in  sail  imme- 
diately, and  letting  go  their  largest  anchors,  they  rode  out  the 
transient  gale.  The  admiral's  ship  was  so  strained  by  the  injuries 
received  among  the  islands,  that  she  leaked  at  every  seam,  and  the 
utmost  exertions  of  the  weary  crew  could  not  prevent  the  water  from 
gaining  on  her.  At  length  they  were  enabled  to  reach  Cape  Cruz, 
where  they  anchored  on  the  18th  of  July,  and  remained  three 
days  receiving  the  same  hospitable  succour  from  the  natives  which 
they  had  experienced  on  their  former  visit. 

The  wind  continuing  contrary  for  the  return  to  Hispaniola,  Co- 
lumbus, on  the  22d  of  July,  stood  across  for  Jamaica,  to  complete 
the  circumnavigation  of  that  island.  For  nearly  a  month  he  con- 
tinued beating  to  the  eastward  along  its  southern  coast ;  experienc- 
ing just  such  variable  winds  and  evening  showers  as  had  prevailed, 
along  the  shores  of  Cuba.  Every  evening  he  was  obliged  to  anchor 
under  the  land,  often  at  nearly  the  same  place  from  whence  he  had; 
sailed  in  the  morning.  The  natives  no  longer  manifested  hostility, : 
but  followed  the  ships  in  their  canoes,  bringing  supplies  of  provisions. 
Columbus  was  so  much  delighted  with  the  verdure,  freshness,  and] 
fertility  of  this  noble  island,  that  had  the  state  of  his  vessels  and! 


CUAP.  VI.J  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  257 

crews  permitted,  he  would  gladly  have  remained  to  explore  the  in- 
terior. He  spoke  with  admiration  of  its  frequent  and  excellent  har- 
bours, but  was  particularly  pleased  with  a  great  bay  containing 
seven  islands,  and  surrounded  by  numerous  villages.*  Anchoring 
here  one  evening,  he  was  visited  by  a  cacique  who  resided  in  a  large 
village,  situated  on  an  eminence  of  the  loftiest  and  most  fertile  of 
the  islands.  He  came  attended  by  a  numerous  train  bearing  various 
refreshments.  This  chieftain  manifested  great  curiosity  in  his  in- 
quiries concerning  the  Spaniards,  their  ships,  and  the  region  from 
whence  they  came.  The  admiral  made  his  customary  reply,  setting 
forth  the  great  power  and  the  benign  intentions,  of  the  Spanish 
sovereigns.  The  Lucayan  interpreter  again  enlarged  upon  the 
wonders  he  had  beheld  in  Spain;  the  prowess  of  the  Spaniards, 
the  countries  they  had  visited  and  subjugated,  and  above  all  their 
having  made  descents  on  the  islands  of  the  Caribs,  routed  their 
formidable  inhabitants,  and  carried  several  of  them  into  captivity. 
To  these  accounts  the  cacique  and  his  followers  remained  listening 
in  profound  attention,  until  the  night  was  advanced. 

The  next  morning  the  ships  were  under  way,  and  standing  along 
the  coast  with  a  light  wind  and  easy  sail,  when  they  beheld  three 
canoes  issuing  from  among  the  islands  of  the  bay.  They  ap- 
proached in  regular  order;  one,  which  was  very  large  and  hand- 
somely carved  and  painted,  was  in  the  centre,  a  little  in  advance  of 
the  two  others,  which  appeared  to  attend  and  guard  it.  In  this  was 
seated  the  cacique  and  his  family,  consisting  of  his  wife,  two  daugh- 
ters, two  sons,  and  five  brothers.  One  of  the  daughters  was  eigh- 
teen years  of  age,  beautiful  in  form  and  countenance;  her  sister  was 
somewhat  younger;  both  were  naked,  according  to  the  custom  of 
these  islands,  but  were  of  modest  demeanour.  In  the  prow  of  the 
canoe  stood  the  standardbearer  of  the  cacique,  clad  in  a  kind  of 
mantle  of  variegated  feathers,  with  a  tuft  of  gay  plumes  on  his  head, 
and  bearing  in  his  hand  a  fluttering  white  banner.  Two  Indians, 
with  caps  or  helmets  of  feathers,  of  uniform  shape  and  colour,  and 
their  faces  painted  in  a  similar  manner,  beat  upon  tabors ;  two  others, 
with  hats  curiously  wrought  of  green  feathers,  held  trumpets  of  a 
fine  black  wood,  ingeniously  carved ;  and  there  were  six  others,  in 
large  hats  of  white  feathers,  who  appeared  to  be  guards  to  the 
cacique. 

This  gallant  little  armada  having  arrived  along  side  of  the  admi- 


*  From  the  description  this  must  be  the  great  bay  East  of  Portland  Point;  at 
the  bottom  of  which  is  Old  Harbour. 


288  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  VH. 

ral's  ship,  the  cacique  entered  on  board  with  all  his  train.  He  ap- 
peared in  all  his  regalia.  Around  his  head  was  a  band  of  small 
stones  of  various  colours,  but  principally  green,  sjmmetricallj  ar- 
ranged, with  large  white  stones  at  intervals,  and  connected  in  front 
by  a  large  jewel  of  gold.  Two  plates  of  gold  were  suspended  to  his 
ears  by  rings  of  very  small  green  stones.  To  a  necklace  of  white 
beads,  of  a  kind  deemed  precious  by  them,  was  suspended  a  large 
plate  in  the  form  of  a  fleur-de-lys,  of  guanin,  an  inferior  species  of 
gold ;  and  a  girdle  of  variegated  stones,  similar  to  those  round  his 
head,  completed  his  regal  decorations.  His  wife  was  adorned  in  a 
similar  manner,  having  also  a  very  small  apron  of  cotton,  and  bands 
of  the  same  round  her  arms  and  legs.  The  daughters  were  without 
ornaments,  excepting  the  eldest  and  handsomest,  who  had  a  girdle 
of  small  black  stones,  from  which  was  suspends  1  a  tablet,  the  size 
of  an  ivy  leaf,  composed  of  various  coloured  stones,  embroidered  on 
network  of  cotton. 

When  the  cacique  entered  on  board  of  the  ship,  1  le  distributed  pre- 
sents of  the  productions  of  his  island,  among  the  officers  and  men. 
The  admiral  was  at  this  time  in  his  cabin,  engaged  in  his  morning 
devotions.  When  he  appeared  on  deck,  the  ch/oftain  hastened  to 
meet  him  with  an  animated  countenance.  "  My  friend,"  said  he,  "  I 
have  determined  to  leave  my  country,  and  to  accompany  thee.  I 
have  heard  from  these  Indians  who  are  with  thee  of  the  iriesistible 
power  of  thy  sovereigns,  and  of  the  many  nations  l,hou  hast  subdued 
in  their  name.  Whoever  refuses  obedience  to  thtio,  is  sure  to  suffer. 
Thou  hast  destroyed  the  canoes  and  dwellings  of  the  Caribs, 
slaying  their  warriors,  and  carrying  into  captivity  their  wives 
and  children.  All  the  islands  are  in  dread  of  lliee;  for  who  can 
withstand  thee  now  that  thou  knowest  the  secrets  of  the  land,  and 
the  weakness  of  the  people.  Rather,  therefore,  than  thou  shouldst 
take  away  my  dominions,  I  will  embark  with  all  my  household  in 
thy  ships,  and  will  go  to  do  homage  to  thy  kiiig  and  queen,  and 
to  behold  their  marvellous  country,  of  which  /liy  Indians  relate 
such  wonders." 

When  this  speech  was  explained  to  Columbus,  and  he  beheld  the 
wife,  the  sons  and  daughters  of  the  cacique,  and  thought  upon  the 
ills  to  which  their  ignorance  and  simplicity  wo  aid  be  exposed,  he . 
was  touched  with  compassion,  and  determined  no  to  take  them  from 
their  native  land.  He  replied  to  the  cacique,  thrrefore,  that  he  re 
ceived  him  under  his  protection,  as  a  vassal  of  his  sovereigns;  but, 
having  many  lands  yet  to  visit  before  he  returned  to  his  country,  he 
would  call  another  time,  and  fulfil  his  desire.      Then  takinsj  leave, 


Chap.  VII.]  X.HRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  289 

with  many  expressions  of  amity,  the  cacique,  with  his  wife  and 
daughters  and  all  his  retinue,  re-embarked  in  the  canoes,  returning 
reluctantly  to  their  island,  and  the  ships  continued  on  their  course.* 


CHAPTER    VII. 


VOYAGE    ALONG   THE    SOUTH    SIDE    OF    HISPANIOLA,     AND    RETURN 
TO  ISABELLA. 

[  1494.  ] 

On  the  19th  of  August,  Columbus  lost  sight  of  the  eastern  ex- 
tremity of  Jamaica,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Cape  Farol,  at 
present  called  Point  Morant.  Steering  eastward,  he  beheld  on  the 
following  day  that  long  peninsula  of  Hispaniola,  known  by  the 
name  of  Cape  Tiburon,  but  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Cape  San 
Miguel.  He  was  not  aware  that  it  was  a  part  of  the  island  of  Hayti, 
until,  coasting  along  the  southern  side,  a  cacique  came  off  on  the 
23d  of  August,  and  called  him  by  his  title,  addressing  him  with 
several  words  of  Castilian.  The  sound  of  these  words  spread  joy 
through  the  ship,  and  the  weary  seamen  heard  with  delight  that 
they  were  on  the  southern  coast  of  Hispaniola.  They  had  stilly 
however,  many  toilsome  days  before  them.  The  weather  was  bois- 
terous, the  wind  contrary  and  capricious,  and  the  ships  were  sepa- 
rated from  each  other.  About  the  end  of  August,  Columbus  anchored 
at  a  small  island,  or  rather  rock,  which  rises  singly  out  of  the  sea  op- 
posite to  a  long  cape,  stretching  southward  from  the  centre  of  the 
island,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Cape  Beata.  The  rock  at 
which  he  anchored  had  the  appearance  at  a  distance  of  a  tall  ship 


•  Hitherto  in  narrating  this  voyage  of  Columbus  along  the  coast  of  Cuba,  I  have 
been  guided  principally  by  the  manuscript  history  of  the  curate  of  los  Palacios. 
His  account  is  the  most  clear  and  satisfactory  as  to  names,  dates,  and  routs  and 
contains  many  characteristic  particulars,  not  inserted  in  any  other  history.  His 
sources  of  information  were  of  the  highest  kind.  Columbus  was  his  guest  after  his 
return  to  Spain  in  1496,  and  left  with  him  manuscript  journals  and  memorandums ; 
from  these  he  made  extracts,  collating  them  with  the  letters  of  Dr.  Chanca,  and 
other  persons  of  note  who  had  accompanied  the  admiral. 

Ihave  examined  two  copies  of  the  MS.  of  the  Cura  de  los  Palacios,  both  in  tlie 
possession  of  O.  Pach  »i,sq.  One,  written  in  an  ancient  handwriting  of  the  early- 
part  of  the  16th  t»*'tm-v,  varies  from  the  other,  but  only  in  one  or  two  tririal 
particulars. 

Vol.  I  19  Z 


290  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  VII. 

under  sail,  from  which  circumstance  the  admiral  called  it  Alto 
Velo.  Several  seamen  were  ordered  to  climb  to  the  top  of  the  island, 
which  commanded  a  great  extent  of  ocean,  and  to  look  out  for  the 
other  ships.  Nothing  of  them  was  to  be  seen.  On  their  return,  the 
sailors  killed  eight  sea-wolves,  which  were  sleeping  on  the  sands. 
They  also  knocked  down  many  pigeons  and  other  birds  with  sticks, 
and  took  others  with  the  hand;  for  in  this  unfrequented  island,  the 
animals  seemed  to  have  none  of  that  wildness  and  timidity  produced 
by  the  hostility  of  man. 

Being  rejoined  by  the  two  caravels,  he  continued  along  the  coast, 
passing  the  beautiful  country  watered  by  the  branches  of  the  Ney  va, 
where  a  fertile  plain,  covered  with  villages  and  groves,  extended  into 
the  interior.  After  proceeding  some  distance  further  to  the  east,  the 
admiral  learnt  from  the  natives,  who  came  off  to  the  ships,  that 
several  Spaniards  from  the  settlement  had  penetrated  to  their  pro- 
vince. From  all  that  he  could  learn  from  these  people,  every  thing 
appeared  to  be  going  on  well  in  the  island.  Encouraged  by  the 
tranquillity  of  the  interior,  he  landed  nine  men  here,  with  orders  to 
traverse  the  island,  and  give  tidings  of  his  safe  arrival  on  the  coast. 

Continuing  to  the  eastward,  he  sent  a  boat  on  shore  for  water 
near  a  large  village,  in  a  plain.  The  inhabitants  issued  forth  with 
bows  and  arrows  to  give  battle,  while  others  were  provided  with 
cords  to  bind  prisoners.  These  were  the  natives  of  Higuey,  the 
eastern  province  of  Hispaniola.  They  were  the  most  warlike  peo- 
ple of  the  island ;  having  become  inured  to  arms  from  the  frequent 
descents  of  the  Caribs.  They  were  said  also  to  make  use  of  poisoned 
arrows.  In  the  present  instance,  their  hostility  was  but  in  appear- 
ance. When  the  crew  landed,  they  threw  by  their  weapons,  brought 
various  articles  of  food,  and  asked  for  the  admiral,  whose  fame  had 
spread  throughout  the  island,  and  in  whose  justice  and  magnanimity 
all  the  natives  appeared  to  repose  confidence. 

After  leaving  this  place,  the  weather,  which  had  been  so  long  va- 
riable and  adverse  began  to  assume  a  threatening  appearance.  A 
huge  fish,  as  large  as  a  moderate  sized  whale,  raised  itself  out  of 
the  water  one  day,  having  a  shell  on  its  neck,  like  that  of  a  tortoise, 
two  great  fins  like  wings,  a  head  the  size  of  a  pipe,  and  a  tail  like  that 
of  a  tunny  fish.  At  sight  of  this  fish,  and  at  the  indications  of  the 
clouds  and  sky,  Columbus  anticipated  an  approaching  storm,  and 
sought  for  some  secure  harbour.*  He  found  a  channel  opening  be- 
tween Hispaniola  and  a  small  island  called  by  the  natives  Adama- 
ney,  but  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Saona ;  here  he  took  refuge, 


*  Herrera,  Hist.  Ind.  Decad.  1,  Lib.  11,  C.  15.    Kist.  del  Almirante,  Cap.  59. 


Chap.  VIL]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  291 

anchoring  beside  a  key  or  islet  in  the  middle  of  the  channel.  On 
the  night  of  his  arrival,  there  was  an  eclipse  of  the  moon,  and  tak- 
ing an  observation,  he  found  the  difference  of  longitude  between  Sa- 
ona  and  Cadiz  to  be  five  hours  and  twenty-r.hree  minutes.*  This  'is 
upwards  of  eighteen  degrees  more  than  the  tme  longitude ;  an  error 
which  must  have  resulted  from  the  incorrectness  of  his  table  of 
eclipses,  t 

For  eight  days  the  admiral's  ship  remained  weather-bound  in  this 
channel,  during  which  time  he  suffered  great  anxiety  for  the  fate  of 
the  other  vessels,  which  had  not  been  able  to  enter,  but  remained  at 
sea,  exposed  to  the  violence  of  the  storm.  They  escaped,  however, 
uninjured,  and  once  more  rejoined  him  when  the  weather  had  mo- 
derated. 

Leaving  the  channel  of  Saona,  they  reached  on  the  24th  of  Au- 
gust the  eastern  extremity  of  Hispaniola,  to  which  Columbus  gave 
the  name  of  Cape  San  Rafael,  at  present  known  as  Cape  Engano. 
From  hence  they  stood  to  the  southeast,  touching  at  the  island  of 
Mona,  or  as  the  Indians  called  it,  Amona,  situated  between  Hispani- 
ola and  Porto  Rico,  It  was  the  intention  of  Columbus,  notwith- 
standing the  condition  of  his  ships,  to  continue  farther  eastward, 
and  to  complete  the  discovery  of  the  Caribbee  islands,  but  his  forces 
did  not  correspond  to  the  efforts  of  his  lofty  spirit,  f  The  extra- 
ordinary fatigues  which  he  had  suffered,  both  in  mind  and  body, 
during  an  anxious  and  harassing  voyage  of  five  months,  had  secretly 
preyed  upon  his  frame.  He  had  shared  in  all  the  hardships  and 
privations  of  the  commonest  seaman.  He  had  put  himself  upon 
the  same  scanty  allowance,  and  exposed  himself  to  the  same  bufFet- 
ings  of  wind  and  weather.  But  he  had  other  cares  and  trials  from 
which  his  people  were  exempt.  When  the  sailor,  worn  out  with  the 
labours  of  his  watch,  slept  soundly  amidst  the  howling  of  the  storm^ 
the  anxious  commander  maintained  his  painful  vigil,  through  long 
sleepless  nights,  amidst  the  pelting  of  the  tempest,  and  the  drench- 
ing surges  of  the  sea.  The  safety  of  his  ships  depended  upon  his 
watchfulness ;  but  above  all,  he  felt  that  a  jealous  nation  and  an 
expecting  world  were  anxiously  attending  the  result  of  his  enter- 
prises. During  a  great  part  of  the  present  voyage,  he  had  been  ex- 
cited by  the  constant  hope  of  soon  arriving  at  the  known  parts  of 
India;  and.  by  the  anticipation  of  a  triumphant  return  to  Spain 
through  the.  regions  of  the  east,  after  circumnavigating  the  globe, 


*  Herrera,  ubi  sup.    Hist.  Almirante,  ubi  sup.        f  5h.  25m.  are  equal  to  80® 
45',  whereas  the  true  longitude  of  Saona  is  62°  20'  west  of  Cadiz.  ^ 

tMuiioz  Hist.  N.  Mundo,  L.  5,  C.  22. 


292 


UPE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


[Book  VII 


When  disappointed  in  this  expectation,  he  was  yet  stimulated  by  a 
conflict  with  incessant  hardships  and  perils,  as  he  made  his  way 
back  against  contrary  winds  and  storms.  The  moment  he  was 
relieved  from  all  solicitude,  and  beheld  himself  in  a  known  and  tran- 
quil sea,  the  excitement  suddenly  ceased,  and  mind  and  body  sunk 
exhausted  by  almost  superhuman  exertions.  The  very  day  on  which 
he  sailed  from  Mona  he  was  struck  with  a  sudden  malady,  which 
deprived  him  of  memory,  of  sight,  and  all  his  faculties.  He  fell 
into  a  deep  lethargy  resembling  death  itself.  His  crew,  alarmed  at 
this  profound  torpor,  feared  that  death  was  reallj'-  at  hand.  They 
abandoned,  therefore,  all  further  prosecution  of  the  voyage ;  and 
spreading  their  sails  to  the  east  wind,  so  prevalent  in  those  seas,  they 
bore  Columbus  back,  in  a  state  of  complete  insensibility,  to  the  har- 
bour of  Isabella. 


LIFE    AND   VOYAGES 


OF 


CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS. 


BOOK  VIII. 
CHAPTER  I. 

ARRIVAL    OF    THE    ADMIRAL    AT    ISABELLA CHARACTER    OF   BAR- 
THOLOMEW   COLUMBUS. 


[1494     Sept.  4.] 


I 


Th  e  sight  of  the  little  squadron  of  Columbus  standing  once  more 
into  the  harbour,  was  hailed  with  joy  by  such  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Isabella  as  remained  faithful  to  him.  The  long  time  that  had 
elapsed  since  his  departure  on  this  adventurous  voyage,  without  any 
tidings  arriving  from  him,  had  given  rise  to  the  most  serious  appre- 
hensions for  his  safety;  and  it  began  to  be  feared  that  he  had  fallen 
a  victim  to  his  enterprising  spirit  in  some  remote  part  of  these  un- 
known seas. 

A  joyful  and  heartfelt  surprise  awaited  the  admiral  on  his  arrival, 
in  finding  at  his  bedside  his  brother  Bartholomew,  the  companion 
of  his  youth,  his  confidential  coadjutor,  and  in  a  manner  his  second 
self,  from  whom  he  had  been  separated  for  several  years.  It  will  be 
recollected,  that  about  the  time  of  the  admiral's  departure  from  Por- 
tugal, he  had  commissioned  Bartholomew  to  repair  to  England,  and 
propose  his  project  of  discovery  to  king  Henry  VII.  Of  this  applica- 
tion to  the  English  court  no  precise  particulars  are  known.  Fernando 
Columbus  states  that  his  uncle,  in  the  course  of  his  voyage,  was  cap- 
tured and  plundered  by  a  corsair,  and  reduced  to  such  poverty,  thaii 
he  had  for  a  long  time  to  struggle  for  a  mere  subsistence  by  making 
sea  charts ;  so  that  some  years  elapsed  before  he  made  his  applica- 
tion to  the  English  monarch.  Las  Casas  thinks  that  he  did  not 
immediately  proceed  to  England,  having  found  a  memorandum  in 

Z3 


294  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  VUI. 

his  handwriting,  by  which  it  would  appear  that  he  accompanied 
Bartholomew  Diaz  in  1486,  in  his  voyage  along  the  coast  of  Africa, 
in  the  service  of  the  king  of  Portugal,  in  the  course  of  which  voy- 
age was  discovered  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope.* 


♦  The  memorandum  cited  by  Las  Casas  (Hist.  Ind.  L.  1,  C.  7.)  is  curious 
though  not  conclusive.  He  says  that  he  found  it  in  an  old  book  belonging  to 
Christopher  Columbus,  containing  the  works  of  Pedro  de  Aliaco.  It  was  -writ- 
ten in  the  margin  of  a  treatise  on  the  form  of  the  globe,  in  the  handwriting  of 
Bartholomew  Columbus,  which  was  well  known  to  Las  Caseus,  as  he  had  many  of 
his  letters  in  his  possession.  The  memorandum  was  in  a  barbarous  mixture  of 
Latin  and  Spanish,  and  to  the  following  eiFect. 

In  the  year  1488,  in  December,  arrived  at  Lisbon  Bartholomew  Diaz,  captain 
of  three  cai-avels,  which  the  king  of  Pmtugal  sent  to  discover  Guinea,  and  brought 
accounts  that  he  had  discovered  six  hundred  leagues  of  territory,  four  hundred 
and  fifty  to  the  south  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  north,  to  a  cape,  named  by  him 
the  Cape  of  Good  Hope;  and  that  by  the  astrolabe  he  found  the  cape  45  degrees 
beyond  the  equinoctial  line.  This  cape  was  3100  leagues  distant  from  Lisbon  : 
the  which  the  said  captain  says  he  set  down,  league  by  league,  in  a  chart  of  navi- 
gation presented  to  the  king  of  Portugal ;  in  all  which,  adds  the  writer,  I  was 
present  (in  quibus  omnibus  interfui.) 

Las  Casas  expresses  a  doubt  whether  Bartholomew  -wrote  this  note  for  himself 
or  on  the  part  of  his  brother,  but  infers  that  one,  or  both,  were  in  this  expedition. 
The  inference  may  be  correct  with  respect  to  Bartholomew,  but  Christopher,  at  the 
time  specified,  was  at  the  Spanish  court. 

Las  Casas  accounts  for  a  difference  in  date  between  the  foregoing  memorandum 
and  the  chronicles  of  the  voyage ;  the  former  making  the  return  of  Diaz  in  the 
year  '83,  tlie  latter  '87.  This  he  observes  might  be  because  some  begin  to  count 
the  year  after  Christmas,  others  at  the  first  of  January :  and  the  expedition  sailed 
about  the  end  of  August  '86,  and  returned  in  December '87  after  an  absence  of 
seventeen  months. 

Note.  Since  publishing  the  first  edition  of  this  work,  the  author  being  in 
Seville,  and  making  researches  in  the  Bibliotheca  Colombina,  the  library  given 
by  Fernando  Columbus  to  the  cathedral  of  that  city,  he  came  accidentally  upon 
the  above  mentioned  copy  of  the  work  of  Pedro  Aliaco.  He  ascertained  it  to  be 
the  same  by  finding  the  above  cited  memorandum  written  on  the  margin  at  the 
eighth  chapter  of  tlie  tract  called  "Imago  Mundi."  It  is  an  old  volume  in  folio, 
bound  in  parchment,  published  soon  after  the  invention  of  printing,  containir.g  a 
collection  in  Latin  of  astronomical  and  cosmographical  tracts  of  Pedro  (or  Peter) 
de  Aliaco,  archbishop  of  Cambray  and  cardinal,  and  of  his  disciple  John  Gerson. 
Pedro  de  Aliaco  was  born  in  1350  and  died,  according  to  some  in  1416,  according 
to  others  in  1425.  He  was  the  author  of  many  works  and  one  of  the  most  learned 
and  scientific  men  of  his  day.  Las  Casas  is  of  opinion  that  his  writings  had 
more  effect  in  stimulating  Columbus  to  his  enterprise  than  those  of  any  other 
author.  "  His  work  was  so  familiar  to  Columbus  that  he  had  filled  its  whole 
ntargin  with  Latin  notes  in  his  handwriting ;  citing  many  things  which  he  had 
read  and  gathered  elsewhere.  This  book,  which  was  very  old,"  continues  Las 
Casas  "  I  had  many  times  in  my  hands ;  and  I  drew  some  things  from  it,  written 
in  Latin  by  the  said  admiral  Christopher  Columbus,  to  verify  certain  points  apper- 
taining to  his  history,  of  which  I  before  was  in  doubt."  (Hist.  Ind.  L.  1,  C.  11.) 
It  waa  a  great  satisfaction  to  tlie  author  therefore,  to  discover  this  identiuil 


Chap.  I.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  295 

It  is  but  justice  to  the  memory  of  Henry  VII.  to  say,  that  when 
the  proposition  was  eventually  made  to  him,  it  met  with  a  more 
ready  attention  than  from  any  other  sovereign.  An  agreeement 
was  actually  made  with  Bartholomew  for  the  prosecution  of  the  en- 
terprise, and  the  latter  departed  for  Spain  in  search  of  his  brother. 
On  reaching  Paris,  he  first  received  the  joyful  intelligence  that  the 
discovery  was  already  made ;  that  his  brother  had  returned  to  Spain 
in  triumph ;  and  was  actually  at  the  Spanish  court,  honoured  by  the 
sovereigns,  caressed  by  the  nobility,  and  idolized  by  the  people. 
The  glory  of  Columbus  already  shed  its  rays  upon  his  family,  and 
Bartholomew  found  himself  immediately  a  person  of  importance. 
He  was  noticed  by  the  French  monarch,  Charles  VIH.  who  under- 
standing that  he  was  low  in  purse,  furnished  him  with  one  hundred 
crowns  to  defray  the  expenses  of  his  journey  to  Spain.  He  reached 
Seville  just  as  his  brother  had  departed  on  his  second  voyage.  Bar- 
tholomew immediately  repaired  to  the  court,  then  at  Valladolid, 
taking  with  him  his  two  nephews,  Diego  and  Fernando,  who  were 
to  serve  in  quality  of  pages  to  Prince  Juan.*  He  was  received  with 
distinguished  favour  by  the  sovereigns ;  who  finding  him  to  be  an 
able  and  accomplished  navigator,  gave  him  the  command  of  three 
ships  freighted  with  supplies  for  the  colony,  and  sent  him  to  aid  his 
brother  in  his  enterprises.  He  had  again  arrived  too  late ;  reaching 
Isabella  just  after  the  departure  of  the  admiral  for  the  coast  of 
Cuba, 

The  sight  of  this  brother  was  an  inexpressible  relief  to  Columbus, 
overwhelmed  as  he  was  by  cares,  and  surrounded  by  strangers.  His 
chief  dependence  for  sympathy  and  assistance  had  hitherto  been  on 
his  brother  Don  Diego;  but  his  mild  and  peaceable  disposition  ren- 
dered him  little  capable  of  managing  the  concerns  of  a  factious 


volume,  this  Vade  Mecum  of  Columbus  in  a  state  of  good  preservation.     [It  is  in 

the  Cathedral  library,  E G.  G.  Tab.  178.  No.  21.]     The  notes  and  citations 

mentioned  by  Las  Casas  are  in  Latin,  with  many  abbreviations,  virritten  in  a  very 
small  but  neat  and  distinct  hand,  and  run  throughout  the  volume  :  calling  attention 
to  the  most  striking  passages,  or  to  those  which  bore  most  upon  the  theories  of 
Columbus ;  occasionally  containing  brief  comments  or  citing  the  opinions  of  other 
authors,  ancient  and  modern,  either  in  support  or  contradiction  of  the  text.  The 
memorandum,  particularly  cited  by  Las  Casas,  mentioning  the  voyage  of  Bartho- 
lomew Diaz  to  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  is  to  disprove  an  opinion  in  the  text,  that 
Uie  ToiTid  Zone  was  uninhabitable.  This  volume  is  a  most  curious  and  interest- 
ing document,  the  only  one  that  remains  of  Columbus  prior  to  his  discovery.  It 
illustrates  liis  researches  and  in  a  manner  the  current  of  his  thoughts,  while  as  yet 
.his  great  enterprise  existed  but  in  idea,  and  while  he  was  seeking  means  to  con- 
vince the  world  of  its  practicabihty.  It  will  be  found  also  to  contain  the  grounds 
of  many  of  his  opinions  and  speculations  on  a  variety  of  subjects. 
♦  Hist,  del  Almirante,  Cap.  60. 


296  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  VHI. 

colony.  Bartholomew  was  of  a  different  and  more  efficient  charac- 
ter. He  was  prompt,  active,  decided,  and  of  a  fearless  spirit ;  what- 
ever he  determined,  he  carried  into  instant  execution,  without 
regard  to  difficulty  or  danger.  His  person  corresponded  to  his  mind ; 
it  was  tall,  muscular,  vigorous,  and  commanding.  He  had  an  air 
of  great  authority,  but  somewhat  stern,  wanting  that  sweetness  and 
benignity  which  tempered  the  authoritative  demeanour  of  the  ad- 
miral. Indeed,  there  was  a  certain  asperity  in  his  temper,  and  a 
dryness  and  abruptness  in  his  manners,  which  made  him  many  ene- 
mies; yet  notwithstanding  these  external  defects,  he  was  of  a 
generous  disposition,  free  from  all  arrogance  or  malevolence,  and  as 
placable  as  he  was  brave. 

He  was  a  thorough  seaman,  understanding  both  the  theory  and 
practice  of  his  profession ;  having  been  formed,  in  a  great  measure, 
under  the  eye  of  the  admiral,  and  being  but  little  inferior  to  him  in 
science.  He  was  superior  to  him  in  the  exercise  of  the  pen,  accord- 
ing to  Las  Casas,  who  had  letters  and  manuscripts  of  both  in  his 
possession.  He  was  acquainted  with  Latin,  but  does  not  appear  to 
have  been  highly  educated;  his  knowledge,  like  that  of  his  brother, 
being  chiefly  derived  from  a  long  course  of  varied  experience  and 
attentive  observation.  Equally  vigorous  and  penetrating  in  intel- 
lect with  the  admiral,  but  less  enthusiastic  in  spirit,  and  soaring  in 
imagination,  and  with  less  simplicity  of  heart,  he  surpassed  him  in 
the  subtle  and  adroit  management  of  business,  was  more  attentive 
to  his  interests,  and  had  more  of  that  worldly  wisdom  which  is  so 
important  in  the  ordinary  concerns  of  life.  His  genius  might  never 
have  enkindled  him  to  the  sublime  speculation  which  ended  in  the 
discovery  of  a  world,  but  his  practical  sagacity  was  calculated  to 
turn  that  discovery  to  advantage.  Such  is  the  description  of  Bartho- 
lomew Columbus,  as  furnished  by  the  venerable  Las  Casas  from 
personal  observation;*  and  it  will  be  found  to  accord  with  his 
actions  throughout  the  remaining  history  of  the  admiral,  in  the 
events  of  which  he  takes  a  conspicuous  part. 

Anxious  to  relieve  himself  from  the  pressure  of  public  business, 
which  weighed  heavily  upon  him  during  his  present  malady, 
Columbus  immediately  invested  his  brother  Bartholomew  with  the 
title  and  authority  of  Adelantado,  an  office  equivalent  to  that 
of  lieutenant-governor.  He  considered  himself  entitled  to  do  so, 
from  the  articles  of  his  arrangement  with  the  sovereigns;  but  it  was 
looked  upon  by  King  Ferdinand  as  an  undue  assumption  of  power, 
and  gave  great  offence  to  that  jealous  monarch,  who  was  exceed- 


Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.  Lib.  1,  C.  29. 


5hap.  n.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  297 

mgly  tenacious  of  the  prerogatives  of  the  crown,  and  considered  dig- 
nities of  this  rank  and  importance  as  only  to  be  conferred  by  royal 
mandate.*  Columbus,  however,  was  not  actuated  in  this  appoint- 
ment by  a  mere  desire  to  aggrandize  his  family.  He  felt  the 
importance  of  his  brother's  assistance  in  the  present  critical  state 
of  the  colony,  but  that  his  assistance  would  be  inefficient  unless  it 
bore  the  stamp  of  high  official  authority.  In  fact,  during  the  few 
months  that  he  had  been  absent  the  whole  island  had  become  a 
scene  of  discord  and  violence,  in  consequence  of  the  neglect,  or 
rather  the  flagrant  violation  of  those  rules  which  he  had  prescribed 
for  the  maintenance  of  its  tranquillity.  A  brief  retrospect  of  the 
recent  affairs  of  the  colony  is  here  necessary,  to  explain  their  present 
confusion.  It  will  exhibit  one  of  the  many  instances  in  which 
Columbus  was  doomed  to  reap  the  fruits  of  the  evil  seed  which  had 
been  sown  by  his  adversaries. 


CHAPTER  II. 


MISCONDUCT    OF    DON    PEDRO    MARGARITE,    AND    HIS    DEPARTURE 
FROM    THE    ISLAND. 

[1494.] 

It  will  be  recollected,  that  before  departing  on  his  voyage,  Columbus 
had  given  command  of  the  army  to  Don  Pedro  Magarite,  with 
orders  to  make  a  military  tour  of  the  island,  and,  while  he  awed  the 
natives  by  a  display  of  military  force,  to  conciliate  their  good  will, 
by  the  most  equitable  and  amicable  treatment. 

The  island  was  at  this  time  divided  into  five  domains,  each 
governed  by  a  sovereign  cacique,  of  absolute  and  hereditary  power, 
to  whom  a  great  number  of  inferior  caciques  yielded  tributary 
allegiance.  The  first,  or  most  important  domain,  comprised  the 
middle  part  of  the  Royal  Vega.  It  was  a  rich,  level  country,  partly 
cultivated  after  the  imperfect  manner  of  the  natives,  partly  covered 
with  noble  forests,  studded  with  Indian  towns,  and  watered  by 
numerous  rivers,  many  of  which  rolling  down  from  the  mountains 


*  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.  L.  1,  C.  101. 


298  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  VHI. 

of  Cibao,  on  its  western  frontier,  had  gold  dust  mingled  with  their 
sands.  The  name  of  the  cacique  was  Guarionex,  whose  ancestors 
had  long  ruled  over  the  province. 

The  second,  called  Marien,  was  under  the  sway  of  Guacanagari, 
on  whose  coast  Columbus  had  been  wrecked  in  his  first  voyage.  It 
was  a  large  and  fertile  territory,  extending  along  the  northern  coast, 
from  Cape  San  Nicholas  at  the  western  extremity  of  the  island,  to 
the  great  river  Yagui,  afterwards  called  Monte  Christi,  and  includ- 
ing the  northern  part  of  the  Royal  Vega,  since  called  the  plain 
of  Cape  Francois. 

The  third  bore  the  name  of  Maguana,  and  was  under  the  dominion 
of  the  Carib  cacique  Caonabo,  the  most  fierce  and  puissant  of  the 
savage  chieftains,  and  the  inveterate  enemy  of  the  white  men.  In 
this  domain  were  included  the  gold  mines  of  Cibao. 

The  fourth  took  its  name  from  Xaragiia,  a  large  lake,  and  was 
the  most  populous  and  extensive  of  all.  It  comprised  the  whole 
western  coast,  including  the  long  promontory  of  Cape  Tiburon,  and 
extended  for  a  considerable  distance  along  the  southern  side  of  the 
island.  The  inhabitants  were  finely  formed,  had  a  nobler  air,  a 
more  agreeable  elocution,  and  more  soft  and  graceful  manners,  than 
the  natives  of  the  other  parts  of  the  island.  The  sovereign  was 
named  Behechio;  his  sister  Anacaona,  celebrated  throughout  the 
island  for  her  charms  and  graces,  was  the  favourite  wife  of  the 
neighbouring  cacique  Caonabo. 

The  fifth  domain  was  Higuey,  and  occupied  the  whole  eastern 
part  of  the  island:  being  bounded  on  the  north  by  the  river  Yagui, 
and  on  the  south  by  the  Ozema.  The  inhabitants  were  the  most 
active  and  warlike  people  of  the  island,  having  learnt  the  use  of  the 
bow  and  arrow  from  the  Caribs,  who  made  frequent  descents  upon 
their  coasts;  they  were  said  also  to  make  use  of  poisoned  weapons. 
Their  bravery,  however,  was  but  comparative,  and  was  found, 
eventually,  of  but  little  proof  against  the  terror  of  European  arms. 
They  were  governed  by  a  cacique  named  Cotubanama.* 

Such  were  the  five  territorial  divisions  of  the  island,  at  the  time 
of  its  discovery.  The  amount  of  its  population  has  never  been 
clearly  ascertained;  some  have  stated  it  at  a  million  of  souls, f 
though  this  is  considered  an  exaggeration.  It  must,  however,  have 
been  very  numerous,  and  sufficient,  in  case  of  any  general  hostility, 
to  endanger  the  safety  of  the  handful  of  Europeans.  Columbus 
trusted  for  safety,  partly  to  the  awe  inspired  by  the  weapons  and 
horses  of  the  Soaniards,  and  the  idea  of  their  superhuman  nature, 


•  Charlevoix,  Hist.  St.  Doming.  L.  1,  p.  69.       f  Idem, 


Chap.  II.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  29^ 

but  chiefly  to  the  measures  he  had  taken  to  conciliate  the  good  will 
of  the  Indians  by  gentle  and  beneficent  treatment. 

Margarite  set  forth  on  his  expedition  with  the  greater  part  of  the 
forces,  leaving  Alonzo  de  Ojeda  in  command  of  the  fortress  of  St. 
'Diomas.  Instead,  however,  of  commencing  by  exploring  the  rough 
mountains  of  Cibao,  as  he  had  been  commanded,  he  descended  into 
the  rich  plains  of  the  Vega.  Here  he  lingered  among  the  populous 
and  hospitable  Indian  villages,  forgetful  of  the  object  of  his  com- 
mand, and  of  the  instructions  left  him  by  the  admiral.  A  com- 
mander who  lapses  from  duty  himself,  and  yields  to  the  incitements 
of  his  passions,  is  but  little  calculated  to  enforce  discipline  on  others. 
The  sensual  indulgences  of  Margarite  were  imitated  by  his  follow- 
ers, and  his  army  soon  became  little  better  than  a  crew  of  riotous 
marauders.  The  Indians,  for  a  time,  supplied  them  with  provisions, 
with  their  wonted  hospitahty,  but  the  scanty  stores  of  those  abste- 
mious yet  improvident  people  were  soon  exhausted  by  the  Spaniards; 
one  of  whom,  they  declared,  would  consume  more  in  a  day,  than 
would  support  an  Indian  for  a  month.  If  provisions  were  withheld, 
or  scantily  furnished,  they  were  taken  with  violence ;  nor  was  any 
compensation  given  to  the  natives,  nor  means  taken  to  soothe  their 
irritation.  The  avidity  for  gold  also  led  to  a  thousand  acts  of  in- 
justice and  oppression ;  but  above  all,  the  Spaniards  outraged  the 
dearest  feelings  of  the  natives,  by  their  hcentious  conduct  with  re- 
spect to  the  women.  In  fact,  instead  of  guests,  they  soon  assumed 
the  tone  of  imperious  masters ;  instead  of  enlightened  benefactors, 
they  became  sordid  and  sensual  oppressors. 

Tidings  of  these  excesses,  and  of  the  disgust  and  impatience  that 
they  were  awakening  among  the  natives,  soon  reached  Don  Diego 
Columbus.  With  the  concurrence  of  the  council,  he  wrote  to  Mar- 
garite, reprehending  his  conduct,  and  requesting  him  to  proceed  on 
the  military  tour,  according  to  the  commands  of  the  admiral.  The 
pride  of  Margarite  took  fire  at  this  reproof ;  he  considered,  or  rather 
pretended  to  consider  himself  independent  in  his  command,  and 
above  all  responsibility  to  the  council  for  his  conduct.  Being  of  an 
ancient  family,  also,  and  a  favourite  of  the  king,  he  affected  to  look 
down  with  contempt  upon  the  newly  coined  nobility  of  Diego  Co- 
lumbus. His  letters,  in  reply  to  the  orders  of  the  president  and 
council,  were  couched  in  a  tone  either  of  haughty  contumely  or  of 
military  defiance.  He  continued  with  his  followers,  quartered  in 
the  Vega,  persisting  in  a  course  of  outrages  and  oppressions,  fatal 
to  the  tranquillity  of  the  island. 

He  was  supported  in  his  arrogant  defiance  of  authority,  by  the 
cavaliers  and  adventurers  of  noble  birth  who  were  in  the  colony, 


300  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Booit  VHI. 

and  who  had  been  deeply  wounded  in  the  proud  punctilio,  so 
jealously  guarded  by  a  Spaniard.  They  could  not  forget  nor  for- 
give the  stern  equity  exercised  by  the  admiral,  in  a  time  of  emer- 
gency, in  making  them  submit  to  the  privations,  and  share  the  la- 
bours, of  the  vulgar.  Still  less  could  they  brook  the  authority  of 
his  brother,  Diego,  destitute  of  his  high  personal  claims  to  distinc- 
tion. They  formed,  therefore,  a  kind  of  aristocratical  faction  in 
the  colony;  aiFecting  to  consider  Columbus  and  his  family  as  mere 
mercenary  and  upstart  foreigners,  building  up  their  own  fortunes 
at  the  expense  of  the  toils  and  sufferings  of  the  community,  and  the 
degradation  of  Spanish  hidalgos  and  cavaliers. 

In  addition  to  these  partisans,  Margarite  had  a  powerful  ally  in  his 
fellow  countryman,  father  Boyle,  the  head  of  the  religious  fraternity, 
one  of  the  members  of  the  council,  and  apostolical  vicar  for  the  New 
World.  It  is  not  easy  to  ascertain  the  original  cause  of  the  hostility 
of  this  holy  friar  to  the  admiral,  who  was  never  wanting  in  respect  to 
the  clergy.  Various  altercations,  however,  had  taken  place  between 
them.  Some  say  that  the  friar  interfered  in  respect  to  the  strict 
measures  deemed  necessary  by  the  admiral,  for  the  security  of  the 
colony;  others,  that  he  resented  the  fancied  indignity  offered  to  him- 
self and  his  household,  in  putting  them  on  the  same  short  allow- 
ance with  the  common  people.  He  appears,  however,  to  have  been 
generally  disappointed,  and  disgusted,  with  the  sphere  of  action 
afforded  by  the  colony,  and  to  have  looked  back  with  regret  to  the 
Old  World.  He  had  none  of  that  enthusiastic  zeal,  and  persever- 
ing self-devotion,  which  induced  so  many  of  the  Spanish  missiona- 
ries to  brave  all  the  hardships  and  privations  of  the  new  world,  in 
the  hope  of  converting  its  pagan  inhabitants. 

Encouraged  and  fortified  by  such  powerful  partisans,  Margarite 
really  began  to  consider  himself  above  the  temporary  authorities  of 
the  island.  Whenever  he  came  to  Isabella,  he  took  no  notice  of 
Don  Diego  Columbus,  nor  paid  any  respect  to  the  council,  but  act- 
ed as  if  he  had  paramount  command.  He  formed  a  cabal  of  the 
most  important  of  those  who  were  disaffected  to  Columbus,  and  dis- 
contented with  their  abode  in  the  colony.  Among  these,  the  lead- 
ing personage  was  father  Boyle.  It  was  concerted  among  them  to 
take  possession  of  the  ships  which  had  brought  out  Don  Bartholo- 
mew Columbus,  and  to  return  in  them  to  Spain.  Both  Margarite 
and  Boyle  possessed  the  favour  of  the  king,  and  they  deemed  i* 
would  be  an  easy  matter  to  justify  their  abandonment  of  their  mili- 
tary and  religious  commands,  by  a  pretended  zeal  for  the  pubUc 
good ;  hurrying  home  to  represent  the  disastrous  state  of  the  colony, 
through  the  tyranny  and  oppression  of  its  rulers.     Some  have  as- 


Chap.  IH-l  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS-  301 

cribed  the  abrupt  departure  of  Margarite  to  his  fear  of  a  severe  mili- 
tary investigation  of  his  conduct,  on  the  return  of  the  admiral ; 
others,  to  his  having  in  the  course  of  his  licentious  amours,  contract- 
ed a  malady  at  that  time  new  and  unknown,  and  which  he  attri- 
buted to  the  climate,  and  hoped  to  cure  by  medical  assistance  in 
Spain.  Whatever  may  have  been  the  cause,  his  measures  were 
taken  with  great  precipitancy,  without  any  consultation  of  the  pro- 
per authorities,  or  any  regard  to  the  consequences  of  his  departure. 
Accompanied  by  a  band  of  malecontents,  he  and  father  Boyle 
took  possession  of  certain  of  the  ships  in  the  harbour,  and  set  sail 
for  Spain:  the  first  general  and  apostle  of  the  New  World,  thus 
setting  the  flagrant  example  of  an  unauthorized  abandonment  of 
their  posts. 


CHAPTER  III. 


TROUBLES    WITH   THE    NATIVES ALONZO    DE    OJEDA    BESIEGED 

BY    CAONABO. 

[1494] 

The  departure  of  Pedro  Margarite  left  the  army  without  a  head, 
and  put  an  end  to  what  little  restraint  and  discipline  remained. 
There  is  no  rabble  so  licentious  as  soldiery  left  to  their  own  discre- 
tion in  a  defenceless  country.  They  now  roved  about  in  bands  or 
singly,  according  to  their  caprice,  scattering  themselves  among  the 
Indian  villages,  and  indiilging  in  all  kinds  of  excesses,  either  as 
prompted  by  avarice  or  sensuality.  The  natives,  indignant  at 
having  their  hospitality  thus  requited,  refused  any  longer  to  furnish 
them  with  food.  In  a  little  while  the  Spaniards  began  to  experi- 
ence the  pressure  of  hunger,  and  seized  upon  provisions  wherever 
they  could  be  found,  accompanying  these  seizures  with  acts  of  wan- 
ton violence.  At  length  by  a  series  of  flagrant  outrages,  the  gentle 
and  pacific  nature  of  this  people  was  roused  to  resentment ;  and 
from  confiding  and  hospitable  hosts  they  were  converted  into  vindic- 
tive enemies.  All  the  precautions  enjoined  by  Columbus  having 
been  neglected,  the  evils  he  had  apprehended  came  to  pass.  Though 
the  Indians,  naturally  timid,  dared  not  contend  with  tlie  Spaniards 

2  A 


302  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  VIII. 

while  they  kept  up  any  combined  and  disciplined  force,  yet  they 
took  sanguinary  vengeance  on  them  whenever  they  met  with  small 
parties  or  scattered  individuals,  roving  about  in  quest  of  food.  En- 
couraged by  these  petty  triumphs,  and  the  impunity  which  seemed 
to  attend  them,  their  hostilities  grew  more  open  and  alarming. 
Guatiguana,  cacique  of  a  large  town  on  the  banks  of  the  Grand 
River,  in  the  dominions  of  Guarionex,  sovereign  of  the  Vega,  put 
to  death  ten  Spaniards,  who  had  quartered  themselves  in  his  town, 
and  outraged  the  inhabitants  by  their  licentiousness.  He  followed 
up  this  massacre  by  setting  fire  to  a  house  in  which  forty  sick  Span- 
iards were  lodged.*  Flushed  by  this  success,  he  menaced  with  at- 
tack a  small  fortress  called  Magdalena,  which  had  recently  been 
built  in  his  neighbourhood  in  the  Vega,  so  that  the  commander, 
Luis  de  Arriaga,  having  but  a  feeble  garrison,  was  obliged  to  re- 
main shut  up  within  its  walls,  until  relief  should  arrive  from  Isabella. 

The  most  formidable  enemy  of  the  Spaniards,  however,  was  Cao- 
nabo,  the  Carib  cacique  of  Maguana,  the  same  who  had  surprised 
and  massacred  the  garrison  of  the  fortress  at  La  Navidad.  He  had 
natural  talents  for  war,  and  intelligence  superior  to  the  ordinary 
range  of  savage  intellect.  He  had  a  proud  and  daring  spirit  to  urge 
him  on,  three  valiant  brothers  to  assist  him,  and  a  numerous  tribe 
at  his  command.t  He  had  always  felt  jealous  of  the  intrusion  of 
the  white  men  into  the  island ;  but  when  he  beheld  the  fortress  of 
St.  Thomas  erected  in  the  very  centre  of  his  dominions,  he  was 
roused  to  indignation.  As  long  as  the  army  lay  within  call  in  the 
Vega,  he  was  deterred  from  any  attack ;  but  when,  on  the  depart- 
ure of  Margarite,  the  army  became  dismembered  and  dispersed,  the 
time  for  striking  a  signal  blow  seemed  arrived.  The  fortress  re- 
mained isolated,  with  a  garrison  of  only  fifty  men.  By  a  suddea 
and  secret  movement  he  might  overwhelm  it  with  his  forces,  and 
repeat  the  horrors  which  he  had  wreaked  upon  La  Navidad. 

The  wily  cacique,  however,  had  a  different  kind  of  enemy  to  deal 
with  in  the  commander  of  St.  Thomas.  Alonzo  de  Ojeda  had  been 
schooled  in  Moorish  warfare.  He  was  versed  in  all  kinds  of  feints, 
stratagems,  lurking  ambuscades,  and  wild  assaults.  No  man  was 
more  fitted,  therefore,  to  cope  with  Indian  warriors.  He  had  a  ve- 
hement and  headlong  courage,  arising  partly  from  the  natural  heat 
and  vivacity  of  his  temperament,  and  in  a  great  measure  from  re- 
ligious superstition.  He  had  been  engaged  in  wars  with  Moors  and 
Indians,  in  public  battles  and  private  combats;  in  fights,  feuds,  and 
encounters  of  all  kinds  j  to  which  he  had  been  prompted  by  a  rash 


•  Herrera,  Hist.  Ind.  Decad.  1,  L.  2,  C.  16.         t  Herrera,  ubi  sup. 


Chap.  III.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  SOS 

and  fiery  spirit,  and  a  love  of  adventure;  yet  he  had  never  been 
wounded,  or  had  lost  a  drop  of  blood.  He  began  to  doubt  whether 
any  weapon  had  power  to  harm  him,  and  to  consider  himself  under 
the  especial  protection  of  the  holy  Virgin.  As  a  kind  of  religious 
talisman,  he  had  a  small  Flemish  painting  of  the  Virgin,  which  had 
been  given  him  by  his  patron  Fonseca,  bishop  of  Badajos.  This  he 
constantly  carried  with  him,  in  city,  camp,  or  field,  making  it  the 
object  of  his  frequent  orisons  and  invocations.  In  garrison  or  en- 
campment, it  was  suspended  in  his  chamber  or  his  tent ;  in  his  rough 
expeditions  in  the  wilderness  he  carried  it  in  his  knapsack,  and 
whenever  leisure  permitted,  would  take  it  out,  fix  it  against  a 
tree,  and  address  his  prayers  to  this  military  patroness.*  In  a  word, 
he  swore  by  the  Virgin ;  he  invoked  the  Virgin,  whether  in  brawl 
or  battle ;  and  under  favour  of  the  Virgin,  he  was  ready  for  any 
.  enterprise  or  adventure.  Such  was  this  Alonzo  de  Ojeda,  bigoted 
in  his  devotion,  reckless  in  his  life,  fearless  in  his  spirit,  like  many 
of  the  roving  Spanish  cavaliers  of  those  days.  Though  diminutive 
in  size,  he  was  a  prodigy  of  strength  and  prowess  ;  and  the  chroni- 
clers of  the  early  discoveries  relate  marvels  of  his  valour  and  exploits. 

Having  reconnoitred  the  fortress,  Caonabo  assembled  ten  thou- 
sand warriors,  armed  with  war-clubs,  bows  and  arrows,  and  lances 
hardened  in  the  fire ;  and  making  his  way  secretly  through  the  fo- 
rests, came  suddenly  in  the  neighbourhood,  expecting  to  surprise 
the  garrison  in  a  state  of  careless  security.  He  found  Ojeda' s  forces, 
however,  drawn  up  warily  within  his  tower,  which,  being  perched 
upon  an  almost  insulated  height,  with  a  river  nearly  surrounding  it, 
and  the  remainder  traversed  by  a  deep  ditch,  set  at  defiance  an  open 
attack  by  naked  warriors. 

Foiled  in  his  attempt,  Caonabo  now  hoped  to  reduce  it  by  famine, 
For  th.s  purpose,  he  spread  his  army  through  the  adjacent  forests; 
and  waylaid  every  pass,  so  as  to  intercept  any  supplies  brought  by 
the  natives,  and  to  cut  off  any  foraging  party  from  the  fortress. 
This  siege,  or  investment,  lasted  for  thirty  days,t  during  which 
time  the  garrison  was  reduced  to  great  distress.  There  is  a  tradi- 
tional anecdote,  which  Oviedo  relates  of  Pedro  Margarite,  the  for- 
mer commander  of  this  fortress,  but  which  may  with  more  probabi- 
lity be  ascribed  to  Alonzo  de  Ojeda,  as  having  occurred  during  this 
siege.  At  a  time  when  the  garrison  was  sore  pressed  by  famine,  an 
Indian  gained  access  to  the  fort,  bringing  a  couple  of  wood-pigeons 
for  the  table  of  the  commander.     The  latter  was  in  a  chamber  of 


*  Herrera,  Hi»t.  Ind.  Decad.  1,  L.  8,  C.  4.    Pizarro,  Varones  Illustres,  Cap.  8. 
t  P.  Martyr,  Decad.  1,  Lib.  4. 


304  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  VIII. 

the  tower,  surrounded  by  several  of  his  officers.  Seeing  them  re- 
gard the  birds  with  the  wistful  ejes  of  famishing  men,  "  It  is  a 
pity,"  said  he,  "  that  here  is  not  enough  to  afford  us  all  a  meal ;  I 
cannot  consent  to  feast  while  the  rest  of  you  are  starving;"  so  say- 
ing  he  turned  loose  the  pigeons  from  a  window  of  the  tower. 

During  the  siege,  Ojeda  displayed  the  greatest  activity  of  spirit, 
and  fertility  of  resources.  He  baffled  all  the  arts  of  the  Carib  chief- 
tain, concerting  stratagems  of  various  kinds,  to  relieve  the  garrison 
and  annoy  the  foe.  He  made  desperate  sallies  whenever  the  enemy 
appeared  in  any  force,  always  leading  the  van,  with  that  headlong 
valour  for  which  he  was  noted ;  making  great  slaughter  with  his 
single  arm,  and  as  usual  escaping  unhurt  from  amidst  showers  of 
darts  and  arrows. 

Caonabo  saw  many  of  his  bravest  warriors  slain.  His  forces 
were  daily  diminishing,  for  the  Indians,  unused  to  any  protracted 
operations  of  war,  grew  weary  of  this  siege,  and  began  to  disperse, 
returning  daily  in  numbers  to  their  homes.  He  gave  up  all  further 
attempt,  therefore,  on  the  fortress,  and  retired  filled  with  admiration 
of  the  prowess  and  achievements  of  Ojeda.* 

The  restless  chieftain  was  not  discouraged  by  the  failure  of  this 
enterprise,  but  meditated  schemes  of  a  bolder  and  more  extensive 
nature.  Prowling  in  secret  about  the  vicinity  of  Isabella,  he  noted 
the  enfeebled  state  of  the  settlement,  f  Many  of  the  inhabitants 
were  suffering  under  various  maladies,  and  most  of  the  men  capable 
of  bearing  arms  were  distributed  about  the  country.  He  now  con- 
ceived the  project  of  a  general  league  among  the  caciques,  to  assem- 
ble their  forces,  and  surprise  and  overwhelm  the  settlement ;  and  to 
massacre  the  Spaniards  wherever  they  could  be  found.  This  hand- 
ful of  intruders  once  exterminated,  he  trusted  that  the  island  would 
be  delivered  from  all  further  molestation  of  the  kind ;  little  dreaming 
of  the  hopeless  nature  of  this  contest,  and  that  where  the  civilized 
man  once  plants  his  foot,  the  power  of  the  savage  is  gone  for  ever. 

Reports  of  the  profligate  conduct  of  the  Spaniards  had  spread 
throughout  the  island,  and  inspired  hatred  and  hostility  even  among 
tribes  who  had  never  beheld  them,  nor  suffered  from  their  misdeeds. 
Caonabo  found  three  of  the  sovereign  caciques  inclined  to  co-operate 
with  him,  though  impressed  with  deep  awe  of  the  supernatural  power 
of  the  Spaniards,  and  of  their  terrific  arms  and  animals.  The  league, 
however,  met  with  unexpected  opposition  in  the  fifth  cacique,  Gua- 
canagari,  the  sovereign  of  Marien.     His  conduct,  in  this  time  of 


*  Oviedo  Cronica  de  las  Indias,  Lib.  3,  C.  1. 
t  Hist,  del  Almirante,  C.  60. 


Chap.  HI.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  305 

danger,  completely  manifested  the  injustice  of  those  suspicions,  which 
had  been  entertained  of  him  by  the  Spaniards.  He  refused  to  join 
the  other  caciques  with  his  forces,  or  to  violate  those  laws  of  hospi- 
tality, by  which  he  had  considered  himself  bound  to  protect  and  aid  the 
white  men,  ever  since  they  had  been  shipwrecked  on  his  coast.  He 
remained  quietly  in  his  dominions,  entertaining  at  his  own  expense  a 
hundred  of  the  suffering  soldiery,  and  supplying  all  their  wants  with 
his  accustomed  generosity.  This  conduct  drew  upon  him  the  odium 
and  hostility  of  his  fellow  caciques,  particularly  of  the  fierce  Carib, 
Caonabo,  and  his  brother-in-law,  Behechio.  They  made  irruptions 
into  his  territories,  and  inflicted  on  him  various  injuries  and  indigni- 
ties. Behechio  killed  one  of  his  wives,  and  Caonabo  carried  another 
away  captive*.  Nothing,  however,  could  shake  the  devotion  of 
Guacanagari  to  the  Spaniards ;  and  as  his  dominions  lay  immedi- 
ately adjacent  to  the  settlement,  and  those  of  some  of  the  other  ca- 
ciques were  very  remote,  the  want  of  his  co-operation  impeded  for  some 
time  the  hostile  designs  of  the  confederates.! 

Such  was  the  critical  state  to  which  the  affairs  of  the  colony  had 
been  reduced,  and  such  the  bitter  hostility  engendered  among  the 
kind  and  gentle  people  of  the  island,  during  the  absence  of  Colum- 
bus; and  merely  in  consequence  of  violating  all  his  regulations. 
Margarite  and  father  Boyle  had  hastened  to  Spain,  to  make  false 
representations  of  the  miseries  of  the  island.  Had  they  remained 
faithfully  at  their  posts,  and  discharged  zealously  the  trust  confided 
to  them,  those  miseries  might  have  been  easily  remedied,  if  not  en- 
tirely prevented. 


*  Hist,  del  Almirante,  Cap.  60. 
tHerrera,  Hist.  Ind.  Decad.  1,  L.  2,  C.  16. 
Vol.  L  20 


I 


2  A2 


30& 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF 


[Book  VHI 


CHAPTER  IV. 


MEASURES    OF    COLUMBUS    TO    RESTORE    THE    QUIET    OF   THE    ISL 
AND EXPEDITION    OF    OJEDA    TO    SURPRISE    CAONABO. 

[1494.] 

Immediately  after  the  return  of  Columbus  from  Cuba,  while  he 
was  yet  confined  to  his  bed  by  indisposition,  he  was  gratified  by  a 
voluntary  visit  from  Guacanagari.  This  kind-hearted  chieftain  ma- 
nifested the  greatest  concern  at  his  illness,  for  he  appears  always  to 
have  entertained  an  affectionate  reverence  for  the  admiral.  He 
again  spoke  with  tears  of  the  massacre  at  fort  Nativity,  dwelling  on 
the  exertions  he  had  made  in  defence  of  the  Spaniards.  He  now 
informed  Columbus  of  the  secret  league  forming  among  the  caciques, 
of  his  opposition  to  it,  and  the  consequent  persecution  he  had  suffer- 
ed ;  of  the  murder  of  one  of  his  wives,  and  the  capture  of  another. 
He  urged  the  admiral  to  be  on  his  guard  against  the  designs  of  Cao- 
nabo,  and  offered  to  lead  his  subjects  to  the  field  to  fight  by  the  sid© 
of  the  Spaniards,  as  well  out  of  friendship  for  them,  as  in  revenge  of 
his  own  injuries.* 

Columbus  had  always  retained  a  deep  sense  of  the  ancient  kind- 
ness of  Guacanagari,  and  had  been  unwilling  to  doubt  his  faith  and 
friendship ;  he  was  rejoiced,  therefore,  to  have  all  suspicion  thus 
effectually  dispelled.  Their  former  amicable  intercourse  was  re- 
newed, with  this  difference,  that  the  man  whom  Guacanagari  had 
once  relieved  and  succoured  when  a  shipwrecked  stranger  on  his 
shores,  had  suddenly  become  the  arbiter  of  the  fate  of  himself  and  all 
his  countrymen. 

The  manner  in  which  this  peaceful  island  had  been  exasperated 
and  embroiled  by  the  licentious  conduct  of  the  Europeans,  was  a 
matter  of  deep  concern  to  Columbus.  He  saw  all  his  plans  of  de- 
riving an  immediate  revenue  to  the  sovereigns  completely  impeded. 
To  restore  the  island  to  tranquillity,  required  skilful  management. 
His  forces  were  but  small,  and  the  awe  in  which  the  natives  had 
stood  of  the  white  men,  as  supernatural  beings,  had  been  in  some 

•  Herrera,  Hist.  Ind.  Deead.  1,  L.  2  C.  16. 


Chap.'IIL]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  307 

degree  dispelled.  He  was  too  ill  to  take  a  personal  share  in  an^ 
warlike  enterprise,  his  brother  Diego  was  not  of  a  military  charac* 
ter,  and  Bartholomew  was  yet  a  stranger  among  the  Spaniards,  and 
■regarded  by  the  leading  men  with  jealousy.  Still  Columbus  con- 
sidered the  threatened  combination  of  the  caciques  as  but  imperfectly 
formed ;  he  trusted  to  their  want  of  skill  and  experience  in  warfare, 
and  conceived  that  by  prompt  measures,  by  proceeding  in  detail, 
punishing  some,  conciliating  others,  and  uniting  force,  gentleness 
and  stratagem,  he  might  succeed  in  dispelling  the  threatened  storm. 

His  first  care  was  to  send  a  body  of  armed  men  to  the  relief  of 
Fort  Magdalena,  menaced  with  destruction  by  Guatiguana,  the 
cacique  of  the  Grand  river,  who  had  massacred  the  Spaniards  quar- 
tered in  his  town.  Having  relieved  the  fortress,  the  troops  overran 
the  territory  of  Guatiguana,  killing  many  of  his  warriors,  and  carry- 
ing others  off  captive ;  the  chieftain  himself  made  his  escape.*  He 
was  tributary  to  Guarionex,  the  sovereign  cacique  of  the  Royal 
Vega.  As  this  Indian  prince  reigned  over  a  great  and  populous  ex- 
tent of  country,  his  friendship  was  highly  important  to  the  prosperity 
of  the  colony,  while  there  was  imminent  risk  of  his  hiDstility  from 
tne  unbridled  excesses  of  the  Spaniards  who  had  been  quartered  in 
different  parts  of  his  dominions.  Columbus  sent  for  him,  therefore, 
and  explained  to  him  that  these  excesses  had  been  in  violation  of  h^ 
orders,  and  contrary  to  his  good  intentions  towards  the  natives,  whom 
it  was  his  wish  in  every  way  to  please  and  benefit.  He  explained, 
likewise,  that  the  expedition  against  Guatiguana  was  an  act  of 
mere  individual  punishment,  not  of  hostility  against  the  territories  of 
Guarionex.  The  cacique  was  of  a  quiet  and  placable  disposition, 
and  whatever  anger  he  might  have  felt  was  easily  soothed.  To 
link  him  in  some  degree  to  the  Spanish  interest,  Columbus  prevailed 
on  him  to  give  his  daughter  in  marriage  to  the  Indian  interpreter, 
Diego  Colon,  t  He  took  a  still  stronger  precaution  to  guard  against 
any  hostility  on  the  part  of  the  cacique,  and  to  ensure  tranquility  in 
the  important  region  of  the  Vega.  He  ordered  a  fortress  to  be  erect- 
ed in  the  midst  of  his  territories,  which  he  named  Fort  Conception. 
The  easy  cacique  agreed  without  hesitation  to  a  measure,  fraught 
with  ruin  to  himself,  and  future  slavery  to  his  subjects. 

The  most  formidable  enemy  remained  to  be  disposed  of:  Caonabo, 


*  Herrera,  Decad.  1,  L.  2,  C.  16. 

t  P.  Martyr,  Decad.  1,  L.  4. 

N.  B.  Sig'r  Gio.  Batista  Spotorno,  in  his  memoir  of  Columbus,  has  been  led 
into  an  error  by  the  name  of  this  Indian,  and  observes  that  Columbus  had  a 
brother  named  Diego,  of  whom  he  seemed  to  be  ashamed,  and  whom  he  marriei 
to  the  daughter  of  an  Indian  chief. 


308  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  VUI. 

the  warlike  spirit  of  the  island,  the  active  and  daring  foe  of  the 
white  men;  and  who,  from  superior  notions  of  policy,  was  capable 
of  forming  dangerous  leagues  and  conspiracies.  His  territories  lay 
in  the  central  and  mountainous  parts  of  the  island,  rendered  difficult 
of  access  by  the  rugged  rocks,  entangled  forests,  and  frequent  rivers. 
To  make  war  upon  this  subtle  and  ferocious  chieftain,  in  the  depths 
of  his  wild  woodland  territory,  and  among  the  fastnesses  of  his  moun- 
tains, where  at  every  step  there  would  be  danger  of  falling  into  some 
sudden  ambush,  would  be  a  work  of  time,  peril,  and  uncertain  issue. 
In  the  meanwhile,  the  settlements  would  never  be  secure  from  his 
secret  and  daring  enterprises,  and  the  working  of  the  mines  would 
be  subject  to  frequent  interruption.  While  perplexed  on  this  subject, 
Columbus  was  relieved  by  a  bold  proposition  on  the  part  of  Alonzo 
de  Ojeda,  who  offered  to  take  the  Carib  chieftain  by  stratagem,  and 
deliver  him  alive  into  his  hands.  The  project  was  wild,  hazardous 
and  romantic,  characteristic  of  the  fearless  and  adventurous  spirit 
of  Ojeda,  who  was  fond  of  distinguishing  himself  by  extravagant 
exploits,  and  feats  of  desperate  bravery. 

Choosing  ten  bold  and  hardy  followers,  well  armed  and  well 
mounted,  and  invoking  the  protection  of  his  patroness  the  Virgin, 
whose  image  as  usual  he  bore  with  him  as  a  safeguard,  Ojeda 
plunged  into  the  forest,  and  made  his  way  above  sixty  leagues  at  the 
head  of  his  followers,  into  the  wild  territories  of  Caonabo,  where  he 
found  the  cacique  in  one  of  his  most  populous  towns.  Ojeda  ap- 
proached Caonabo  with  great  deference  and  respect,  treating  him  as 
a  sovereign  prince.  He  informed  him  that  he  had  come  on  a  friendly 
embassy  from  the  admiral,  who  was  Guamiquina  or  chief  of  the 
Spaniards,  and  who  had  sent  him  an  invaluable  present. 

Caonabo  had  tried  Ojeda  in  battle ;  he  had  witnessed  his  fiery 
prowess,  and  had  conceived  a  warrior's  admiration  of  him.  He  re 
ceived  him  with  a  degree  of  chivalrous  courtesy,  if  such  a  phrase 
may  apply  to  the  savage  state  and  rude  hospitality  of  a  wild  warrior 
of  the  forests.  The  free,  fearless  deportment,  the  great  personal 
strength,  and  the  surprising  agility  and  adroitness  of  Ojeda  in  all 
manly  exercises,  and  in  the  use  of  all  kinds  of  weapons,  were  calcu- 
lated to  delight  a  savage,  and  he  soon  became  a  great  favourite  with 
Caonabo. 

Ojeda  now  used  all  his  influence  to  prevail  upon  the  cacique  to 
repair  to  Isabella,  for  the  purpose  of  making  a  treaty  with  Columbus, 
and  becoming  the  ally  and  friend  of  the  Spaniards.  It  is  said,  that 
he  oflTered  him  as  a  lure,  the  bell  of  the  chapel  of  Isabella.  This  bell 
was  the  wonder  of  the  island.  When  the  Indians  heard  its  melody 
sounding"  through  the  forests  as  it  rung  for  mass,  and  beheld  the 


Chap.  IV.j  CHRISTOPPIER  COLUMBUS.  309 

Spaniards  hastening  towards  the  chapel,  they  imagined  that  it 
talked,  and  that  the  white  men  obeyed  it.  With  that  feeling  of  su- 
perstition with  which  they  regarded  all  things  connected  with  the 
Spaniards,  they  looked  upon  this  bell  as  something  supernatural, 
and  in  their  usual  phrase,  said  it  had  come  from  Turey,  or  the  skies. 
Caonabo  had  heard  this  wonderful  instrument  at  a  distance,  in  the 
course  of  his  prowlings  about  the  settlement,  and  had  longed  to  seq 
it :  but  when  it  was  proffered  to  him  as  a  present  of  peace,  he  found 
it  impossible  to  resist  the  temptation. 

The  cacique  agreed,  therefore,  to  set  out  for  Isabella ;  but  when 
the  time  came  to  depart,  Ojeda  beheld  with  surprise  a  powerful  force 
of  warriors  assembled,  and  ready  to  march.  He  asked  the  meaning 
of  taking  such  an  army  on  a  mere  friendly  visit,  to  which  the 
cacique  proudly  replied,  that  it  was  not  befitting  a  great  prince  like 
him,  to  go  forth  scantily  attended.  Ojeda  felt  little  satisfied  with 
this  reply  ;  he  knew  the  warlike  character  of  Caonabo,  and  his  deep 
subtilty,  which  is  the  soul  of  Indian  warfare  ;.  he  feared  some  sinis- 
ter design,  and  that  the  chieftain  might  meditate  some  surprise  of 
the  fortress  of  Isabella,  or  some  attempt  upon  the  person  of  the  ad- 
miral. He  knew  also  that  it  was  the  wish  of  Columbus,  either  to 
make  peace  with  the  cacique,  or  to  get  possession  of  his  person  with- 
out the  alternative  of  open  warfare.  He  had  recourse  to  a  strata 
gem,  therefore,  which  has  an  air  of  fable  and  romance,  but  which  is 
recorded  by  all  the  contemporary  historians,  with  trivial  variations, 
and  which  Las  Casas  assures  us  was  in  current  circulation  in  the 
island  when  he  arrived  there,  about  six  years  after  the  event.  It 
accords,  too,  with  the  adventurous  and  extravagant  character  of  the 
man,  and  with  the  wild  stratagems  and  vaunting  exploits  incident 
to  Indian  warfare. 

In  the  course  of  their  march,  having  halted  near  the  river  Yagui, 
Ojeda  one  day  produced  a  set  of  manacles  of  polished  steel,  so 
highly  burnished  that  they  looked  like  silver.  These  he  assured 
Caonabo  were  royal  ornaments  which  had  come  from  heaven,  or  the 
Turey  of  Biscay;*  that  they  were  worn  by  the  monarchs  of  Castile 
on  solemn  dances,  and  other  high  festivities,  and  were  intended  as 
presents  to  the  cacique.  He  proposed  that  Caonabo  should  go  to  the 
river  and  bathe,  after  which  he  should  be  decorated  with  these  orna- 
ments, mounted  on  the  horse  of  Ojeda,  and  should  return  in  the  state 
of  a  Spanish  monarch,  to  astonish  his  subjects.  The  cacique,  with 
that  fondness  for  glittering  ornaments  common  to  savages,  was  daz- 
zled with  the  sight;  his  proud  military  spirit,  also,  was  flattered  with 


*  The  principal  iron  manufactories  of  Spain  are  established  in  Biscay,  where 
that  mineral  is  found  in  abundance. 


310  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [BookVIIL 

the  idea  of  bestriding  one  of  those  tremendous  animals,  so  dreaded 
by  his  countrymen.  He  accompanied  Ojeda  and  his  followers  to  the 
river,  with  but  few  attendants,  dreading  nothing  from  nine  or  ten 
strangers  when  thus  surrounded  by  his  army.  After  the  cacique 
had  bathed  in  the  river,  he  was  assisted  to  mount  behind  Ojeda,  and 
the  shackles  were  then  adjusted.  This  done,  they  pranced  round 
among  the  savages,  who  were  astonished  to  behold  their  cacique  in 
glittering  array,  and  mounted  on  one  of  those  fearful  animals. 
Ojeda  made  several  circuits  to  gain  space,  followed  by  his  little  band 
of  horsemen;  the  Indians  shrinking  back  with  affright  from  the 
prancing  steeds.  At  length  he  made  a  wide  sweep  into  the  forest, 
until  the  trees  shut  him  from  the  sight  of  the  army.  His  followers 
then  closed  round  him,  and  drawing  their  swords,  threatened  Cao- 
nabo  with  instant  death  if  he  made  the  least  noise  or  resistance, 
though  indeed  his  manacles  and  shackles  effectually  prevented  the 
latter.  They  bound  him  with  cords  to  Ojeda  to  prevent  his  falling, 
or  effecting  an  escape;  then  putting  spurs  to  their  horses,  they 
dashed  across  the  Yagui,  and  made  off  through  the  woods  with 
their  prize.* 

They  had  now  fifty  or  sixty  leagues  of  wilderness  to  traverse  on 
their  way  homewards,  with  here  and  there  large  Indian  towns. 
They  had  borne  off  their  captive  by  dint  of  hoof  far  beyond  the  pur- 
suit of  his  subjects ;  but  the  utmost  vigilance  was  requisite  to  prevent 
his  escape  during  this  long  and  toilsome  journey,  and  to  prevent  ex- 
citing the  hostilities  of  any  confederate  cacique.  They  had  to  avoid 
the  populous  parts  of  the  country,  therefore,  or  to  pass  through  the 
Indian  towns  at  full  gallop.  They  suffered  greatly  from  fatigue, 
hunger,  and  watchfulness ;  encountering  many  perils,  fording  and 
swimming  the  numerous  rivers  of  the  plains,  toiling  through  the 
deep  tangled  forests,  and  clambering  over  the  high  and  rocky 
mountains.  They  accomplished  all  in  safety,  and  Ojeda  entered 
Isabella  in  triumph  from  this  most  daring  and  characteristic  enter- 
prise, with  his  wild  Indian  warrior  bound  behind  him  a  captive. 

Columbus  could  not  refrain  from  expressing  his  great  satisfaction 
when  this  dangerous  foe  was  delivered  into  his  hands.  The  haughty 
Carib  met  him  with  a  lofty  and  unsubdued  air,  disdaining  to  con- 
ciliate him  by  submission,  or  to  deprecate  his  vengeance  for  the 
blood  of  white  men  which  he  had  shed.     He  never  bowed  his  spirit 


*  This  romantic  exploit  of  Ojeda  is  recorded  at  large  by  Las  Casas,  by  his 
copyist  Herrera,  (Decad.  1.  L.  2,  C.  16.)  by  Fernando  Pizarro  in  his  Varones  II- 
lustres  del  Nuevo  Mundo,  and  by  Charlevoix  in  his  History  of  St.  Domingo. 
Peter  Martyr  and  others  have  given  it  more  concisely,  alluding  to,  but  not  insert- 
ing, its  romantic  details. 


Chap.  IV.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  SI  I 

to  captivity;  on  the  contrary,  though  completely  at  the  mercy  of  the 
Spaniards,  he  displayed  that  boasting  defiance  which  is  a  part  of 
Indian  heroism,  and  which  the  savage  maintains  towards  his  tor- 
mentors, even  amidst  the  agonies  of  the  faggot  and  the  stake.  He 
vaunted  his  achievement  in  surprising  and  burning  the  fortress  of 
Nativity,  and  slaughtering  its  garrison,  and  declared  that  he  had 
secretly  reconnoitred  Isabella,  with  an  intention  of  wreaking  upon 
it  the  same  desolation.* 

Columbus,  though  struck  with  the  wild  heroism  of  this  fierce 
chieftain,  considered  him  a  dangerous  enemy,  whom,  for  the  peace 
of  the  island,  it  was  necessary  carefully  to  guard.  He  determined 
to  send  him  to  Spain;  in  the  meantime,  he  ordered  that  he  should 
be  treated  with  kindness  and  respect,  and  lodged  him  in  a  part  of 
his  own  dwelling  house,  where,  however,  he  kept  him  a  close  pri- 
soner in  chains,  probably  in  the  splendid  shackles  which  had  ensnared 
him.  This  precaution  must  have  been  necessary  from  the  insecu- 
rity of  his  prison,  for  Las  Casas  observes  that  the  admiral's  house 
not  being  spacious,  nor  having  many  chambers,  the  passers-by  in 
the  street  could  see  the  captive  chieftain  from  the  portal.f 

Caonabo  always  maintained  a  haughty  deportment  towards  Co- 
lumbus, while  he  never  evinced  the  least  animosity  against  Ojeda, 
for  the  artifice  to  which  he  had  fallen  a  victim.  It  rather  increased 
his  admiration  of  him,  as  a  consummate  warrior,  looking  upon  it 
as  the  exploit  of  a  master  spirit  to  have  pounced  upon  him,  and 
borne  him  off  in  this  hawk-like  manner  from  the  very  midst  of  his 
fighting  men.  There  is  nothing  that  an  Indian  more  admires  in 
warfare  than  a  deep  well  executed  stratagem. 

Columbus  was  accustomed  to  bear  himself  with  an  air  of  dignity 
and  authority  as  admiral  and  viceroy,  and  exacted  great  personal 
respect.  When  he  entered  the  apartment,  therefore,  where  Cao- 
nabo was  confined,  all  present  rose,  according  to  custom,  and  paid 
him  reverence.  The  cacique  alone  neither  moved,  nor  took  any  no- 
tice of  him.  On  the  contrary,  when  Ojeda  entered,  though  small  in 
person,  and  without  external  state,  Caonabo  immediately  rose  and 
saluted  him  with  profound  respect.  On  being  asked  the  reason  of 
this,  Columbus  being  Guamiquina,  or  great  chief  over  all,  and 
Ojeda  but  one  of  his  subjects,  the  proud  Carib  replied  that  the  ad- 
miral had  never  dared  to  come  personally  to  his  house  and  seize 
him,  it  was  only  through  the  valour  of  Ojeda  he  was  his  prisoner  j 
to  Ojeda,  therefore,  he  owed  reverence,  not  to  the  admiral.  J 

The  captivity  of  Caonabo  was  deeply  felt  by  his  subjects,  for  the 

*  Hist,  del  Almirante,  Cap.  60. 

*Lias  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.  L.  1,  C.  102.        t  Idem,  ubi  sup. 


312  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  Vm. 

natives  of  this  island  seem  generally  to  have  been  extremely  loyal, 
and  strongly  attached  to  their  caciques.  One  of  the  brothers  of 
Gaonabo,  a  warrior  of  great  courage  and  address,  and  very  popular 
among  the  Indians,  assembled  an  army  of  more  than  seven  thousand 
men,  and  led  them  secretly  to  the  neighbourhood  of  St.  Thomas, 
where  Ojeda  was  again  in  command.  His  intention  was  to  surprise 
a  number  of  Spaniards,  in  hopes  of  obtaining  his  brother  in  exchange 
for  them.  Ojeda,  as  usual,  had  notice  of  the  design,  but  was  not  to 
be  again  shut  up  in  his  fortress.  Having  been  reinforced  by  a 
detachment  sent  by  the  adelantado,  he  left  a  sufficient  force  in  gar- 
rison, and  with  the  remainder,  and  his  little  troop  of  horse,  set  off 
boldly  to  meet  the  savages.  The  brother  of  Caonabo,  when  he  saw 
the  Spaniards  approaching,  showed  some  mihtary  skill,  disposing 
of  his  army  in  five  battalions.  The  impetuous  attack  of  Ojeda, 
however,  who,  according  to  his  custom,  rushed  on  furiously  in  the 
advance  with  his  handful  of  horsemen,  threw  the  Indian  warriors 
into  sudden  panic.  They  could  not  withstand  the  terrible  appear- 
ance of  these  glittering  steel-clad  beings,  wielding  their  flashing 
weapons,  and  bestriding  animals  which  appeared  to  be  ferocious 
beasts  of  prey.  They  threw  down  their  weapons  and  took  to  flight  ; 
many  were  slain,  more  were  taken  prisoners,  and  among  the  latter 
was  the  brother  of  Caonabo,  bravely  fighting  in  a  righteous  but 
desperate  cause.* 


CHAPTER  V. 

ARRIVAL    OF    ANTONIO    DE    TORRES    WITH    FOUR   SHIPS    FROM 
SPAIN HIS    RETURN    WITH    INDIAN    SLAVES. 

[1494.] 

The  colony  was  still  suflfering  greatly  from  want  of  provisions; 
the  European  stock  was  nearly  exhausted,  and  such  was  the  idle- 
ness and  improvidence  of  the  colonists,  or  the  confusion  into  which 
they  had  been  thrown  by  the  hostilities  of  the  natives,  or  such  was 
their  exclusive  eagerness  after  the  precious  metals,  that  they  seem  to 


♦  Oviedo  Cronica  de  las  Indias,  L.  3,  C.  1.    Charlevoix,  Hist.  Sv  Doming.  Lib 
2,  p.  131. 


Civ^.  v.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  9l$ 

have  neglected  the  true  wealth  of  the  island,  its  quick  and  produc- 
tive soil,  and  to  have  been  in  constant  danger  of  famine,  in  the  midst 
of  fertility. 

At  length  their  sufferings  were  relieved  by  the  arrival  of  four 
ships,  commanded  by  Antonio  Torres.  They  brought  an  ample 
supply  of  provisions,  which  diffused  universal  joy.  There  were 
also  a  physician  and  an  apothecary,  whose  aid  was  greatly  needed 
m  the  sickly  state  of  the  colony;  but  above  all,  there  were  mecha- 
nics, millers,  fishermen,  gardeners,  and  husbandmen ;  the  true, 
wholesome  kind  of  population  for  a  colony,  calculated  to  bring  out 
its  best  resources,  and  to  produce  that  interchange  of  useful  labour, 
and  of  the  necessaries  of  life,  which  renders  a  community  thriving 
and  self-dependent. 

The  letters  from  the  sovereigns  brought  by  Torres,  (dated  16 
Aug.  1494,)  were  of  the  most  gratifying  kind,  expressing  the  highest 
satisfaction  at  the  accounts  sent  home  by  the  admiral,  and  acknow- 
ledging that  every  thing  in  the  course  of  his  discoveries  had  turned 
out  as  he  had  predicted.  They  evinced  the  liveliest  interest  in  the 
affairs  of  the  colony,  and  a  desire  of  receiving  frequent  intelligence 
as  to  its  situation,  proposing  that  a  caravel  should  sail  each  month 
from  Isabella  and  Spain.  They  informed  him  that  all  differences 
with  Portugal  were  amicably  adjusted,  and  acquainted  him  with  the 
conventional  agreement  with  that  power,  relative  to  a  geographical 
line,  separating  their  newly  discovered  possessions ;  requesting  him 
to  have  regard  to  this  agreement  in  the  course  of  his  discoveries. 
As  in  adjusting  the  arrangement  with  Portugal,  and  in  drawing  the 
proposed  line,  it  was  important  to  have  the  best  advice,  the  sove- 
reigns requested  Columbus  to  return,  and  be  present  at  the  conven- 
tion ;  or,  in  case  that  should  be  inconvenient,  to  send  his  brother 
Bartholomew  or  any  other  person  whom  he  should  consider  fully 
competent,  furnished  with  such  maps,  charts,  and  designs,  as  might 
be  of  service  in  the  negotiation.* 

There  was  another  letter  addressed  generally  to  the  inhabitants 
of  the  colony,  and  to  all  who  should  engage  in  voyages  of  discovery, 
commanding  them  to  obey  Columbus  as  implicitly  as  they  would 
the  sovereigns  themselves,  under  pain  of  their  high  displeasure,  and 
a  fine  of  ten  thousand  maravedis  for  each  offence. 

Such  was  the  well-merited  confidence  reposed  at  this  moment  by 
the  sovereigns  in  Columbus,  but  which  was  soon  to  be  blighted  by 
the  insidious  reports  of  worthless  men.  He  was  already  aware  of 
the  complaints  and  misrepresentations  which  had  been  sent  home 


*  Herrera,  Decad.  1,  L.  -2,  C.  17.  ^  ]5 


314  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  VIII 

from  the  colony,  and  which  would  be  enforced  by  Margarite  and 
Friar  Bojde.  He  was  aware  that  his  standing  in  Spain  was  of 
that  uncertain  kind  which  a  stranger  always  possesses,  in  the  ser- 
vice of  a  foreign  country,  where  he  has  no  friends  or  connexions  to 
support  him,  and  where  his  very  merits  increase  the  eagerness  of 
envy  to  cast  him  down.  His  efforts  to  promote  the  working  of  the 
mines,  and  to  explore  the  resources  of  the  island,  had  been  impeded 
by  the  misconduct  of  Margarite,  and  the  disorderly  life  of  the  Span- 
iards in  general ;  yet  he  apprehended  that  the  very  evils  which 
they  had  produced  would  be  alleged  against  him,  and  the  want  of 
profitable  returns  be  cited  to  discredit  and  embarrass  his  expeditions. 

To  counteract  any  misrepresentations  of  the  kind,  Columbus 
hastened  the  return  of  the  ships,  and  would  have  returned  with 
them,  not  merely  to  comply  with  the  wishes  of  the  sovereigns  in 
being  present  at  the  drawing  of  the  geographical  line,  but  to  vindi- 
cate himself  and  his  enterprises  from  the  aspersions  of  his  enemies. 
The  malady,  however,  which  confined  him  to  his  bed,  prevented  his 
departure ;  and  his  brother  Bartholomew  was  required  to  aid,  with 
his  practical  good  sense  and  his  resolute  spirit,  in  regulating  the 
disordered  affairs  of  the  island.  It  was  determined,  therefore,  to 
send  home  his  brother  Diego,  to  attend  to  the  wishes  of  the  sove- 
reigns, and  to  take  care  of  his  interests  at  court.  At  the  same 
lime,  he  exerted  himself  to  the  utmost  to  send  by  the  ships  satisfac- 
tory proofs  of  the  value  of  his  discoveries.  He  remitted  by  them 
all  the  gold  that  he  could  collect,  with  specimens  of  other  metals, 
and  of  various  fruits,  and  valuable  plants,  which  he  had  collected 
either  in  Hispaniola,  or  in  the  course  of  his  voyage.  In  his  eager- 
ness to  produce  immediate  profit,  and  to  indemnify  the  sovereigns 
for  those  expenses  which  bore  hard  upon  the  royal  treasury,  he  sent, 
likewise,  above  five  hundred  Indian  prisoners,  who,  he  suggested, 
might  be  sold  as  slaves  at  Seville. 

It  is  painful  to  find  the  brilliant  renown  of  Columbus  sullied  by 
so  foul  a  stain,  and  the  glory  of  his  enterprises  degraded  by  such 
flagrant  violations  of  humanity.  The  customs  of  the  times,  how- 
ever, must  be  pleaded  in  his  apology.  The  precedent  had  been 
given  long  before,  by  both  Spaniards  and  Portuguese,  in  their  Afri- 
can discoveries,  wherein  the  trafiic  in  slaves  had  formed  one  of  the 
greatest  sources  of  profit.  In  fact,  the  practice  had  been  sanctioned 
by  the  highest  authority ;  by  that  of  the  church  itself;  and  the  most 
learned  theologians  had  pronounced  all  barbarous  and  infidel  nations, 
who  shut  their  ears  to  the  truths  of  Christianity,  as  fair  objects  of 
war  and  rapine,  of  captivity  and  slavery.  If  Columbus  needed  any 
practical  illustration  of  this  doctrine,  he  had  it  in  the  conduct  of 


Chap.  VI.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  31^ 

Ferdinand  himself,  in  his  late  wars  with  the  Moors  of  Granada,  in 
which  he  had  always  been  surrounded  bj  a  cloud  of  ghostly  advi- 
sers, and  had  professed  to  do  every  thing  for  the  glory  and  advance- 
ment of  the  faith.  In  this  holy  war,  as  it  was  termed,  it  was  a 
common  practice  to  make  inroads  into  the  Moorish  territories  and 
carry  off  cavalgadas,  not  merely  of  flocks  and  herds,  but  of  human 
beings,  and  those,  not  warriors  taken  with  weapons  in  their  hands, 
but  quiet  villagers,  labouring  peasantry,  and  helpless  women  and 
children.  These  were  carried  to  the  mart  at  Seville,  or  to  other 
populous  towns,  and  sold  into  slavery.  The  capture  of  Malaga  was 
a  memorable  instance,  where,  as  a  punishment  for  an  obstinate  and 
brave  defence,  which  should  have  excited  admiration  rather  than  re^ 
venge,  eleven  thousand  people,  of  both  sexes,  and  of  all  ranks  and 
ages,  many  of  them  highly  cultivated,  and  delicately  reared,  were 
suddenly  torn  from  their  homes,  severed  from  each  other,  and  swept 
into  menial  slavery,  even  though  half  of  their  ransoms  had  been  paid. 
These  circumstances  are  not  advanced  to  vindicate,  but  to  palliate 
the  conduct  of  Columbus.  He  acted  but  in  conformity  to  the  cus- 
toms of  the  times,  and  was  sanctioned  by  the  example  of  the  sove- 
reign under  whom  he  served. 

Las  Casas,  the  zealous  and  enthusiastic  advocate  of  the  Indians, 
who  suffers  no  opportunity  to  escape  him  of  exclaiming  in  vehement 
terms  against  their  slavery,  speaks  with  indulgence  of  Columbus 
on  this  head.  "If  those  pious  and  learned  men,"  he  observes, 
"  whom  the  sovereigns  took  for  guides  and  instructers  were  so  igno- 
rant of  the  injustice  of  this  practice  it  is  no  wonder  that  the  unlet- 
tered admiral  should  not  be  conscious  of  its  impropriety."* 


CHAPTER  VI. 


BXPEDITIOX  OF  COLUMBUS  AGAINST  THE  INDIANS  OF  THE 
VEGA BATTLE. 

.  f  1494.] 

NToTwiTHSTANDiNG  the  defeat  of  the  Indians  by  Ojeda,  they  still 
retained  hostile  intentions  against  the  Spaniards.  The  idea  of  their 
cacique  being  a  prisoner  and  in  chains,  enraged  the  natives  of  Ma- 

*  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.  T.  1,  Cap.  122.  MS. 


316  UFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  VID. 

guana,  and  the  general  sympathy  manifested  by  other  tribes  of  the 
island  show  how  widely  that  intelligent  savage  had  extended  his 
iafluence,  and  how  greatly  he  was  admired.  He  had  still  active 
and  powerful  relatives  remaining  to  attempt  his  rescue,  or  revenge 
his  fall.  One  of  his  brothers,  Manicdotex  by  name,  a  Carib,  bold 
and  warlike  as  himself,  succeeded  to  the  sway  over  his  subjects. 
His  favourite  wife  also,  Anacaona,  so  famous  for  her  charms,  had 
great  influence  over  her  brother  Behechio,  cacique  of  the  populous 
province  of  Xaragua.  Thiough  these  means  a  violent  and  general 
hostility  to  the  Spaniards  was  excited  throughout  the  island,  and 
the  formidable  league  of  the  caciques,  which  Caonabo  had  in  vain 
attempted  to  accomplish  when  at  large,  was  produced  by  his  cap- 
tivity. Guacanagari,  the  cacique  of  Marien,  alone  remained  friendly 
to  the  Spaniards,  giving  them  timely  information  of  the  gathering 
storm,  and  offering  to  take  the  field  with  them  as  a  faithful  ally. 

The  protracted  illness  of  Columbus,  the  scantiness  of  his  military 
force,  and  the  wretched  state  of  the  colonists  in  general,  reduced  by 
sickness  and  scarcity  to  great  bodily  weakness,  had  hitherto  induced 
him  to  try  every  means  of  conciliation  and  stratagem  to  avert  and 
dissolve  the  confederacy.  He  had  at  length  recovered  his  health ; 
and  his  followers  were  in  some  degree  refreshed  and  invigorated  by 
the  supplies  brought  by  the  ships.  At  this  time  he  received  intelli- 
gence that  the  allied  caciques  were  actually  assembled  in  great  force 
in  the  Vega,  within  two  days'  march  of  Isabella,  with  an  intention 
of  making  a  general  assault  upon  the  settlement,  and  overwhelming 
it  by  numbers.  Columbus  resolved  to  take  the  field  at  once,  and  to 
carry  the  war  into  the  territories  of  the  enemy,  rather  than  suffer  it 
to  be  brought  into  his  own  dominions. 

The  whole  sound  and  effective  force  that  he  could  muster  in  the 
present  infirm  state  of  the  colony,  did  not  exceed  two  hundred  in- 
fantry and  twenty  horse.  They  were  armed  with  crossbows, 
swords,  lances,  and  espingardas,  or  heavy  arquebusses,  which  in 
those  days  were  used  with  rests,  and  sometimes  mounted  on  wheels. 
With  these  formidable  weapons,  a  handful  of  European  warriors, 
cased  in  steel,  and  covered  with  bucklers,  were  able  to  cope  with 
thousands  of  naked  savages.  They  had  aid  of  another  kind,  how- 
ever, consisting  of  twenty  bloodhounds,  animals  scarcely  less  terrible 
to  the  Indians  than  the  horses,  and  infinitely  more  fatal.  They  were 
fearless  and  ferocious;  nothing  daunted  them,  nor,  when  they  had 
once  seized  upor»  cfteir  prey,  could  any  thing  compel  them  to  relin- 
quish their  hold.  The  naked  bodies  of  the  Indians  offered  no  de- 
fence against  their  attacks.  They  sprang  on  them,  dragged  them 
to  the  earth,  and  tore  them  to  pieces. 


Chap.  VI.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  317 

The  admiral  was  accompanied  in  this  expedition  hy  his  brother 
Bartholomew,  whose  counsel  and  aid  he  sought  on  all  occasions, 
and  who  had  not  merely  great  personal  force  and  undaunted  cou- 
rage, but  also  a  decidedly  military  turn  of  mind.  Guacanagari  also 
brought  his  people  into  the  field :  neither  he  nor  his  subjects,  how- 
ever, were  of  a  warlike  character,  nor  calculated  to  render  much 
assistance.  The  chief  advantage  of  his  co-operation  was,  that  it 
completely  severed  him  from  the  other  caciques,  and  ensured  the 
dependence  of  himself  and  his  subjects  upon  the  Spaniards.  In  the 
present  infant  state  of  the  colony,  its  chief  security  depended  upon 
jealousies  and  dissensions  sown  among  the  native  powers  of  the 
island. 

It  was  on  the  24th  of  March,  1495,  that  Columbus  issued  forth 
from  Isabella  with  his  little  army,  and  advanced  by  marches  of  ten 
leagues  a  day  in  quest  of  the  enemy.  He  ascended  again  to  the 
mountain  pass  of  the  cavaliers,  from  whence  he  had  first  looked 
down  upon  the  Vega.  With  what  different  feelings  did  he  now  con- 
template it !  The  vile  passions  of  the  white  men  had  already  con- 
verted this  smiling,  beautiful,  and  once  peaceful  and  hospitable, 
region  into  a  land  of  wrath  and  hostility.  Wherever  the  smoke  of 
an  Indian  town  rose  from  among  the  trees  and  floated  in  the  clear 
atmosphere,  it  marked  a  horde  of  exasperated  enemies  ;  and  the  deep 
rich  forests  below  him  swarmed  with  lurking  warriors.  In  the  pic- 
ture  which  his  imagination  had  drawn  of  the  peaceful  and  inoffen 
sive  nature  of  this  people,  he  had  flattered  himself  with  the  idea  of 
ruling  over  them  as  a  patron  and  benefactor,  but  now  he  found  him- 
self compelled  to  assume  the  odious  character  of  a  conqueror. 

The  Indians,  had  notice,  by  their  scouts,  of  his  approach,  but 
though  they  had  already  had  some  slight  experience  of  the  warfare 
of  the  white  men,  they  were  filled  with  confidence  by  the  vast  su- 
periority of  their  numbers,  which  it  is  said  amounted  to  one  hundred 
thousand  men.*  This  is  probably  an  exaggeration:  as  Indians 
never  draw  out  into  the  open  field,  in  order  of  battle,  but  lurk  among 
the  forests,  it  is  difficult  to  ascertain  their  force,  and  their  rapid  move- 
ments, and  sudden  sallies  and  retreats  from  various  parts,  together 
with  the  wild  shouts  and  yells  from  opposite  quarters  of  the  wood- 
lands, are  calculated  to  give  an  exaggerated  idea  of  their  number. 
The  army  must,  however,  have  been  great,  as  it  consisted  of  the 
combined  forces  of  several  caciques  of  this  populous  island.  It  was 
commanded  by  Manicaotex,  the  brother  of  Caonabo.  The  Indians, 
who  were  little  skilled  in  numeration,  and  incapable  of  reckoning 


*  t-as  Ceisas,  Hist.  Ind.  L.  1,  Cap.  104.  MS,  2  B  2 


518  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  VHI. 

beyond  ten,  had  a  simple  mode  of  ascertaining  and  describing  the 
force  of  an  enemy,  by  counting  out  a  grain  of  maize  or  Indian  corn 
for  every  warrior.  When,  therefore,  the  spies,  who  had  watched 
from  rocks  and  thickets,  the  march  of  Columbus,  came  back  with 
a  mere  handful  of  corn  as  the  amount  of  his  army,  the  caciques 
scoffed  at  the  idea  of  so  scanty  a  number  making  head  against  their 
countless  multitude.* 

Columbus  drew  near  to  the  enetny  about  the  place  where  the  town 
of  St.  Jago  has  since  been  built.  Having  ascertained  the  great  force 
of  the  Indians,  Don  Bartholomew  advised  that  their  little  army 
should  be  divided  into  detachments,  and  should  attack  the  enemy 
at  the  same  moment  from  several  quarters :  this  plan  was  adopted. 
The  infantry  separating  into  different  bodies,  advanced  suddenly 
from  various  directions,  with  great  din  of  drums  and  trumpets,  and 
a  destructive  discharge  of  firearms  from  the  covert  of  the  trees. 
The  Indians  were  struck  with  panic,  and  thrown  into  complete  con- 
fusion. An  army  seemed  pressing  upon  them  from  every  quarter ; 
their  fellow  warriors  were  laid  low  by  the  balls  of  the  arquebusses^ 
which  seemed  to  burst  with  thunder  and  lightning  from  the  forests. 
While  driven  together  and  confounded  by  these  attacks,  Alonzo  de 
Ojeda  charged  impetuously  on  their  main  body  with  his  troop  of  ca- 
valry, cutting  his  way  into  the  centre  with  lance  and  sabre.  The 
horses  bore  down  the  terrified  Indians,  while  their  riders  dealt  their 
blows  on  all  sides  unopposed.  The  bloodhounds  were  at  the  sami  tim© 
let  loose,  and  rushed  with  sanguinary  fury  upon  the  naked  rwi>  ages, 
seizing  them  by  the  throat,  dragging  them  to  the  earth,  avA  tearing 
out  their  bowels.  The  Indians,  unaccustomed  to  large  and  fierce 
quadrupeds  of  any  kind,  were  struck  with  horror  when  assailed  hy 
these  ferocious  animals.  They  thought  the  horses  equally  fierce 
and  devouring.  The  contest,  if  such  it  might  be  called,  was  of 
short  duration.  What  resistance  could  a  multitude  of  naked,  un- 
warlike,  and  undisciplined  savages  make,  with  no  o'.her  arms  than 
clubs  and  arrows,  and  darts  hardened  in  the  fire,  dgainst  soldiers 
clad  in  iron,  wielding  weapons  of  steel,  and  tremendous  firearms, 
and  aided  by  ferocious  monsters  whose  very  aspect  struck  terror 
to  the  heart  of  the  stoutest  warrior ! 

The  Indians  fled  in  every  direction  with  yells  and  bowlings ;  some 
clambered  to  the  top  of  rocks  and  precipices,  from  whence  they 
made  piteous  supplications  and  offers  of  complete  submission;  many 
were  killed,  many  made  prisoners,  and  the  confederacy  was  for  thf 
time  completely  broken  up  and  dispersed, 

•  Las  Casas,  ubi  sup. 


Chap.  VII.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  319 

Guacanagari  had  accompanied  the  Spaniards  into  the  field,  ac- 
cording to  his  promise ;  but  he  was  Httle  more  than  a  spectator  of 
this  battle,  or  rather  rout.  '  He  was  not  of  a  martial  spirit,  and  both 
he  and  his  subjects  must  have  shrunk  with  awe  at  this  unusual  and 
terrific  burst  of  war,  even  though  on  the  part  of  their  allies.  His 
participation  in  the  hostilities  of  the  white  men  was  never  forgiven 
by  the  other  caciques,  and  he  returned  to  his  dominions  followed  by 
the  hatred  and  execrations  of  all  the  islanders. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

SUBJUGATION    OF    THE    NATIVES — IMPOSITION    OF   TRIBUTE. 
[1495.] 

Columbus  followed  up  his  victory  by  making  a  military  tour 
through  various  parts  of  the  island,  and  reducing  them  to  obedience. 
The  natives  made  occasional  attempts  at  opposition,  but  they  were 
easily  checked.  The  troop  of  cavalry  headed  by  Ojeda  was  found 
of  great  efficacy  in  this  service,  from  the  rapidity  of  its  movements, 
the  active  intrepidity  of  its  commander,  and  especially  from  the 
great  terror  inspired  by  the  horses.  There  was  no  service  too  wild 
and  hazardous  for  Ojeda.  If  any  head  of  war  arose  in  a  distant 
part  of  the  country,  he  would  penetrate  with  his  little  squadron  of 
hard  riders  through  the  depths  of  the  forests  and  fall  suddenly  like  a 
thunderbolt  upon  the  enemy,  disconcerting  all  their  combinations, 
and  enforcing  implicit  submission. 

The  Royal  Vega  was  soon  brought  into  subjection.  Being  an 
immense  plain,  perfectly  level,  it  was  easily  overrun  by  the  horse- 
men, whose  appearance  overawed  the  most  populous  villages.  Gua- 
rionex,  its  sovereign  cacique,  was  of  a  mild  and  placable  character, 
and  though  he  had  been  roused  to  war  by  the  instigation  of  the 
neighbouring  chieftains,  he  readily  submitted  to  the  domination  of  the 
Spaniards.  Manicaotex,  the  brother  of  Caonabo,  was  also  obliged 
to  sue  for  peace,  and  being  the  prime  mover  of  the  confederacy,  the 
other  caciques  followed  his  example.  Behechio  alone,  the  cacique 
of  Xaragua,  and  brother-in-law  of  Caonabo,  made  no  overtures  of 
submission.  His  territories  lay  remote  from  Isabella,  at  the  western 
extremity  of  the  island,  around  the  deep  bay  called  the  Bight  of 


320  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  VIII. 

Leogan,  and  the  long  peninsula  called  Cape  Tiburon.  They  were 
difficult  of  access,  and  had  not  as  yet  been  visited  by  the  white  men. 
He  retired  into  the  bosom  of  his  domains, *taking  with  him  his  sister, 
the  beautiful  Anacaona,  wife  of  Caonabo,  whom  he  cherished  with 
fraternal  affection  under  her  misfortunes,,  who  soon  acquired  almost 
equal  sway  over  his  subjects  with  himself,  and  was  destined  subse- 
quently to  make  some  figure  in  the  events  of  the  island. 

Having  been  forced  to  take  the  field  by  the  confederacy  of  the 
caciques,  Columbus  now  asserted  the  right  of  a  conqueror,  and 
considered  how  he  might  turn  his  conquest  to  most  profit.  His  con- 
stant anxiety  was  to  make  wealthy  returns  to  Spain,  for  the  purpose 
of  indemnifying  the  sovereigns  for  their  great  expenses ;  of  meeting 
the  public  expectations  so  extravagantly  excited ;  and  above  all,  of 
silencing  the  calumnies  of  those  who  he  knew  had  gone  home  de- 
termined to  make  the  most  discouraging  representations  of  his  dis- 
coveries. He  endeavoured,  therefore,  to  raise  a  large  and  immediate 
revenue  from  the  island,  by  imposing  heavy  tributes  on  the  subjected 
provinces.  In  those  of  the  Vega,  Cibao,  and  all  the  region  of  the 
mines,  each  individual  above  the  age  of  fourteen  years,  was  required 
to  pay,  every  three  months,  the  measure  of  a  Flemish  hawk's  bell 
of  gold  dust.*  The  caciques  had  to  pay  a  much  larger  amount  for 
their  personal  tribute.  Manic aotex,  the  brother  of  Caonabo,  was 
obliged  individually  to  render  in,  every  three  months,  half  a  cala- 
bash of  gold,  amounting  to  one  hundred  and  fifty  pesos.  In  those 
districts  which  were  distant  from  the  mines,  and  produced  no  gold, 
each  individual  was  required  to  furnish  an  arroba  (twenty-five 
pounds)  of  cotton  every  three  months.  Each  Indian  on  rendering 
this  tribute,  received  a  copper  medal  as  a  certificate  of  payment 
which  he  was  to  wear  suspended  round  his  neck ;  those  who  were 
found  without  such  documents,  were  liable  to  arrest  and  punish- 
ment. 

The  taxes  and  tributes  thus  imposed  bore  hard  upon  the  spirit  of 
the  natives,  accustomed  to  be  but  lightly  taxed  by  their  caciques ; 
and  the  caciques  themselves  found  the  exactions  intolerably  griev- 
ous. Guarionex,  the  sovereign  of  the  Royal  Vega,  represented  to 
Columbus  the  difficulty  he  had  in  complying  with  the  terms  of  his 
tribute.  His  richly  fertile  plain  yielded  no  gold ;  and  though  the 
mountains  on  his  borders  contained  mines,  and  their  brooks  and  tor- 


*  A  hawk's  bell,  according  to  Las  Casas,  (Hist.  Ind.  L.  1,  C.  105,)  contained 
about  three  castellanos  worth  of  gold  dust,  equal  to  five  dollars,  and  in  estimating 
the  superior  value  of  gold  in  those  days,  equivalent  to  fifteen  dollars  of  our  time. 
A  quantity  of  gold  worth  150  castellanos  was  equivalent  to  798  dollars  of  the 
present  day. 


Cha^.  Vlf.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  321 

rents  washed  down  g-old  dust  into  the  sands  of  the  rivers,  yet  his  sub- 
jects were  not  skilled  in  the  art  of  collecting  it.  He  proffered,  there- 
fore, instead  of  the  tribute  required,  to  cultivate  with  grain  a  band 
of  country  stretching  across  the  island  from  sea  to  sea ;  enough, 
says  Las  Casas,  to  have  furnished  all  Castile  with  bread  for  ten 
years.*  His  offer  was  rejected.  Columbus  knew  that  gold  alone 
would  satisfy  the  avaricious  dreams  excited  in  Spain,  and  ensure 
the  popularity  and  success  of  his  enterprises.  Seeing,  however,  the 
difficulty  that  many  of  the  Indians  had  in  furnishing  the  amount  of 
gold  dust  required  of  them,  he  lowered  the  demand  to  the  measure 
of  one  half  of  a  hawk's  bell.  It  is  a  curious  circumstance,  and 
might  furnish  some  poetical  conceits,  that  the  miseries  of  the  poor 
natives  should  thus  be  measured  out,  as  it  were,  by  the  very  baubles 
which  first  fascinated  them. 

To  enforce  the  payment  of  these  tributes,  and  to  maintain  the  sub- 
jection of  the  island,  Columbus  put  the  fortress  already  built  in  a 
strong  state  of  defence,  and  erected  others.  Beside  those  of  Isabella, 
and  of  St.  Thomas,  in  the  mountains  of  Cibao,  there  were  now  the 
fortress  of  Magdalena,  in  the  Royal  Vega,  three  or  four  leagues 
from  the  place  where  the  town  of  Santiago  was  afterwards  built ; 
another  called  Catalina,  the  site  of  which  is  forgotten;  another 
called  Esperanza,  on  the  banks  of  the  river  Yagui  in  Cibao;  but 
the  most  important  of  those  recently  erected  was  fort  Conception,  in 
one  of  the  most  fruitful  and  beautiful  parts  of  the  Vega,  about  fifteen 
leagues  to  the  east  of  Magdalena,  controlling  the  extensive  and  po- 
pulous domains  of  Guarionex.f 

In  this  way  was  the  yoke  of  servitude  fixed  upon  the  island,  and 
its  thraldom  effectually  ensured.  Deep  despair  now  fell  upon  the 
natives  when  they  found  a  perpetual  task  inflicted  upon  them,  en- 
forced at  stated  and  frequently  recurring  periods.  Weak  and  indolent 
by  nature,  unused  to  labour  of  any  kind,  and  brought  up  in  the  un- 
tasked  idleness  of  their  soft  climate,  and  their  fruitful  groves,  death 
itself  seemed  preferable  to  a  life  of  toil  and  anxiety.  They  saw  no 
end  to  this  harassing  evil,  which  had  so  suddenly  fallen  upon 
them ;  no  escape  from  its  all-pervading  influence;  no  prospect  of 
return  to  that  roving  independence  and  ample  leisure,  so  dear  to  the 
wild  inhabitants  of  the  forest.  The  pleasant  life  of  the  island  was 
at  an  end  ;  the  dream  in  the  shade  by  day ;  the  slumber  during  the 
sultry  noontide  heat  by  the  fountain  or  the  stream,  or  under  the 
spreading  palm-tree ;  and  the  song,  the  dance,  and  the  game,  in  the 
mellow  evening,  when  summoned  to  their  simple  amusements  by  the 

*  Los  Casas,  H.  Ind.  L.  1,  C,  105.        i  Idem,  ubi  sup.  C.  110. 
Vol.  I.  21 


322  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  VIII 

rude  Indian  drum.  They  were  now  obliged  to  grope,  day  by  day, 
with  bending  body  and  anxious  eye,  along  the  borders  of  their  rivers, 
sifting  the  sands  for  the  grains  of  gold  which  every  day  grew  more 
scanty;  or  to  labour  in  their  fields,  beneath  the  fervour  of  a  tropical 
sun,  to  raise  food  for  their  taskmasters,  or  to  produce  the  vegetable 
tribute  imposed  upon  them.  They  sunk  to  sleep  weary  and  exhausted 
at  night,  with  the  certainty  that  the  next  day  was  but  to  be  a  repe- 
tition of  the  same  toil  and  suffering.  Or  if  they  occasionally  in- 
dulged in  their  national  dances,  the  ballads  to  which  they  kept  time 
were  of  a  melancholy  and  plaintive  character.  They  spoke  of  the 
times  that  were  past,  before  the  white  men  had  introduced  sor- 
row and  slavery  and  weary  labour  among  them ;  and  they  rehearsed 
pretended  prophecies  handed  down  from'  their  ancestors,  foretelling 
the  invasion  of  the  Spaniards ;  that  strangers  should  come  into  their 
island,  clothed  in  apparel,  with  swords  capable  of  cleaving  a  man 
asunder  at  a  blow,  under  whose  yoke  their  posterity  should  be  sub- 
dued. These  ballads  or  areytos  they  sang  with  mournful  tunes  and 
doleful  voices,  bewailing  the  loss  of  their  liberty,  and  their  painful 
servitude.* 

They  had  flattered  themselves,  for  a  time,  that  the  visit  of  the 
strangers  would  be  but  temporary,  and  that,  spreading  their  ample 
sails,  their  ships  would  once  more  bear  them  back  to  their  home  in 
the  sky.  In  their  snnplicity,  they  had  repeatedly  inquired  when 
they  intended  to  return  to  Turey,  or  the  heavens.  They  now  beheld 
them  taking  root,  as  it  were,  in  the  island.  They  beheld  their  ves- 
sels lying  idly  and  rotting  in  the  harbour,  while  the  crews,  scattered 
about  the  country,  were  building  habitations  and  fortresses,  the  solid 
construction  of  which,  unlike  their  own  slight  cabins,  gave  evi- 
dence of  permanent  abode,  f 

Finding  how  vain  was  all  attempt  to  deliver  themselves  by  war- 
like means  from  these  invincible  intruders,  they  now  concerted  a  for- 
lorn and  desperate  mode  of  annoyance.  They  perceived  that  the 
settlement  suffered  greatly  from  shortness  of  provisions,  and  depend- 
ed, in  a  considerable  degree,  upon  the  supplies  furnished  by  the 
natives.  The  fortresses  in  the  interior,  also,  and  the  Spaniards  quar 
tered  in  the  villages,  looked  almost  entirely  to  them  for  subsistence 
They  agreed,  therefore,  among  themselves,  not  to  cultivate  the  fruits, 
the  roots,  and  maize,  which  formed  their  chief  articles  of  food,  and 
to  destroy  those  already  growing ;  hoping  that  thus,  by  producing  a 
famine,  they  might  starve  the  strangers  from  the  island.  They  little 
knew,  observes  Las  Casas,  one  of  the  characteristics  of  the  Span 


*  Peter  Martyr,  Decad.  3,  L,  9.        t  Las  Casas,  Hist,  Ind.  L.  1,  C.  106, 


Chap.  VH.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  ^23 

iards ;  who,  the  more  hungry  they  are,  the  more  inflexible  they  be- 
come, and  the  more  hardened  to  endure  suifering.*  They  carried 
their  plan  generally  into  effect,  abandoning  their  habitations,  laying 
waste  the  produce  of  their  fields  and  groves,  and  retiring  to  the 
mountains,  where  there  were  roots  and  herbs  on  which  they  could 
subsist,  and  abundance  of  those  kind  of  rabbits  called  utias. 

This  measure  did  indeed  produce  much  distress  among  the  Span- 
iards ;  but  they  had  foreign  resources,  and  were  enabled  to  endure  it 
by  husbanding  the  partial  supplies  brought  by  their  ships ;  the  most 
disastrous  effects  fell  upon  the  natives  themselves.  The  Spaniards 
stationed  in  the  various  fortresses,  finding  that  there  was  not  only  no 
hope  of  tribute,  but  a  danger  of  famine,  from  this  wanton  waste  and 
sudden  desertion,  pursued  the  natives  to  their  retreats,  to  compel 
them  to  return  to  labour.  The  Indians  took  refuge  in  the  most  ste- 
ril  and  dreary  heights ;  flying  from  one  wild  retreat  to  another,  the 
women  with  their  children  in  their  arms  or  at  their  backs,  and  all 
worn  out  with  fatigue  and  hunger,  and  harassed  by  perpetual 
alarms.  In  every  noise  of  the  forest  or  the  mountain  they  fancied 
they  heard  the  sound  of  their  pursuers;  they  hid  themselves  in 
damp  and  dismal  caverns,  or  in  the  rocky  banks  and  margins  of  the 
torrents,  and,  not  daring  to  hunt,  or  fish,  or  even  to  venture  forth  in 
quest  of  nourishing  roots  and  vegetables,  they  had  to  satisfy  their 
raging  hunger  with  unwholesome  food.  In  this  way  many  thou- 
sands of  them  perished  miserably,  through  famine,  fatigue,  terror, 
and  various  contagious  maladies  engendered  by  their  sufferings. 
AH  spirit  of  opposition  was  at  length  completely  quelled.  The  sur- 
viving Indians  returned  in  despair  to  their,  habitations,  and  submitted 
humbly  to  the  yoke.  So  deep  an  awe  did  they  conceive  of  their 
conquerors,  that  it  is  said  a  Spaniard  might  go  singly  and  securely 
all  over  the  island,  and  the  natives  would  even  transport  him  from 
place  to  place  on  their  shoulders,  f 

Before  passing  on  to  other  events,  it  may  be  proper  here  to  notice 
the  fate  of  Guacanagari,  as  he  makes  no  further  appearance  in  the 
course  of  this  history.  His  friendship  for  the  Spaniards  had  se- 
vered him  from  his  countrymen,  but  it  did  not  exonerate  him  from 
the  general  woes  of  the  island.  His  territories,  like  those  of  the  other 
caciques,  were  subjected  to  a  tribute,  which  his  people,  with  the 
common  repugnance  to  labour,  found  it  difficult  to  pay.  Columbus, 
who  knew  his  worth,  and  could  have  protected  him,  was  long  ab- 


*  No  Conociendo  la  propriedad  de  los  Espanoles,  los  cuales  cuanto  mas  hambri 
entos,  tanto  mayor  teson  tienen  y  mas  duros  son  de  sufrir  y  para  sufrir.  Las 
Casas,  Hist.  Ind.  L.  1,  C.  106. 

t  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.  L.  1,  C.  106.    Hist,  del  Almirante,  Cap.  60. 


324  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  VIII, 

sent,  either  in  the  interior  of  the  island,  or  detained  in  Europe  by 
his  own  wrongs.  In  the  interval,  the  Spaniards  forgot  the  hospi- 
tality and  services  of  Guacanagari,  and  his  tribute  was  harshly  ex- 
acted. He  found  himself  overwhelmed  with  opprobrium  from  his 
countrymen  at  large,  and  assailed  by  the  clamours  and  lamenta- 
tions of  his  suffering  subjects.  The  strangers  whom  he  had  suc- 
coured in  distress,  and  taken  as  it  were  to  the  bosom  of  his  native 
island,  had  become  its  tyrants  and  oppressors.  Care,  and  toil,  and 
poverty,  and  strong-handed  violence,  had  spread  their  curses  over 
the  land,  and  he  felt  as  if  he  had  invoked  them  on  his  race.  Unable 
to  bear  the  hostilities  of  his  fellow  caciques,  the  woes  of  his  subjects, 
and  the  extortions  of  his  ungrateful  allies,  he  took  refuge  at  last  in 
the  mountains,  where  he  died  obscurelj''  and  in  misery.* 

An  attempt  has  been  made  by  Oviedo  to  defame  the  character  of 
this  Indian  prince ;  it  is  not  for  Spaniards,  however,  to  excuse  theii 
own  ingratitude  by  casting  a  stigma  upon  his  name.  He  appears  to 
have  always  manifested  towards  them  that  true  friendship  which 
shines  brightest  in  the  dark  days  of  adversity.  He  might  have 
played  a  nobler  part,  in  making  a  stand  with  his  brother  caciques, 
to  drive  these  intruders  from  his  native  soil ;  but  he  appears  to  have 
been  fascinated  by  his  admiration  of  the  strangers,  and  his  personal 
attachment  to  Columbus.  He  was  bountiful,  hospitable,  affection- 
ate, and  kind-hearted :  competent  to  rule  a  gentle  and  unwarlike 
people  in  the  happier  days  of  the  island,  but  unfitted,  through  the 
softness  of  his  nature,  for  the  stern  turmoil  which  followed  the  arri- 
val of  the  white  men. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

INTRIGUES    AGAINST    COLUMBUS    IN    THE    COURT   OF    SPAIN AGU* 

ADO    SENT    TO    INVESTIGATE    THE    AFFAIRS    OF    HISPANIOLA. 

[1495.] 

While  Columbus  was  endeavouring  to  remedy  the  evils  produced 
by  the  misconduct  of  Margarite  and  his  followers,  that  recreant  com* 
mander,  and  his  politic  coadjutor,  father  Boyle,  were  busily  under- 
mining his  reputation  in  the  court  of  Castile.     They  accused  him  of 


•  Charlevoix,  Hist.  St.  Doming.  Lib.  2. 


Chap.  VIII.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  325 

deceiving  the  sovereigns  and  the  public,  by  extravagant  descriptions 
of  the  countries  he  had  discovered ;  they  pronounced  the  island  of 
Hispaniola  a  source  of  expense  rather  than  profit ;  and  they  drew  a 
dismal  picture  of  the  sufferings  of  the  colony,  occasioned,  as  they 
said,  by  the  oppressions  of  Columbus  and  his  brothers.  They 
charged  them  with  tasking  the  community  with  excessive  labour 
during  a  time  of  general  sickness  and  debility ;  with  stopping  the 
rations  of  individuals  on  the  most  trifling  pretext,  to  the  great  detri- 
ment of  their  healths ;  with  wantonly  inflicting  severe  corporal  pu- 
nishments on  the  common  people ;  and  with  heaping  indignities  on 
Spanish  gentlemen  of  rank.  They  said  nothing,  however,  of  the 
exigencies  which  had  called  for  unusual  labour ;  nor  of  the  idleness 
nor  profligacy  of  the  comraonaity,  which  required  coercion  and 
chastisement ;  nor  of  the  seditious  cabals  of  the  Spanish  cavaliers, 
who  had  been  treated  with  indulgence  rather  than  severity.  In  ad- 
dition to  these  complaints,  they  represented  the  state  of  confusion  of 
the  island  in  consequence  of  the  absence  of  the  admiral,  and  the  un- 
certainty which  prevailed  concerning  his  fate ;  intimating  the  pro- 
bability of  his  having  perished  in  his  foolhardy  attempts  to  explore 
unknown  seas,  and  discover  unprofitable  lands. 

These  prejudiced  and  exaggerated  representations  derived  much 
weight  from  the  official  standing  of  Margarite  and  father  Boyle. 
They  were  supported  by  the  testimony  of  many  individuals,  the  dis- 
contented and  factious  idlers  of  the  colony,  who  had  returned  with 
them  to  Spain.  Some  of  these  persons  had  connexions  of  rank  who 
were  ready  to  resent,  with  Spanish  haughtiness,  what  they  consi- 
dered the  arrogant  assumptions  of  an  ignoble  foreigner.  Thus  the 
popularity  of  Columbus  received  a  vital  blow,  and  immediately 
began  to  decline.  The  confidence  of  the  sovereigns  also  was  im- 
paired, and  precautions  were  adopted  which  savour  strongly  of  the 
cautious  and  suspicious  pohcy  of  Ferdinand. 

It  was  determined  to  send  some  person  of  trust  and  confidence,  who 
should  take  upon  himself  the  government  of  the  island,  in  case  of 
the  continued  absence  of  the  admiral,  and  who,  even  in  the  event  of 
his  return,  should  inquire  into  the  alleged  evils  and  abuses,  and 
remedy  such  as  should  appear  really  in  existence.  The  person  pro- 
posed for  this  delicate  office  was  Diego  Carillo,  a  commander  of  a 
military  order ;  but  as  he  was  not  immediately  prepared  to  sail  with 
the  fleet  of  caravels  about  to  depart  with  supplies,  the  sovereigns 
wrote  to  Fonseca,  the  superintendent  of  India  aflfairs,  to  send  some 
trusty  person  with  the  vessels,  to  take  charge  of  the  provisions  with 
which  they  were  freighted.  These  he  was  to  distribute  among  the 
colonists,  under  the  sup«:vision  of  the  admiral ;  or,  in  case  of  his 

2  C 


326  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  VIII. 

absence,  in  presence  of  those  in  authority.  He  was  also  to  collect 
information  concerning  the  manner  in  which  the  island  had  been 
governed ;  the  conduct  of  persons  in  office ;  the  causes  and  authors 
of  existing  grievances ;  and  the  measures  by  which  they  were  to  be 
remedied.  Having  collected  such  information,  he  was  to  return  and 
make  report  to  the  sovereigns  ;  but  in  case  he  should  find  the  admiral 
at  the  island,  every  thing  was  to  remain  subject  to  his  control. 

There  was  another  measure  adopted  by  the  sovereigns  about  this 
time,  which  likewise  shows  the  declining  favour  of  Columbus.  On 
the  10th  of  April,  1495,  a  proclamation  was  issued,  giving  general 
permission  to  native-born  subjects  to  settle  in  the  island  of  Hispani- 
ola,  and  to  go  on  private  voyages  of  discovery  and  traffic  to  the  new 
world.     This  was  granted,  subject  to  certain  conditions. 

All  vessels  were  to  sail  exclusively  from  the  port  of  Cadiz,  and 
under  the  inspection  of  officers  appointed  by  the  crown.  Those  who 
embarked  for  Hispaniola  without  pay,  and  at  their  own  expense, 
were  to  have  lands  assigned  them,  and  to  be  provisioned  for  one  year, 
with  a  right  to  retain  such  lands,  and  all  houses  they  might  erect 
upon  them.  Of  all  gold  which  they  might  collect,  they  were  to 
retain  one  third  for  themselves,  and  pay  the  remaining  two  thirds  to 
the  crown.  Of  all  other  articles  of  merchandise,  the  produce  of  the 
island,  they  were  to  pay  merely  one  tenth  to  the  crown.  Their  pur- 
chases were  to  be  made  in  presence  of  officers  appointed  by  the 
sovereigns,  and  the  royal  dues  paid  into  the  hands  of  the  king's 
receiver. 

Each  ship  sailing  on  private  enterprise,  was  to  take  one  or  two 
persons  to  be  named  by  the  royal  officers  at  Cadiz.  One  tenth  of  the 
tonnage  of  the  ship  was  to  be  at  the  service  of  the  crown  free  of 
charge.  One  tenth  of  w^hatever  such  ships  should  procure  in  the 
newly  discovered  countries,  was  to  be  paid  to  the  crown  on  their 
return.  These  regulations,  included  private  ships  trading  to  His- 
paniola with  provisions. 

For  every  vessel  thus  fitted  out  on  private  adventure,  Columbus, 
in  consideration  of  his  privilege  of  an  eighth  of  tonnage,  was  to 
have  the  right  to  freight  one  on  his  own  account. 

This  general  license  for  voyages  of  discovery  was  made  in  conse 
quence  of  the  earnest  applications  of  Vincent  Yanez  Pinzon,  and 
other  able  and  intrepid  navigators,  most  of  whom  had  sailed  with 
Columbus.  They  offisred  to  make  voyages  at  their  own  cost  and 
hazard.  The  offer  was  tempting,  and  well  timed.  The  govern 
ment  was  poor,  the  expeditions  of  Columbus  were  expensive,  yet 
their  object  was  too  important  to  be  neglected.  Here  was  an  oppor 
tunity  of  attaining  all  the  ends  proposed,  not  merely  without  ex- 


Chap.  VIIL]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  32? 

pense,  but  with  a  certainty  of  gain.  The  permission,  therefore, 
was  granted  without  consulting  the  opinion  or  the  wishes  of  the 
admiral  It  was  loudly  complained  of  by  him,  as  an  infringement 
of  his  privileges,  and  as  disturbing  the  career  of  regular  and  well 
organized  discovery,  by  the  licentious,  and  sometimes  predatory 
enterprises  of  reckless  adventurers.  Doubtless  much  of  the  odium 
that  has  attached  itself  to  the  Spanish  discoveries  in  the  New  World, 
has  arisen  from  the  grasping  avidity  of  private  individuals. 

Just  at  this  Juncture,  in  the  early  part  of  April,  while  the  interests 
of  Columbus  were  in  such  a  critical  situation,  the  ships  commanded 
by  Torres  arrived  in  Spain.  They  brought  intelligence  of  the  safe 
return  of  the  admiral  to  Hispaniola,  from  his  voyage  along  the 
southern  coast  of  Cuba,  with  the  evidence  which  he  had  collected, 
to  prove  that  it  was  the  extremity  of  the  Asiatic  continent,  and  that 
he  had  penetrated  to  the  borders  of  the  wealthiest  countries  of  the 
east  Specimens  were  likewise  brought  of  the  gold,  and  the  various 
animal  and  vegetable  curiosities,  which  he  had  procured  in  the 
course  of  this  voyage.  No  arrival  could  have  been  more  timely. 
It  at  once  removed  all  doubts  respecting  his  safety,  and  obviated  the 
necessity  of  part  of  the  precautionary  measures  on  the  point  of 
being  taken.  The  supposed  discovery  of  the  rich  coast  of  Asia, 
also,  threw  a  temporary  splendour  about  his  expedition,  and  again 
awakened  the  gratitude  of  the  sovereigns.  The  effect  was  imme- 
diately apparent  in  their  measures.  Instead  of  leaving  it  to  the 
discretion  of  Juan  Rodriguez  de  Fonseca  to  appoint  whom  he 
pleased  to  the  commission  of  inquiry  about  to  be  sent  out,  they  re- 
tracted that  power,  and  nominated  Juan  Aguado. 

He  was  chosen  because,  on  returning  from  Hispaniola,  he  had 
been  strongly  recommended  to  royal  favour  by  Columbus.  It  was 
intended,  therefore,  as  a  mark  of  delicacy  to  the  latter,  to  appoint  as 
oommissioner  a  person  of  whom  he  had  expressed  so  high  an  opinion, 
and  who,  it  was  to  be  presumed,  entertained  for  him  a  grateful 
regard, 

Fonseca,  in  virtue  of  his  official  station  as  superintendent  of  the 
affairs  of  the  Indias,  and  probably  to  gratify  his  growing  animosity 
for  Columbus,  had  detained  a  quantity  of  gold  which  Don  Diego, 
brother  to  the  admiral,  had  brought  on  his  own  private  account. 
The  sovereigns  wrote  to  him  repeatedly,  ordering  him  not  to  demand 
the  gold,  or  if  he  had  seized  it  to  return  it  immediately,  with  satis- 
factory explanations,  and  to  write  to  Columbus  in  terms  calculated 
to  soothe  any  angry  feelings  which  he  might  have  excited.  He 
was  ordered  also  to  consult  the  persons  recently  arrived  from  His- 
paniola, in  what  manner  he  could  yield  satisfaction  to  the  admiral, 


fSS~  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  Vin. 

and  to  act  accordingly.  Fonseca  thus  suffered  one  of  the  severest 
humiliations  of  an  arrogant  spirit,  that  of  being  obliged  to  make 
atonement  for  its  arrogance.  It  quickened,  however,  the  malice 
which  he  had  conceived  against  the  admiral  and  his  family.  Un- 
fortunately, his  official  situation,  and  the  royal  confidence  which  he 
enjoyed,  gave  him  opportunities  of  gratifying  it  subsequently  in  a 
thousand  insidious  ways. 

While  the  sovereigns  thus  endeavoured  to  avoid  every  thing  that 
might  give  umbrage  to  Columbus,  they  took  certain  measures  to 
provide  for  the  tranquillity  of  the  colony.  In  a  letter  to  the  admi- 
ral, they  directed  that  the  number  of  persons  in  the  settlement  should 
be  limited  to  five  hundred ;  a  greater  number  being  considered  un- 
necessary for  the  service  of  the  island,  and  a  burthensome  expense 
to  the  crown.  To  prevent  further  discontents  about  provisions,  they 
ordered  that  the  rations  of  individuals  should  be  dealt  out  in  portions 
every  fifteen  days;  and  that  all  punishment  by  short  allowance,  or 
the  stoppage  of  rations,  should  be  discontinued,  as  tending  to  injure 
the  healths  of  the  colonists,  who  required  every  assistance  of  nou- 
rishing diet,  to  fortify  them  against  the  maladies  incident  to  a 
strange  climate. 

An  able  and  experienced  metallurgist,  named  Pablo  Belvis,  was 
sent  out  in  place  of  the  wrong-headed  Fermin  Cedo.  He  was  fur- 
nished with  all  the  necessary  engines  and  implements  for  mining, 
and  assaying,  and  purifying  the  precious  metals,  and  with  liberal 
pay  and  privileges.  Ecclesiastics  were  also  sent  to  supply  the  place 
of  father  Boyle  and  of  certain  of  his  brethren,  who  desired  to  leave 
the  island.  The  instruction  and  conversion  of  the  natives  continued 
to  awaken  more  and  more  the  generous  solicitude  of  the  queen.  In 
the  ships  of  Torres,  a  large  number  of  Indians  arrived,  who  had 
been  captured  in  the  recent  wars  with  the  caciques.  Royal  orders 
had  been  issued  that  they  should  be  sold  as  slaves  in  the  markets  of 
Andalusia,  as  had  been  the  custom  with  respect  to  negroes  taken  on 
the  coast  of  Africa,  and  to  Moorish  prisoners  captured  in  the  war 
with  Granada.  Isabella,  however,  had  been  deeply  interested  by 
the  accounts  given  of  the  gentle  and  hospitable  character  of  th^se 
islanders,  and  of  their  great  docility.  The  discovery  had  been 
'nade  under  her  immediate  auspices;  she  looked  upon  these  people 
as  under  her  peculiar  care,  and  she  anticipated  with  pious  enthu- 
siasm the  triumph  of  leading  them  from  darkness  into  the  path  of 
light.  Her  compassionate  spirit  revolted  at  the  idea  of  treating 
them  as  slaves,  even  though  sanctioned  by  the  customs  of  the  times. 
Within  five  days  after  the  royal  order  for  the  sale,  a  letter  was  writ- 
ten by  the  sovereigns  to  bishop  Fonseca,  suspending  that  order,  untU 


Chap.  IX.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  329 

they  could  inquire  into  the  cause  for  which  the  Indians  had  been 
made  prisoners,  and  consult  learned  and  pious  theologians  whether 
their  sale  would  be  justifiable  in  the  sight  of  God.*  Much  differ- 
ence of  opinion  took  place  among  divines  on  this  important  question ; 
the  queen  eventually  decided  it  according  to  the  dictates  of  her  own 
pure  conscience  and  charitable  heart.  She  ordered  that  the  Indians 
should  be  sent  back  to  their  native  country,  and  enjoined  that  the 
islanders  should  be  conciliated  by  the  gentlest  means,  instead  of 
being  treated  with  severity.  Unfortunately,  her  orders  came  too 
late  to  Hispaniola  to  have  the  desired  effect.  The  scenes  of  war- 
fare and  violence  produced  by  the  bad  passions  of  the  colonists,  and 
the  vengeance  of  the  natives,  were  not  to  be  forgotten,  and  mutual 
distrust  and  rankling  animosity  had  grown  up  between  them,  which 
»o  after  exertions  could  eradicate, 


CHAPTER  IX 


ARRIVAL    OF    AGUADO    AT    ISABELLA HIS    ARROGANT    CONDUCT-  - 

TEMPEST    IN    THE    HARBOUR. 

[1495.] 

Juan  Aguado  set  sail  from  Spain  towards  the  end  of  August,  with 
four  caravels,  well  freighted  with  supplies  of  all  kinds  for  the  colony. 
Don  Diego  Columbus  returned  in  this  squadron  to  Hispaniola,  and 
arrived  at  Isabella  in  the  month  of  October,  while  the  admiral  was 
absent,  occupied  in  re-establishing  the  tranquiUity  of  the  interior. 
Aguado,  as  has  already  been  shown,  was  under  obligations  to  Co- 
lumbus, who  had  distinguished  him  from  among  his  companions, 
and  had  recommended  him  to  the  favour  of  the  sovereigns.  He  was, 
however,  one  of  those  weak  men,  whose  heads  are  turned  by  the  least 
elevation.  Puffed  up  by  a  little  temporary  power,  he  lost  sight,  not 
merely  of  the  respect  and  gratitude  due  to  Columbus,  but  of  the  na- 
ture and  extent  of  his  own  commission.  Instead  of  acting  as  an 
agent  employed  to  collect  -information,  he  assumed  a  tone  of  au- 
thority, us  though  the  reins  of  government  had  been  transferred  into 


*  Letter  of  the  sovereigns  to  Fonseca,    Navarrete,  CoUeccion  de  los  Viages,  T 
11,  Doc.  92.  ^^g 


330  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  VIH. 

his  hands.  He  interfered  in  public  aiFairs ;  ordered  various  persona 
to  be  arrested ;  called  to  account  the  officers  employed  by  the  admi- 
ral ;  and  paid  no  respect  to  Don  Bartholomew  Columbu»,  who  re- 
mained in  command  during  the  absence  of  his  brother.  The  Ade^ 
lantado,  astonished  at  this  presumption,  demanded  a  sight  of  the 
commission  under  which  he  acted ;  but  Aguado  treated  him  with 
great  haughtiness,  replying  that  he  would  show  it  only  to  the  ad- 
miral. On  second  thoughts,  however,  lest  there  should  be  doubts  in 
the  public  mind  of  his  right  to  interfere  in  the  affairs  of  the  colony, 
he  ordered  his  letter  of  credence  from  the  sovereigns  to  be  pompously 
proclaimed  by  sound  of  trumpet.  It  was  brief  but  comprehensive  i 
to  the  following  purport :  "  Cavaliers,  esquires,  and  other  persons 
who  by  our  orders  are  in  the  Indias,  we  send  to  you  Juan  Aguado, 
our  groom  of  the  chambers,  who  will  speak  to  you  on  our  part.  We 
command  you  to  give  him  faith  and  credit." 

The  report  now  circulated,  that  the  downfal  of  Columbus  and  his 
family  was  at  hand  ;  and  that  an  auditor  had  arrived  empowered  to 
hear  and  to  redress  the  grievances  of  the  public.  This  was  origina- 
ted by  Aguado  himself,  who  threw  out  menaces  of  rigid  investiga- 
tions and  signal  punishments.  It  was  a  time  of  jubilee  for  offenders^ 
Every  culprit  started  up  into  an  accuser ;  every  one  who  by  neg- 
ligence or  crime  had  incurred  the  wholesome  penalties  of  the  laws, 
was  loud  in  his  clamours  against  the  oppression  of  Columbus. 
There  were  ills  enough  in  the  colony  ;  some  incident  to  its  situation, 
others  produced  by  the  misdeeds  of  the  colonists ;  but  all  were  as^ 
cribed  to  the  maleadministration  of  the  admiral.  He  was  made  re- 
sponsible alike  for  the  evils  produced  by  others,  and  for  his  own  stern 
remedies.  All  the  old  complaints  were  reiterated  against  him  and 
his  brothers,  and  the  usual  and  illiberal  cause  given  for  their  oppres- 
sions, that  they  were  foreigners  who  sought  merely  their  own  in- 
terest and  aggrandizement,  at  the  expense  of  the  sufferings  and  the 
indignities  of  Spaniards. 

Destitute  of  discrimination  to  perceive  what  was  tine  and  what 
false  in  these  complaints,  and  anxious  only  to  condemn,  Aguado  saw 
in  every  thing  conclusive  testimony  of  the  culpability  of  Cohimbus. 
He  intimated,  and  perhaps  thought,  that  the  admiral  was  keeping 
at  a  distance  from  Isabella,  through  fear  of  encountering  his  inves- 
tigations. In  the  fulness  of  his  presumption,  he  even  set  out  with  a 
body  of  horse  to  go  in  quest  of  him.  A  vain  and  weak  man  in 
power  is  prone  to  have  satellites  of  his  own  description.  The  arro- 
gant and  boasting  followers  of  Aguado,  wherever  they  went,  spread 
rumours  among  the  natives  of  the  might  and  importance  of  their 
chief,  and  of  the  punishment  he  intended  to  inflict  upon  Columbus 


I 


Chap.  IX.J  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  331 

In  a  little  while,  the  report  circulated  through  the  island,  that  a  new 
admiral  had  arrived  to  administer  the  government,  and  that  the 
former  one  was  to  be  put  to  death. 

The  news  of  the  arrival  and  of  the  arrogant  conduct  of  Aguado 
had  reached  Columbus  in  the  interior  of  the  island  ;  he  immediately 
hastened  to  Isabella  to  give  him  a  meeting.  Aguado,  hearing  of 
his  approach,  also  returned  there.  As  every  one  knew  the  lofty 
spirit  of  Columbus,  his  high  sense  of  his  services,  and  his  jealous 
maintenance  of  his  official  dignity,  a  violent  explosion  was  anticipa- 
ted at  the  impending  interview.  Aguado  also  expected  something 
of  the  kind,  but,  secure  in  his  royal  letter  of  credence,  he  looked 
forward  with  the  ignorant  audacity  of  a  little  mind  to  the  result. 
The  sequel  showed  how  difficult  it  is  for  petty  spirits  to  anticipate 
the  conduct  of  a  man  like  Columbus  in  any  extraordinary  situation. 
His  natural  heat  and  impetuosity  had  been  subdued  by  a  life  of 
trials  ;  he  had  learned  to  bring  his  passions  into  subjection  to  his 
judgment ;  he  had  too  true  an  estimate  of  his  own  dignity  to  enter 
into  a  contest  with  a  shallow  boaster  like  Aguado ;  above  all,  he  had 
a  profound  reverence  for  the  authority  of  his  sovereigns;  for  in  his 
enthusiastic  spirit,  prone  to  deep  feelings  of  reverence,  his  loyalty 
was  inferior  only  to  his  religion.  He  received  Aguado,  therefore, 
with  the  most  grave  and  punctilious  courtesy,  and  retorted  upon 
him  his  own  ostentatious  ceremonial,  ordering  that  the  letter  of  cre- 
dence should  be  again  proclaimed  by  sound  of  trumpet  in  presence 
of  the  populace.  He  listened  to  it  with  solemn  deference,  and  as- 
sured Aguado  of  his  readiness  to  acquiesce  in  whatever  might  be  the 
pleasure  of  his  sovereigns. 

This  unexpected  moderation,  while  it  astonished  the  beholders^ 
foiled  and  disappointed  Aguado.  He  had  come  prepared  for  a  scene 
of  altercation,  and  had  hoped  that  Columbus,  in  the  heat  and 
impatience  of  the  moment,  would  have  said  or  done  something  that 
might  have  been  construed  into  a  disrespect  for  the  authority  of  the 
sovereigns.  He  endeavoured,  in  fact,  some  months  afterwards  to 
procure  from  the  public  notaries  present,  a  prejudicial  statement  of  the 
interview;  but  the  deference  of  the  admiral  for  the  royal  letter  of  cre- 
dence, had  been  too  marked  to  be  disputed,  and  all  the  testimonials 
were  highly  in  his  favour.* 

Aguado  continued  to  intermeddle  in  public  affairs,  and  the  respect 
and  forbearance  with  which  he  was  uniformly  treated  by  Columbus, 
and  the  mildness  of  the  latter  in  all  his  measures  to  appease  the  dis- 
contents of  the  colony,  were  regarded  as  proofs  of  his  loss  of  moral 


*  Herrera,  Hist,  Ind.  Decad.  1,  L.  2,  C.  18 


332  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  YUL 

courage.  He  was  looked  upon  as  a  declining  man,  and  Aguado 
hailed  as  the  lord  of  the  ascendant.  Every  dastaid  spirit  who  had 
any  lurking  ill  will,  any  rea^  or  imaginary  caus»j  of  complaint,  now 
hastened  to  give  it  utterance;  perceiving  th&t  in  gratifymg  his 
malice,  he  was  promoting  his  interest,  and  that  in  vilifying  the 
admiral  he  was  gaining  the  friendship  of  Aguado. 

The  poor  Indians  too,  harassed  by  the  dominati<M:»  of  the  white 
men,  rejoiced  in  the  prospect  of  a  change  of  rulers,  vainly  hoping 
that  it  might  produce  a  mitigation  of  their  sufferings.  Many  of  the 
caciques  who  had  promised  allegiance  to  the  admiral,  after  their  de- 
feat in  the  Vega,  now  assembled  at  the  house  of  Manicaotex,  the 
brother  of  Caonabo,  near  the  river  Yagui,  where  they  joined  in  a 
formal  complaint  against  Columbus,  whom  they  considered  the 
cause  of  all  the  evils  which  had  sprung  from  the  disobedience  and 
the  vices  of  his  followers. 

Aguado  now  considered  the  great  object  of  his  mission  fulfilled. 
He  had  collected  information  sufficient,  as  he  thought,  to  ensure  the 
ruin  of  the  admiral  and  his  brothers,  and  prepared  to  return  to  Spain. 
Columbus  resolved  to  do  the  same.  He  felt  that  it  was  time  to  appear 
at  court,  and  dispel  the  cloud  of  calumny  that  was  gathermg  against 
him.  He  had  active  enemies  of  standing  and  influence,  who  were 
seeking  every  occasion  to  throw  discredit  upon  himself  and  his  enter- 
prises. Stranger  and  foreigner  as  he  was,  he  had  no  active  friends 
at  court  to  oppose  their  machinations.  He  feared  that  they  might 
eventually  produce  an  effect  upon  the  royal  mind,  fatal  to  the  pro- 
gress of  discovery;  he  was  anxious  to  return,  therefore,  and  explain 
the  real  causes  of  the  repeated  disappointments  with  respect  to 
profits  anticipated  from  his  enterprises.  It  is  not  one  of  the  least 
singular  traits  in  his  history,  that  after  having  been  so  many  years 
in  persuading  mankind  that  there  was  a  new  world  to  be  discovered, 
he  had  almost  equal  trouble  in  proving  to  them  the  advantage 
of  its  discovery. 

When  the  ships  were  ready  to  depart,  a  terrible  storm  swept  the 
island.  It  was  one  of  those  awful  whirlwinds  which  occasionally 
rage  within  the  tropics,  and  which  were  called  by  the  Indians 
furicanes,  or  uricans,  a  name  which  they  still  retain  with  trifling 
variation.  About  mid-day  a  furious  wind  sprang  up  from  the  east, 
driving  before  it  dense  volumes  of  cloud  and  vapour.  Encountering 
another  tempest  of  wind  from  the  west,  it  appeared  as  if  a  violent 
conflict  ensued.  The  clouds  were  rent  by  ince^ssant  flashes  or  rather 
Streams  of  lightning.  At  one  time  they  were  piled  up  high  in  the 
sky,  at  another  they  swept  to  the  earth,  filling  the  air  with  baleful 
darkness,  more  dismal  than  the  obscurity  of  midnight.    Wherever 


Chap.  X.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  333 

the  whirlwind  passed,  whole  tracts  of  forest  were  shivered  and 
stripped  of  their  leaves  and  branches ;  those  of  gigantic  size  which 
resisted  the  blast,  were  torn  up  bj  the  roots,  and  hurled  to  a 
great  distance.  Groves  were  torn  from  the  mountain  precipices, 
with  great  masses  of  earth  and  rock,  tumbling  into  the  valleys  with 
terrific  noise,  and  choking  the  course  of  rivers.  The  fearful  sounds 
in  the  air  and  on  the  earth,  the  pealing  thunder,  the  vivid  lightning, 
the  howling  of  the  wind,  the  crash  of  falling  trees  and  rocks,  filled 
every  one  with  affright ;  and  many  thought  that  the  end  of  the 
world  was  at  hand.  Some  fled  to  caverns  for  safety ;  for  their  frail 
houses  were  blown  down,  and  the  air  was  filled  with  the  trunks  and 
branches  of  trees,  and  even  with  fragments  of  rocks,  carried  along  by 
the  fury  of  the  tempest.  When  the  hurricane  reached  the  harbour, 
it  whirled  the  ships  round  as  they  lay  at  anchor,  snapped  their 
cables,  and  sank  three  of  them  to  the  bottom  with  all  who  were  on 
board.  Others  were  driven  about,  dashed  against  each  other,  and 
tossed  mere  wrecks  upon  the  shore  by  the  swelling  surges  of  the  sea, 
which  in  some  places  rolled  for  three  and  four  miles  upon  the  land. 
The  tempest  lasted  for  three  hours.  When  it  had  passed  away,  and 
the  sun  again  appeared,  the  Indians  regarded  each  other  in  mute 
astonishment  and  dismay.  Never  in  their  memory,  nor  in  the 
traditions  of  their  ancestors,  had  their  island  been  visited  by  such  a 
tremendous  storm.  They  believed  that  the  deity  had  sent  this  fear- 
ful ruin  to  punish  the  cruelties  and  crimes  of  the  white  men;  and 
declared  that  this  people  had  moved  the  very  air,  the  water,  and  the 
earth,  to  disturb  their  tranquil  life,  and  to  desolate  their  island.* 


CHAPTER  X. 

DISCOVERY    OF    THE    MINES    OF    HAYNI. 

[1496.] 

In  the  recent  hurricane,  the  four  caravels  of  Aguado  had  been  de- 
stroyed, together  with  two  others  which  were  in  the  harbour.  The 
only  vessel  which  survived  was  the  Nina,  and  that  in  a  very  shat- 
tered condition.     Columbus  gave  orders  to  have  her  immediately  re- 


*  Ramusio,  T,  3,  p.  7.    Peter  Martyr,  Decad.  1,  Lib.  4. 


334  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  VIII. 

paired,  and  another  caravel  constructed,  out  of  the  wrecks  of  those 
which  had  been  destroyed.  While  waiting  until  thej  should  be 
ready  for  sea,  he  was  cheered  by  tidings  of  rich  mines  in  the  interior 
of  the  island,  the  discovery  of  which  is  attributed  to  an  incident  of  e^ 
somewhat  romantic  nature.* 

A  young  Aragonian,  named  Miguel  Diaz,  in  the  service  of  the 
Adelantado,  having  a  quarrel  with  another  Spaniard,  fought  with 
him,  and  wounded  him  dangerously.  Fearful  of  the  consequences, 
he  fled  from  the  settlement,  accompanied  by  five  or  six  comrades, 
who  had  either  been  engaged  in  the  affray,  or  were  personally  at- 
tached to  him.  Wandering  about  the  island,  they  at  length  came 
to  an  Indian  village  on  the  southern  coast,  near  the  mouth  of  the 
river  Ozema,  where  the  city  of  San  Domingo  is  at  present  situated. 
They  were  received  with  kindness  by  the  natives,  and  resided  for 
some  time  among  them.  The  village  was  governed  by  a  female 
cacique,  who  soon  conceived  a  strong  attachment  for  the  young 
Aragonian.  Diaz  was  not  insensible  to  her  tenderness,  a  con- 
nexion was  formed  between  them,  and  they  lived  for  some  time  very 
happily  together. 

The  recollection  of  his  country  and  his  friends,  began  at  length 
to  steal  upon  the  thoughts  of  the  young  Spaniard.  It  was  a  melan- 
choly lot  to  be  exiled  from  civilized  life,  and  an  outcast  from  among 
his  countrymen.  He  longed  to  return  to  the  settlement,  but  dreaded 
the  punishment  that  awaited  him,  from  the  austere  justice  of  the 
Adelantado.  His  Indian  bride,  observing  him  frequently  melan- 
choly and  lost  in  thought,  penetrated  into  the  cause  with  the  quick 
intelligence  of  female  affection.  Fearful  that  he  would  abandon 
her,  and  once  more  return  to  his  countrymen,  she  endeavoured  to 
devise  some  means  of  drawing  the  Spaniards  to  that  part  of  the  isl- 
and. Knowing  that  gold  was  the  great  attraction  of  white  men, 
she  informed  Diaz  of  certain  rich  mines  in  the  neighbourhood.  She 
urged  him  to  persuade  his  countrymen  to  abandon  the  comparatively 
steril  and  unhealthy  vicinity  of  Isabella,  and  to  settle  upon  the  fer- 
tile banks  of  the  Ozema,  promising  that  they  should  be  received 
with  the  utmost  kindness  and  hospitality  by  her  nation. 

Diaz  was  struck  with  the  suggestion.  He  made  particular  in- 
quiries about  the  mines,  and  was  convinced  that  they  abounded  in 
gold.  He  noticed  the  superior  fruitfulness  and  beauty  of  the  coun- 
try, the  excellence  of  the  river,  and  the  security  of  the  harbour  at  its 
entrance.  He  flattered  himself  that  the  communication  of  such 
valuable  intelligence  would  make  his  peace  at  Isabella,  and  obtain 


Oviedo,  Cronica  de  las  Indias,  Lib,  2,  C.  13, 


Chap.  X.] 


CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS. 


335 


his  pardon  from  the  Adelantado.  Full  of  these  hopes,  he  procured 
guides  from  among  the  natives,  and  taking  a  temporary  leave  of  his 
Indian  bride,  set  out  with  his  comrades  through  the  wilderness  for 
the  settlement,  which  was  about  fifty  leagues  distant.     Arriving 

.  there  secretly,  he  learnt,  to  his  great  joy,  that  the  man  whom  he  had 
wounded  had  recovered.  He  now  presented  himself  boldly  before 
the  Adelantado,  relying  that  his  tidings  would  earn  his  forgiveness. 
He  was  not  mistaken.  No  news  could  have  come  more  opportune- 
ly. The  admiral  had  been  anxious  to  remove  the  settlement  to  a 
more  healthy  and  advantageous  situation.  He  was  desirous,  also, 
of  carrying  home  some  conclusive  proof  of  the  riches  of  the  island, 
as  the  most  effectual  means  of  silencing  the  cavils  of  his  ej:iemies. 
If  the  representations  of  Miguel  Diaz  were  correct,  here  was  a 
means  of  effecting  both  those  purposes.  Measures  were  immediately 
taken  to  ascertain  the  truth.  The  Adelantado  set  forth  in  person  to 
visit  the  river  Ozema,  accompanied  by  Miguel  Diaz,  Francisco  de 
Garay,  and  the  Indian  guides,  and  attended  by  a  number  of  men 
well  armed.  They  proceeded  from  Isabella  to  Magdalena  and  from 
thence  across  the  Royal  Vega  to  the  fortress  of  Conception.  Con- 
tinuing on  to  the  south,  they  came  to  a  range  of  mountains,  which 
they  traversed  by  a  defile  two  leagues  in  length,  and  descended  into 
another  beautiful  plain,  which  was  called  Bonao.  From  hence, 
proceeding  for  some  distance,  they  came  to  a  great  river  called 
Hayna,  running  through  a  fertile  country,  all  the  streams  of  which 
abounded  in  gold.     On  the  western  bank  of  this  river,  and  about 

.  eight  leagues  from  its  mouth,  ihey  found  gold  in  greater  quantities, 
and  in  larger  particles,  than  had  yet  been  met  with  in  any  part  of 
the  island,  not  even  excepting  the  province  of  Cibao.  They  made 
experiments  in  various  places  within  the  compass  of  six  miles,  and 
always  with  success.  The  soil  seemed  to  be  generally  impregnated 
with  that  metal,  so  that  a  common  labourer,  with  little  trouble, 
might  find  the  amount  of  three  drachms  in  the  course  of  a  day.* 
In  several  instances  they  observed  deep  excavations  in  the  form  of 
pits,  which  looked  as  if  the  mines  had  been  worked  in  ancient  times; 
a  circumstance  which  caused  much  speculation  among  the  Span- 
iards, the  natives  having  no  idea  of  mining,  but  contenting  themselves 
with  the  particles  found  on  the  surface  of  the  soil,  or  in  the  beds  of 
the  rivers. 

The  Indians  of  the  neighbourhood  received  the  white  men  with 
their  promised  friendship,  and  in  every  respect  the  representations  of 
Miguel  Diaz  were  fully  justified.     He  was  not  only  pardoned,  but 


*  Herrera,  Hist.  Ind.  Decad.  1,  L.  2,  C.  18.    P.  Martyr,  D.  1,  L.  4. 


336  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  VIU. 

received  into  great  favour,  and  was  subsequently  employed  in  vari- 
ous capacities  in  the  island,  in  all  which  he  acquitted  himself  with 
great  fidelity.  He  kept  his  faith  with  his  Indian  bride,  by  whom, 
according  to  Oviedo,  he  had  two  children.  Charlevoix  supposes 
that  they  were  regularly  married,  as  the  female  cacique  appears  to 
have  been  baptized,  being  always  mentioned  by  the  Christian  name 
of  Catalina.* 

When  the  Adelantado  returned  with  his  favourable  report,  and 
with  the  specimens  of  ore  which  he  had  collected,  the  anxious  heart 
of  the  admiral  was  greatly  elated.  He  gave  orders  that  a  fortress 
should  be  immediately  erected  on  the  banks  of  the  Hayna,  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  mines,  and  that  they  should  be  diligently  worked. 
The  fancied  traces  of  ancient  excavations  gave  rise  to  one  of  his 
usual  veins  of  golden  conjectures.  He  had  already  surmised  that 
Hispaniola  might  be  the  ancient  Ophir.  He  now  flattered  himself 
that  he  had  discovered  the  identical  mines,  from  whence  king  Solo- 
mon had  procured  his  great  supplies  of  gold  for  the  building  of  the 
temple  of  Jerusalem.  He  supposed  that  his  ships  must  have  sailed 
by  the  gulf  of  Persia,  and  round  Trapoban,  to  this  island,!  which, 
according  to  his  idea,  lay  opposite  to  the  extreme  end  of  Asia;  for 
such  he  firmly  believed  the  island  of  Cuba. 

It  is  probable  that  Columbus  gave  free  license  to  his  imagination 
in  these  conjectures ;  which  tended  to  throw  a  splendour  about  his 
enterprises,  and  to  revive  the  languishing  interest  of  the  public. 
Granting,  however,  the  correctness  of  his  opinion,  that  he  was  in 
the  vicinity  of  Asia,  an  error  by  no  means  surprising  in  the  imper- 
fect state  of  geographical  knowledge,  all  his  consequent  suppositions 
were  far  from  extravagant.  The  ancient  Ophir  was  believed  to  lie 
somewhere  in  the  East ;  but  its  situation  was  a  matter  of  contro- 
versy among  the  learned,  and  remains  one  of  those  conjectural  ques- 
tions about  which  too  much  has  been  written  for  it  ever  to  be  satis- 
factorily decided. 


•  Oviedo  Cronica  de  las  Ind.  L.  2,  C.  13.    Charlevoix,  Hist.  St.  Doming.  L.  2, 
p.  146. 

r  P.  Martyr,  Decad.  1,  L.  4. 


LIFE   AND   VOYAGES 


OF 


CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS 


BOOK  IX 


CHAPTER  I. 

RETURN    or    COLUMBUS    TO    SPAIN   WITH   AOUADO. 

[1496.] 

The  new  caravel,  the  Santa  Cniz,  being  finished,  and  the  Nina 
repaired,  Columbus  made  every  arrangement  for  immediate  depart- 
ure, anxious  to  be  freed  from  the  growing  arrogance  of  Aguado,  and 
to  relieve  the  colony  from  a  crew  of  factious  and  discontented  men. 
He  appointed  his  brother  Don  Bartholomew  to  the  command  of  the 
island,  with  the  title  which  he  had  already  given  him  of  Adelanta- 
do ;  in  case  of  his  death  he  was  to  be  succeeded  by  his  brother  Don 
Diego. 

On  the  1 0th  of  March  the  two  caravels  set  sail  for  Spain  ;  in  one 
of  which  Columbus  embarked,  and  in  the  other  Aguado.  In  conse- 
quence of  the  orders  of  the  sovereigns,  all  those  who  could  be  spared 
from  the  island,  and  some  who  had  wives  and  relations  in  Spain, 
whom  they  wished  to  visit,  returned  in  these  caravels,  which  were 
crowded  with  two  hundred  and  twenty-five  passengers ;  the  sick, 
the  idle,  the  profligate,  and  factious  of  the  colony.  Never  did  a 
more  miserable  and  disappointed  crew  return  from  a  land  of  promise. 

There  were  thirty  Indians  also  on  board  of  the  caravels,  among 
whom  were  the  once  redoubtable  cacique  Caonabo,  one  of  his  bro- 
thers, and  a  nephew.  The  curate  of  los  Palacios  observes  that  Colum- 
bus had  promised  the  cacique  and  his  brother  to  restore  them  to  their 
country  and  their  power,  after  he  had  taken  them  to  visit  the  king 
and  queen  of  Castile*.     It  is  probable  that  he  hoped,  by  a  display  of 

*  Cura  de  los  Palacios,  Cap.  131. 
Vol.  1.  '  22  2D 


338  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  rBooK  IX. 

the  wonders  of  Spam,  and  the  grandeur  and  might  of  its  sovereigns, 
and  bj  a  course  of  kind  treatment,  to  conquer  their  enmity  to  the 
Spaniards,  and  convert  them  into  important  instruments  towards  ob- 
taining a  secure  and  peaceable  dominion  over  the  island.  Caonabo, 
however,  was  of  that  proud  nature,  of  wild  but  vigorous  growth, 
which  can  never  be  tamed.  He  remained  a  moody  and  dejected 
captive.  He  had  too  much  intelligence  not  to  perceive  that  his 
power  was  for  ever  blasted ;  but  he  retained  his  haughtiness  even  in 
the  midst  of  his  despair. 

Being  as  yet  but  little  experienced  in  the  navigation  of  those  seas, 
Columbus,  instead  of  working  up  to  the  northward,  so  as  to  fall  in 
with  the  tract  of  westerly  winds,  took  an  easterly  course  on  leaving 
the  island.  The  consequence  was,  that  almost  the  whole  of  his 
voyage  was  a  toilsome  and  tedious  struggle  against  the  trade  winds 
and  calms  which  prevail  between  the  tropics.  On  the  6th  of  April, 
he  found  himself  still  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Caribbee  islands,  with  his 
crews  fatigued  and  sickly,  and  his  provisions  rapidly  diminishing. 
He  bore  away  to  the  southward,  therefore,  to  touch  at  the  most  im- 
portant of  those  islands,  in  search  of  supplies. 

On  Saturday,  the  9th,  he  anchored  at  Marigalante,  from  whence, 
on  the  following  day,  he  made  sail  for  Guadaloupe.  It  was  contra- 
ry to  the  custom  of  Columbus  to  weigh  anchor  on  Sunday,  when 
in  port ;  but  the  people  murmured,  and  observed  that  when  in  quest 
of  food  it  was  no  time  to  stand  on  scruples  as  to  holy-days.* 

Anchoring  off  the  island  of  Guadaloupe,  the  boat  was  sent  on 
shore  well  armed,  to  guard  against  any  assault  of  these  warlike  people. 
Before  it  could  reach  the  land  a  large  number  of  resolute  females  issu- 
ed from  the  woods,  armed  with  bows  and  arrows,  and  decorated  with 
tufts  of  feathers,  preparing  to  oppose  any  descent  upon  their  shores. 
As  the  sea  was  somewhat  rough,  and  a  surf  broke  upon  the  beach, 
the  boats  remained  at  a  distance,  and  two  of  the  Indians  from  His- 
paniola  swam  to  shore.  Having  explained  to  these  Amazons  that 
the  Spaniards  only  sought  provisions,  in  exchange  for  which  they 
would  give  articles  of  great  value,  the  women  referred  them  to  their 
husbands,  who  were  at  the  northern  end  of  the  island.  As  the 
boats  proceeded  thither,  numbers  of  the  natives  were  seen  on  the 
beach,  who  manifested  great  ferocity,  shouting  and  yelling,  and  dis- 
charging flights  of  an'ows,  which,  however,  fell  far  short  in  the  wa- 
ter. Seeing  the  boats  approach  the  land,  they  hid  themselves  in  the 
adjacent  forest,  and  rushed  forth  with  hideous  cries  as  the  Spaniards 
were  landing.     A  discharge  of  firearms  drove  them  terrified  to  the 


*  Hist,  del  Almirante,  Cap.  62 


I 


Chap.  I.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  339 

woods  and  mountains,  and  the  boats  met  with  no  further  opposition. 
Entering  the  deserted  habitations,  the  Spaniards  began  to  phmder 
and  destroy,  contrary  to  the  invariable  injunctions  of  the  admiral. 
Among  other  articles  found  in  these  houses,  were  honey  and  wax, 
which  Herrera  supposes  had  been  brought  from  Terra  Firma,  as 
these  roving  people  collected  the  productions  of  distant  regions  in 
the  course  of  their  expeditions.  Fernando  Columbus  mentions  like- 
wise that  there  were  hatchets  of  iron  in  these  houses;  these,  how- 
Rver,  must  have  been  made  of  a  species  of  hard  and  heavy  stone,  al- 
ready mentioned,  which  resembled  iron ;  or  they  must  have  been 
procured  from  places  which  the  Spaniards  had  previously  visited ; 
as  it  is  fully  admitted  that  no  iron  wsis  in  use  among  the  natives 
prior  to  the  discovery.  The  sailors  also  reported  that  in  one  of  the 
houses  they  found  the  arm  of  a  man  roasting  on  a  spit  before  a  fire ; 
but  these  facts,  so  repugnant  to  humanity,  require  more  solid  autho- 
rity to  be  credited:  the  sailors  had  committed  wanton  devastation 
in  these  dwellings,  and  may  have  sought  a  pret^t  with  which  to 
justify  their  maraudings  to  the  admiral. 

While  some  of  the  people  were  employed  on  shore,  getting  wood 
and  water,  and  making  cassava  bread,  Columbus  dispatched  forty 
men,  well  armed,  to  explore  the  interior  of  the  island.  They  re- 
turned on  the  following  day,  with  ten  women  and  three  boys  whom 
Ihey  had  captured.  The  women  were  of  large  and  powerful  form, 
yet  of  great  agility.  They  were  naked,  and  wore  their  hair  long 
and  loose,  flowing  upon  their  shoulders :  some  decorated  their  heads 
with  plumes  of  various  colours.  Among  them  was  the  wife  of  a 
cacique,  a  woman  of  great  strength  and  a  proud  spirit.  On  the  ap- 
proach of  the  Spaniards,  she  had  fled  with  an  agility  which  soon  left 
all  her  pursuers  far  behind,  excepting  a  native  of  the  Canary  islands, 
remarkable  for  swiftness  of  foot.  She  would  even  have  escaped 
from  him,  but,  perceiving  that  he  was  alone,  and  far  from  his  com- 
panions, she  turned  suddenly  upon  him,  seized  him  with  astonishing 
force,  and  would  have  strangled  him  had  not  the  Spaniards  arrived 
and  taken  her,  entangled  like  a  hawk  with  her  prey.  The  warlike 
spirit  of  these  Carib  women,  and  the  circumstance  of  finding  them 
in  armed  bands,  defending  their  shores,  during  the  absence  of  their 
husbands,  led  Columbus  repeatedly  into  the  erroneous  idea  that  cer- 
tain of  these  islands  were  inhabited  entirely  by  women;  for  which 
error,  as  has  already  been  observed,  he  was  prepared  by  the  stories 
of  Marco  Polo,  concerning  an  island  of  Amazons  near  the  coast 
of  Asia. 

Having  remained  several  days  at  the  island,  and  provided  three 
weeks'  supply  of  bread,  Columbus  prepared  to  make  sail.     As  Gua- 


§40  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  IX,     ■ 

daloupe  was  the  most  important  of  the  Caribbee  islands,  and  in  a 
manner  the  portal  or  entrance  to  all  the  rest,  he  wished  to  procure 
the  friendship  of  the  inhabitants.  He  dismissed,  therefore,  all  the 
prisoners,  with  many  presents  to  compensate  for  the  spoil  and  injury 
which  had  been  done.  The  female  cacique,  however,  declined  to 
go  on  shore,  preferring  to  remain  and  accompany  the  natives  of 
Hispaniola  who  were  on  board ;  keeping  with  her  also  a  young 
daughter.  She  had  conceived  a  passion  for  Caonabo,  having  found 
out  that  he  was  a  native  of  the  Caribbee  islands.  His  character 
and  story,  gathered  from  the  other  Indians,  had  won  the  sympathy 
and  admiration  of  this  intrepid  woman.* 

Leaving  Guadaloupe  on  the  20th  of  April,  and  keeping  in  about 
the  twenty -second  degree  of  latitude,  the  caravels  again  worked 
their  way  against  the  whole  current  of  the  trade  winds,  insomuch 
that  on  the  20th  of  May,  after  a  month  of  great  fatigue  and  toil, 
they  had  yet  a  great  part  of  their  voyage  to  make.  The  provisions 
were  already  so  reduced,  that  Columbus  had  to  put  every  one  on  a 
daily  allowance  of  six  ounces  of  bread  and  a  pint  and  half  of 
water.  As  they  advanced,  the  scarcity  grew  more  and  more  severe, 
and  was  rendered  more  appalling  from  the  uncertainty  which  pre- 
vailed on  board  the  vessels  as  to  their  situation.  There  were  seve- 
ral pilots  in  the  caravels;  but  being  chiefly  accustomed  to  the  navi- 
gation of  the  Mediterranean,  or  the  Atlantic  coasts,  they  were 
utterly  confounded,  and  lost  all  reckoning  when  traversing  the  broad 
ocean.  Every  one  had  a  separate  opinion,  and  none  heeded  that  of 
the  admiral.  By  the  beginning  of  June,  there  was  an  absolute 
famine  on  board  of  the  ships.  In  the  extremity  of  their  sufferings, 
while  death  stared  them  in  the  face,  it  was  proposed  by  some  of  the 
Spaniards,  as  a  desperate  alternative,  that  they  should  kill  and  eat 
their  Indian  prisoners;  others  suggested  that  they  should  throw 
them  into  the  sea  as  so  many  expensive  and  useless  mouths.  No- 
thing but  the  absolute  authority  of  Columbus  prevented  this  last 
counsel  from  being  adopted.  He  represented  that  the  Indians  were 
their  fellow  beings,  some  of  them  Christians  like  themselves,  and 
all  entitled  to  similar  treatment.  He  exhorted  them  to  a  little  pa- 
tience, assuring  them  that  they  would  soon  make  land,  for  that, 
according  to  his  reckoning,  they  were  not  far  from  Cape  St.  Vincent. 
At  this  all  scoffed,  for  they  believed  themselves  yet  far  from  their 
desired  haven ;  some  affirming  that  they  were  in  the  English  chan- 
nel, others  that  they  were  approaching  Galicia:  when  Columbus, 
therefore,  confident  in  his  opinion,  ordered  that  sail  should  be  takeu 


Hist,  del  Almirante,  Cap.  63« 


Chap.  L]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  341 

in  at  night,  lest  they  should  come  upon  the  land  in  the  dark,  there 
was  a  general  murmur;  the  men  exclaiming  that  it  was  better  to  be 
cast  on  shore  than  to  starve  at  sea.  The  next  morning,  however,  to 
their  great  joj,  they  came  in  sight  of  the  very  land  which  Colum- 
bus had  predicted.  From  this  time,  he  was  regarded  by  the  seamen 
as  almost  oracular  in  matters  of  navigation,  and  as  deeply  versed  in 
the  mysteries  of  the  ocean.* 

On  the  11  th  of  June,  the  vessels  anchored  in  the  bay  of  Cadiz, 
after  a  weary  voyage  of  about  three  months.  In  the  course  of  this 
voyage,  the  unfortunate  Caonabo  expired.  It  is  by  the  mere  casual 
mention  of  contemporary  writers,  that  we  have  any  notice  of  this 
circumstance,  which  appears  to  have  been  passed  over  as  a  matter 
of  but  little  moment.  He  maintained  his  haughty  nature  to  the 
last;  for  his  death  is  principally  ascribed  to  the  morbid  melancholy 
of  a  proud  but  broken  spirit,  t  He  was  an  extraordinary  character 
in  savage  life.  From  being  a  simple  Carib  warrior,  he  had  risen,  by 
his  enterprise  and  courage,  to  be  the  most  powerful  cacique,  and  the 
'dominant  spirit,  of  the  populous  island  of  Hayti.  He  was  the  only 
chieftain  that  appears  to  have  had  sagacity  sufficient  to  foresee  the 
fatal  effects  of  Spanish  ascendancy,  or  military  talent  to  combine 
any  resistance  to  its  inroads.  Had  his  warriors  been  of  his  own 
intrepid  nature,  the  war  which  he  raised  would  have  been  formidable 
in  the  extreme.  His  fate  furnishes  on  a  narrow  scale  a  lesson  to 
human  greatness.  When  the  Spaniards  first  arrived  on  the  coast 
of  Hayti,  their  imaginations  were  inflamed  with  rumours  of  a  mag- 
nificent prince  in  the  interior,  the  lord  of  the  Golden  House,  the 
sovereign  of  the  mines  of  Cibao,  who  rejgned  in  splendid  state 
among  the  mountains ;  but  a  short  time  had  elapsed,  and  this  fan- 
cied potentate  of  the  east,  stripped  of  every  illusion,  was  a  naked 
and  dejected  prisoner  on  the  deck  of  one  of  their  caravels,  with  none 
but  one  of  his  own  wild  native  heroines  to  sympathize  in  his 
misfortunes.  All  his  importance  vanished  with  his  freedom.  Scarce 
any  mention  is  made  of  him  during  his  captivity;  and  with  innate 
qualities  of  a  high  and  heroic  nature,  he  perished  with  the  obscurity 
of  one  of  the  vulgar. 

*  Hist,  del  Almirante,  Cap.  63. 

t  Cura  de  los  Palacios,  Cap.  131.     Peter  Martyr,  Decad.  1,  Lib,  4. 

Some  have  affirmed  that  Caonabo  perished  in  one  of  the  caravels  "which  foun- 
dered in  the  harbour  of  Isabella  during  the  hurricane ;  but  the  united  testimony 
of  the  Curate  of  los  Palacios,  Peter  Martyr,  and  Fernando  Columbus,  prove  that 
fle  sailed  with  the  admiral  in  his  return  voyage,  o  n  o 


342  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  (Book  IX. 


CHAPTER  II. 

DECLINE     OF    THE     POPULARITY     OF     COLUMBUS     IN     SPAIN — HIS 

RECEPTION     BY    THE     SOVEREIGNS    AT     BURGOS HE    PROPOSES 

A   THIRD    YOYAOB. 

Envy  and  malice  had  been  but  too  successful  in  undermining  the 
popularity  of  Columbus.  It  is  impossible  to  keep  up  a  state  of 
public  excitement  for  any  length  of  time,  even  by  miracles.  The 
world  at  first  is  prompt  and  lavish  in  its  admiration,  but  soon  grows 
cool,  distrusts  its  late  enthusiasm,  and  fancies  it  has  been  defrauded 
of  what  it  bestowed  with  such  prodigality.  It  is  then  that  the 
caviller,  who  had  been  silenced  by  the  general  applause,  puts  in  his 
insidious  suggestions,  detracts  from  the  merit  of  the  declining  fa- 
vourite, and  succeeds  in  rendering  him  an  object  of  doubt  and  cen- 
sure, if  not  of  absolute  aversion.  In  three  short  years  the  public 
had  become  familiar  with  the  stupendous  wonder  of  a  newly  disco- 
vered world,  and  was  now  open  to  every  insinuation  derogatory  to 
the  fame  of  the  discoverer  and  the  importance  of  his  enterprises. 

The  circumstances  which  attended  the  present  arrival  of  Colum- 
bus, were  little  calculated  to  diminish  the  growing  prejudices  of 
the  populace.  When  the  motley  crowd  of  mariners  and  adven- 
turers, who  had  embarked  with  such  sanguine  and  extravagant 
expectations,  landed  from  the  vessels  in  the  port  of  Cadiz,  instead 
of  a  joyous  crew  bounding  on  shore,  flushed  with  success,  and 
laden  with  the  spoils  of  the  golden  Indias,  a  feeble  train  of  wretched 
men  crawled  forth,  emaciated  by  the  diseases  of  the  colony  and  the 
hardships  of  the  voyage;  who  carried  in  their  yellow  countenances, 
says  an  old  writer,  a  mockery  of  that  gold  which  had  been  the  object 
of  their  search,  and  who  had  nothing  to  relate  of  the  New  World, 
but  tales  of  sickness,  poverty,  and  disappointment. 

Columbus  endeavoured,  as  much  as  possible,  to  counteract  these 
unfavourable  appearances,  and  to  revive  the  languishing  enthusiasm 
of  the  public.  He  dwelt  upon  the  importance  of  his  recent  disco- 
veries along  the  coast  of  Cuba,  where,  as  he  supposed,  he  had  arrived 
nearly  to  the  Aurea  Chersonesus  of  the  Ancients,  bordering  on  some 
of  the  richest  provinces  of  Asia.  Above  all,  he  boasted  of  his  dis- 
covery of  the  abundant  mines  on  the  south  side  of  Hispaniola, 
which  he  persuaded  himself  were  those  of  the  ancient  Ophir.     The 


Chap.  H.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  "8^ 

public  listened  to  these  accounts  with  sneering  incredulity,  or  if  for 
a  moment  a  little  excitement  was  occasioned,  it  was  quickly  des- 
troyed by  the  gloomy  pictures  drawn  by  disappointed  adventurers. 

In  the  harbour  of  Cadiz,  Columbus  found  three  caravels,  com- 
manded by  Pedro  Alonzo  Nirio,  on  the  point  of  sailing  with  supplies 
for  the  colony.  Nearly  a  year  had  elapsed  without  any  relief  of 
the  kind;  four  caravels  which  had  sailed  in  the  preceding  January 
having  been  lost  on  the  coast  of  the  peninsula.*  Having  read  the 
royal  letters  and  dispatches  of  which  Nino  was  the  bearer,  and 
being  informed  of  the  wishes  of  the  sovereigns,  as  well  as  the  state 
of  the  public  mind,  Columbus  wrote  by  this  opportunity,  urging  the 
Adelantado  to  endeavour,  by  every  means,  to  bring  the  island  into  a 
peaceful  and  productive  state,  appeasing  all  discontents  and  commo- 
tions, and  seizing  and  sending  to  Spain  all  caciques  or  their  subjects, 
who  should  be  concerned  in  the  deaths  of  any  of  the  colonists.  He 
recommended  the  most  unremitting  diligence  in  exploring  and 
working  the  mines  recently  discovered  on  the  river  Hayna,  and  that 
a  place  should  be  chosen  in  the  neighbourhood,  and  a  seaport 
founded.  Pedro  Alonzo  Nino  set  sail  with  the  three  caravels  on 
the  17th  June. 

Tidings  of  the  arrival  of  Columbus  having  reached  the  sovereigns, 
he  received  a  gracious  letter  from  them,  dated  at  Almazen,  12th 
July,  1496,  congratulating  him  on  his  safe  return,  and  inviting  him 
to  court,  when  he  should  have  recovered  from  the  fatigues  of  his  voy- 
age. The  kind  terms  in  which  the  letter  was  couched,  were  calcu 
lated  to  reassure  the  heart  of  Columbus,  who,  ever  since  the  mission 
of  the  arrogant  Aguado,  had  considered  himself  out  of  favour  with 
the  sovereigns,  and  fallen  into  disgrace.  As  a  proof  of  the  dejec- 
tion of  his  spirits,  we  are  told  that  when  he  made  his  appearance 
this  time  in  Spain,  he  was  clad  in  an  humble  garb,  resembling  in 
form  and  colour  the  habit  of  a  Franciscan  monk,  simply  girded 
with  a  cord,  and  that  he  had  suffered  his  beard  to  grow  like  the 
brethren  of  that  order,  f  This  was  probably  in  fulfilment  of  some 
penitential  vow  which  he  had  made  in  a  moment  of  danger  or  de- 
spondency ;  a  custom  prevalent  in  those  days,  and  frequently 
observed  by  Columbus.  It  betokened,  however,  much  humility  and 
depression  of  spirit,  and  afforded  a  striking  contrast  to  his  appear- 
ance on  his  former  triumphant  return.  He  was  doomed,  in  fact, 
to  yield  repeated  examples  of  the  reverses  to  which  those  are  subject, 
who  have  once  launched  from  the  safe  shores  of  obscurity  on  the 
fluctuating  waves  of  popular  opinion. 

*  Munoz,  Hist.  N.  Mundo,  L.  6. 

t  Cura  de  los  Palacios,  Cap.  131.    Oviedo,  Lib.  2,  Cap.  13. 


844  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  IX. 

However  indifferent  Columbus  might  be  to  his  own  personal  ap- 
pearance, he  was  anxious  to  keep  alive  the  interest  in  his  discoveries, 
fearing  continually  that  the  indifference  that  was  awakening  to- 
wards them  might  impede  their  accomplishment.  On  his  way  to 
Burgos,  therefore,  where  the  sovereigns  were  expected,  he  made  a  stu- 
dious display  of  the  curiosities  and  treasures  which  he  had  brought 
from  the  new  world.  Among  these  were  collars,  bracelets,  anklets, 
and  coronets  of  gold,  the  spoils  of  various  caciques,  and  which  were 
considered  as  trophies  won  from  barbaric  princes  of  the  rich  coasts 
of  Asia,  or  the  islands  of  the  Indian  seas.  It  is  a  proof  of  the  petty 
standard  by  which  the  sublime  discovery  of  Columbus  was  already 
estimated,  that  he  had  to  resort  to  this  management,  to  dazzle  the 
gross  perceptions  of  the  multitude  by  the  mere  glare  of  gold. 

He  carried  with  him  several  Indians  also,  decorated  after  their 
savage  fashion,  and  glittering  with  golden  ornaments;  among 
whom  were  the  brother  and  nephew  of  Caonabo;  the  former  about 
thirty  years  of  age,  the  latter  only  ten.  They  were  brought  merely 
to  visit  the  king  and  queen,  that  they  might  be  impressed  with  an  idea 
of  the  grandeur  and  power  of  the  Spanish  sovereigns,  after  which 
they  were  to  be  restored  in  safety  to  their  country.  Whenever  they 
passed  through  any  principal  place,  Columbus  put  a  massive  collar 
and  chain  of  gold  upon  the  brother  of  Caonabo,  as  being  cacique  of 
the  golden  country  of  Cibao.  The  curate  of  los  Palacios,  who  en- 
tertained the  discoverer  and  his  Indian  captives  for  several  days  in 
his  house,  says  that  he  had  this  chain  of  gold  in  his  hands,  and  that 
it  weighed  six  hundred  castellanos.*  The  worthy  curate  likewise 
makes  mention  of  various  Indian  masks,  and  images  of  wood  or 
cotton,  wrought  with  fantastic  faces  of  animals,  all  of  which  he  sup- 
poses were  representations  of  the  devil,  who  he  concludes  must  be 
the  object  of  adoration  of  these  islanders,  f 

The  reception  of  Columbus  by  the  sovereigns  was  different  from 
what  he  had  anticipated ;  for  he  was  treated  with  distinguished  fa- 
vour, nor  was  any  mention  made,  either  of  the  complaints  of  Mar- 
garite  and  Boyle,  or  the  judicial  inquiries  conducted  by  Aguado. 
However  these  may  have  had  a  transient  effect  on  the  minds  of  the 
sovereigns,  they  were  too  conscious  of  the  great  deserts  of  Colum- 
bus, and  the  extraordinary  difficulties  of  his  situation,  not  to  tolerate 
what  they  may  have  considered  errors  on  his  part. 

Encouraged  by  the  favourable  countenance  he  experienced,  and 
the  interest  with  which  the  sovereigns  listened  to  his  account  of 


*  Equivalent  *o  3,195  dollars  of  the  present  time, 
t  Cura  de  los  Palacios,  Cap.  131. 


Chap.  IL]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  345 

his  recent  voyage  along  the  coast  of  Cuba,  and  the  discovery  of  the 
mines  of  Hayna,  which  he  failed  not  to  represent  as  the  Ophir  of 
the  ancients ;  Columbus  now  proposed  a  further  enterprise,  by  which 
he  promised  to  make  yet  more  extensive  discoveries,  and  to  annex 
Terra  Firma  to  their  dominions.  For  this  purpose  he  asked  eight 
ships ;  two  to  be  dispatched  to  the  island  of  Hispaniola  with  sup- 
plies, the  remaining  six  to  be  put  under  his  command  for  a  voyage 
of  discovery.  The  sovereigns  readily  promised  to  comply  with  his 
request,  and  were  probably  sincere  in  their  intention  to  do  so  ;  but 
in  the  performance  of  their  promise,  Columbus  was  doomed  to  meet 
with  intolerable  delay ;  partly  in  consequence  of  the  operation  of 
public  events,  partly  in  consequence  of  the  intrigues  of  men  in  office, 
the  two  great  influences  which  are  continually  diverting  and  de- 
feating the  designs  of  princes. 

The  resources  of  Spain  were  at  this  moment  tasked  to  the  utmost 
by  the  ambition  of  Ferdinand ;  who  lavished  all  his  revenues  in 
warlike  expenses  and  in  subsidies.  While  maintaining  a  contest 
of  deep  and  artful  policy  with  France,  with  the  ultimate  aim  of 
grasping  the  sceptre  of  Naples,  he  was  laying  the  foundation  of  a 
wide  and  powerful  connexion,  by  the  marriages  of  the  royal  chil- 
dren, who  were  now  maturing  in  years.  At  this  time  was  cemented 
that  family  alliance  which  afterwards  consolidated  such  an  immense 
empire  under  his  grandson  and  successor  Charles  V. 

While  a  large  army  was  maintained  in  Italy,  under  Gonsalvo  of 
Cordova,  to  assist  the  king  of  Napies  in  recovering  his  throne,  of 
which  he  had  been  suddenly  dispossessed  by  Charles  VIII.  of  France; 
other  armies  were  required  on  the  frontiers  of  Spain,  which  were 
menaced  with  a  French  invasion.  Squadrons  also  had  to  be  em- 
ployed for  the  safeguard  of  the  Mediterranean  and  Atlantic  coasts 
of  the  Peninsula,  while  a  magnificent  armada  of  upwards  of  a  hun- 
dred ships,  having  on  board  twenty  thousand  persons,  many  of  them 
of  the  first  nobility,  was  dispatched  to  convoy  the  princess  Juana 
to  Flanders,  to  be  married  to  Philip,  archduke  of  Austria,  and  to 
bring  back  his  sister  Margarita,  the  destined  bride  of  Prince  Juan. 

These  widely  extended  operations,  both  of  war  and  amity,  put 
all  the  land  and  naval  forces  into  requisition.  They  drained  the 
royal  treasury,  and  engrossed  the  thoughts  of  the  sovereigns,  oblig- 
ing them  also  to  journey  from  point  to  point  of  their  dominions. 
With  such  cares  of  an  immediate  and  homefelt  nature  pressing 
upon  their  minds,  the  distant  enterprises  of  Columbus  were  easily 
neglected  or  postponed.  They  had  hitherto  been  sources  of  expense 
instead  of  profit :  and  there  were  artful  counsellors  ever  ready  to 
whisper  in  the  royal  ear,  that  they  were  likely  to  continue  so. 


S46  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  IX. 

What,  in  the  ambitious  eyes  of  Ferdinand,  was  the  acquisition  of 
ia  number  of  wild  uncultivated  and  distant  islands,  to  that  of  the  bril- 
liant domain  of  Naples ;  or  the  intercourse  with  naked  and  barbaric 
princes,  to  that  of  an  alliance  with  the  most  potent  sovereigns  of 
Christendom?  Columbus  had  the  mortification,  therefore,  to  see 
armies  levied,  and  squadrons  employed,  in  the  idle  contests  about  a 
little  point  of  territory  in  Europe ;  and  a  vast  armada  of  upwards  of 
a  hundred  sail  destined  to  the  ostentatious  service  of  convoying  a 
royal  bride ;  while  he  vainly  solicited  a  few  caravels  to  prosecute 
his  discovery  of  a  world. 

At  length,  in  the  autumn,  six  millions  of  maravedis  were  ordered 
to  be  advanced  to  Columbus  for  the  equipment  of  his  promised  squad- 
ron.* Just  as  the  sum  was  about  to  be  delivered,  a  letter  was  re- 
ceived from  Pedro  Alonzo  Nino,  who  had  arrived  at  Cadiz  with  his 
three  caravels,  on  his  return  from  the  island  of  Hispaniola.  Instead 
of  proceeding  to  court  in  person,  or  forwarding  the  dispatches  of 
the  Adelai^tado,  he  had  gone  to  visit  his  family  at  Huelva,  and 
taken  the  dispatches  with  him,  merely  writing  in  a  vaunting  style, 
that  he  had  a  great  amount  of  gold  on  board  of  his  ships. f  This 
was  triumphant  intelligence  to  Columbus,  who  immediately  con- 
cluded that  the  new  mines  were  in  operation,  and  the  treasures  of 
Ophir  about  to  be  realized.  The  letter  of  Nino,  however,  was 
doomed  to  have  a  most  injurious  effect  on  his  concerns.  The  king 
at  that  moment  was  in  immediate  want  of  money  to  repair  the  for- 
tress Salza,  in  Roussillon,  w^ch  had  been  sacked  by  the  French ; 
the  six  millions  of  maravedis,  about  to  be  advanced  to  Columbus, 
were  forthwith  appropriated  to  patch  up  the  shattered  castle,  and  an 
order  was  given  for  the  amount  to  be  paid  out  of  the  gold  brought 
by  Nino.  It  was  not  until  the  end  of  December,  when  Nino  arrived 
at  court  and  delivered  the  dispatches  of  the  Adelantado,  that  his 
boast  of  gold  was  discovered  to  be  a  mere  figure  of  speech,  and  that 
his  caravels  were,  in  fact,  freighted  with  Indian  prisoners,  from  the 
sale  of  whom  the  vaunted  gold  was  to  arise. 

It  is  difficult  to  describe  the  vexatious  effects  of  this  absurd  hjrper- 
bole.  The  hopes  of  Columbus  of  great  and  immediate  profit  from 
the  mines  was  suddenly  cast  down ;  the  zeal  of  his  few  advocates 
was  cooled ;  an  air  of  empty  exaggeration  was  given  to  his  enter- 
prises; and  his  enemies  pointed  with  scorn  and  ridicule  to  the 
wretched  cargoes  of  the  caravel,  as  the  boasted  treasures  of  the 
New  World.     The  reports  brought  by  Nino  and  his  crew,  repre- 


*  Equivalent  to  a  value  of  86,956  dollars  of  the  present  day. 
t  Las  Casas,  Hist,  Ind.  Lib,  1,  C.  123  MS, 


Chap.  III.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  347 

sented  the  colony  as  in  a  disastrous  condition,  and  the  dispatches 
of  the  Adelantado  pointed  out  the  importance  of  immediate  supplies ; 
but  m  proportion  as  the  necessity  of  the  case  was  urgent,  the  mea- 
sure of  relief  was  tardy.  All  the  unfavourable  representations  that 
had  hitherto  been  made  seemed  corroborated,  and  the  invidious  cry 
of  "  great  cost  and  little  gain,"  was  revived  by  those  politicians  of 
petty  sagacity  and  microscopic  eye,  who,  in  all  great  undertakings, 
can  clearly  discern  the  immediate  expense,  without  having  scope 
of  vision  to  embrace  the  future  profit. 


CHAPTER  III. 

PREPARATIONS     FOR    A     THIRD    VOYAGE DISAPPOINTMENTS    AND 

DELAYS. 

[1497.] 

It  was  not  until  the  following  spring  of  1497,  that  the  concerns  of 
Columbus,  and  of  the  New  World,  began  to  receive  serious  attention 
from  the  sovereigns.  The  fleet  had  returned  from  Flanders  with  the 
princess  Margarite  of  Austria.  Her  nuptials  with  Prince  Juan,  the 
heir  apparent,  had  been  celebrated  at  Burgos,  the  capital  of  Old 
Castile,  with  extraordinary  splendour.  All  the  grandees,  the  digni- 
taries, and  chivalry  of  Spain,  together  with  ambassadors  from  the 
principal  potentates  of  Christendom,  were  assembled  on  the  occasion. 
Burgos  was  for  some  time  a  scene  of  chivalrous  pageant  and  courtly 
revel ;  and  the  whole  kingdom  celebrated  with  great  rejoicing  this 
powerful  alliance,^  which  seemed  to  ensure  to  the  Spanish  sovereigns 
a  continuance  of  their  extraordinarj'-  prosperity. 

In  the  midst  of  these  festivities,  Isabella,  whose  maternal  heart 
had  recently  been  engrossed  by  the  marriages  of  her  children,  now 
that  she  was  relieved  from  these  concerns  of  a  tender  and  domestic 
nature,  entered  into  the  affairs  of  the  New  World,  with  a  spirit  that 
showed  she  was  determined  to  place  them  upon  a  substantial  foun- 
dation, as  well  as  clearly  to  define  the  powers,  and  reward  the  ser- 
vices of  Columbus.  To  her  protecting  zeal  all  the  provisions  in  fa- 
vour of  Columbus   must  be  attributed ;  for  the  king  began  to  look 


348  rJFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  IX. 

coldly  on  him,  and  the  royal  counsellors  who  had  most  influence  m 
the  aflfairs  of  the  Indias,  were  his  enemies. 

Various  royal  ordinances,  dated  about  this  time,  manifest  the  ge- 
nerous and  considerate  disposition  of  the  queen.  The  rights,  privi- 
leges, and  dignities  granted  to  Columbus  at  Santa  F^  were  again 
confirmed;  a  tract  of  land  in  Hispaniola,  fifty  leagues  in  length  and 
twenty-five  in  breadth,  was  offered  to  him,  with  the  title  of  duke  or 
marquis.  This,  however,  Columbus  had  the  forbearance  to  decline : 
he  observed  that  it  would  only  increase  the  envy  which  was  already 
so  virulent  against  him,  and  would  cause  new  misrepresentations ; 
as  he  should  be  accused  of  paying  more  attention  to  the  settlement 
and  improvement  of  his  own  possessions  than  of  any  other  part  of 
the  island.* 

As  the  expenses  of  the  expeditions  had  hitherto  far  exceeded  the  re- 
turns, Columbus  had  incurred  debt  rather  than  reaped  profit  from  the 
share  he  had  been  permitted  to  take  in  them ;  he  was  relieved  there- 
fore from  his  obligation  to  bear  an  eighth  part  of  the  cost  of  the  past 
enterprises,  excepting  the  sum  which  he  had  advanced  towards  the 
first  voyage ;  at  the  same  time,  however,  he  was  not  to  claim  any 
share  of  what  had  hitherto  been  brought  from  the  island.  For  three 
ensuing  years,  he  was  to  be  allowed  an  eighth  of  the  gross  proceeds 
of  every  voyage,  and  an  additional  tenth  after  the  costs  had  been 
deducted.  After  the  expiration  of  the  three  years,  the  original  terms 
of  agreement  were  to  be  resumed. 

To  gratify  the  honourable  ambition  of  Columbus  also,  and  to  per- 
petuate in  his  family  the  distinction  gained  by  his  illustrious  deeds, 
he  was  allowed  the  right  of  establishing  a  mayorazgo,  or  perpetual 
entail  of  his  estates,  so  that  they  might  always  descend  with  his 
titles  of  nobility.  This  he  shortly  after  exercised  in  a  solemn  testa- 
ment which  he  executed  in  Seville,  in  the  early  part  of  1 498.  By  this 
testament  he  devised  his  estates  to  his  own  male  descendants,  and  on 
their  failure,  to  the  male  descendants  of  his  brothers  ;  and  in  default 
of  male  heirs,  to  the  females  of  his  lineage. 

The  heir  was  always  to  bear  the  arms  of  the  admiral,  to  seal  with 
them,  to  sign  with  his  signature,  and  in  signing,  never  to  use  any  other 
title  than  simply  "  The  Admiral,"  whatever  other  titles  might  be 
given  him  by  the  king,  and  used  by  him  on  other  occasions.  Such 
was  the  noble  pride  with  which  he  valued  this  title  of  his  real  great- 
ness. 

In  this  testament  he  made  ample  provision  for  his  brother  the 
Adelantado,  his  son  Fernando,   and  his  brother  Don  Diego,  which 


♦  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.  L.  1,  Cap.  123. 


Chap.  III.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  349 

last  he  intimates,  had  a  desire  to  enter  into  ecclesiastical  life.  He 
ordered  that  a  tenth  part  of  the  revenues  arising  from  the  mayorazgo 
should  be  devoted  to  pious  and  charitable  purposes,  and  in  relieving 
all  poor  persons  of  his  lineage.  He  made  provisions  for  the  giving  of 
marriage  portions  to  the  poor  females  of  his  family.  He  ordered  that 
a  married  person  of  his  line,  who  had  been  born  in  his  native  city 
of  Genoa,  should  be  maintained  there  in  competence  and  respecta 
bility,  by  way  of  keeping  a  domicile  for  the  family  there  ;  and  he 
commanded  whoever  should  inherit  the  mayorazgo,  always  to  do 
every  thing  in  his  power  for  the  honour,  prosperity,  and  increase  of 
the  city  of  Genoa,  provided  it  should  not  be  contrary  to  the  service 
of  the  church,  and  the  interests  of  the  Spanish  crown. 

Among  various  other  provisions  in  this  will,  he  solemnly  provides 
for  his  favourite  scheme,  the  recovery  of  the  holy  sepulchre.  He 
orders  his  son  Diego,  or  whoever  else  may  inherit  his  estate,  to  invest 
from  time  to  time,  as  much  money  as  he  can  spare  in  stock,  in  the 
bank  of  St.  George  at  Genoa,  to  form  a  permanent  fund,  with  which 
he  is  to  stand  ready  at  any  time  to  follow  and  serve  the  king  in  the 
conquest  of  Jerusalem.  Or  should  the  king  not  undertake  such  en- 
terprise, then,  when  the  funds  have  accumulated  to  sufficient  amount, 
to  set  on  foot  a  crusade  at  his  own  charge  and  risk,  in  hopes  that, 
seeing  his  determination,  the  sovereigns  may  be  induced  either  to 
adopt  the  undertaking,  or  to  authorize  him  to  pursue  it  in  their 
name. 

Besides  this  special  undertaking  for  the  Catholic  faith,  he  charges 
his  heir  tliat  in  case  there  should  arise  any  schism  in  the  church,  or 
any  violence  that  should  menace  its  prosperity,  to  throw  himself  at 
the  feet  of  the  pope,  and  devote  his  person  and  property  to  defend  the 
church  from  all  insult  and  spoliation.  Next  to  the  service  of  God, 
he  enjoins  loyalty  to  the  throne,  commanding  him  at  all  times  to 
stand  ready  to  serve  the  sovereigns  and  their  heirs,  faithfully  and 
zealously,  even  to  the  loss  of  life  and  estate.  To  ensure  the  constant 
remembrance  of  this  testament,  he  orders  his  heir  that  before  he  con- 
fesses, he  shall  give  it  to  his  father  confessor  to  read  it,  and  to  ex- 
amine him  upon  his  faithful  fulfilment  of  its  conditions.* 

As  Columbus  had  felt  aggrieved  by  the  general  license  granted 
in  April  1495,  to  make  discoveries  in  the  New  World,  considering  it 
as  interfering  with  his  prerogatives,  a  royal  edict  was  issued  on  the 
2d  of  June,  1497,  retracting  whatever  might  be  prejudicial  to  his 
interests,  or  to  the  previous  grants  made  him  by  the  crown.  "It 
never  was  our  intention,"  said  the  sovereigns  in  their  edict,  "  in  any 
way  to  affect  the  said  Don  Christobal  Colon,  nor  to  allow  the  con- 


*  This  testament  is  inserted  at  large  in  the  appendix  to  this  work. 

2E 


350  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  IX 

Ventions,  privileges,  and  favours  which  we  have  granted  him,  to  be 
encroached  upon  or  violated  ;  but  on  the  contrary,  in  consequence  of 
the  services  which  he  has  rendered  us,  we  intend  to  confer  still  fur- 
ther favours  on  him."  Such,  there  is  every  reason  to  believe,  was 
the  sincere  intention  of  the  magnanimous  Isabella ;  but  the  stream 
of  her  royal  bounty  was  doomed  to  be  poisoned,  or  diverted  by  the 
base  channels  through  which  it  flowed. 

The  favour  shown  to  Columbus,  was  extended  likewise  to  his 
family.  The  title  and  prerogatives  of  Adelantado,  with  which  he 
had  invested  his  brother  Bartholomew,  had  at  first  awakened  the 
displeasure  of  the  king,  who  jealously  reserved  all  high  dignities  of 
the  kind,  to  be  granted  exclusively  by  the  crown.  By  a  royal  letter, 
the  office  was  now  conferred  upon  Don  Bartholomew,  as  if  through 
spontaneous  favour  of  the  sovereigns ;  no  allusion  being  made  to  his 
having  previously  enjoyed  it. 

While  all  these  measures  were  taken  for  the  immediate  gratifica- 
tion of  Columbus,  others  were  adopted  for  the  interests  of  the  colony. 
Permission  was  granted  him  to  take  out  three  hundred  and  thirty 
persons  in  royal  pay,  of  whom  forty  were  to  be  escuderos  or  ser- 
vants, one  hundred  foot-soldiers,  thirty  sailors,  thirty  ship-boys, 
twenty  miners,  fifty  husbandmen,  ten  gardeners,  twenty  mechanics 
of  various  kinds,  and  thirty  females.  He  was  subsequently  permitted 
to  increase  the  number,  if  he  thought  proper,  to  five  hundred ;  but  the 
additional  individuals  were  to  be  paid  out  of  the  produce  and  mer- 
chandise of  the  colony.  He  was  likewise  authorized  to  grant  lands 
to  all  such  as  were  disposed  to  cultivate  vineyards,  orchards,  sugar 
plantations,  or  to  form  any  other  rural  establishments,  on  condition 
that  they  should  reside  as  householders  on  the  island,  for  four  j'-ears 
after  such  grant ;  and  that  all  the  brazil  wood  and  precious  metals 
which  might  be  found  on  their  lands  should  be  reserved  to  the 
crown. 

Nor  were  the  interests  of  the  unhappy  natives  forgotten  by  the 
compassionate  heart  of  Isabella.  In  spite  of  the  sophisms  by  which 
their  subjection  and  servitude  were  made  matters  of  civil  and  divine 
right,  and  sanctioned  by  the  political  prelates  of  the  day,  Isabella  al- 
ways consented  with  the  greatest  reluctance  to  the  slavery  even  of 
those  who  were  taken  in  open  warfare ;  while  her  utmost  solicitude 
was  exerted  to  protect  the  unoffending  part  of  this  helpless  and  de- 
voted race.  She  ordered  that  the  greatest  care  should  be  taken  of 
their  religious  instruction,  and  the  greatest  leniency  shown  in  col- 
lecting the  tributes  imposed  upon  them,  with  all  possible  indulgence 
to  defalcators.  In  fact,  the  injunctions  given  with  respect  to  the 
treatment  both  of  Indians  and  Spaniards,  are  the  only  indications  ii* 


Chap.  III.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  35 

the  royal  edicts,  of  any  impression  having  been  made  by  the  com* 
plaints  against  Columbus  of  severity  in  his  government.  It  was 
generally  recommended  by  the  sovereigns  that,  whenever  the  public 
safety  did  not  require  stern  measures,  there  should  be  manifested  a 
disposition  to  lenity  and  easy  rule. 

When  every  disposition  was  thus  shown  on  the  part  of  the  crown 
to  dispatch  the  expedition  to  the  colony,  unexpected  difficulties  arose 
on  the  part  of  the  public.  The  charm  was  dispelled  which,  irl  the 
preceding  voyage,  had  made  every  adventurer  crowd  into  the  service 
of  Columbus.  An  odium  had  been  industriously  thrown  upon  his 
enterprises ;  and  his  new-found  world,  instead  of  a  region  of  wealth 
and  delight,  was  considered  a  land  of  poverty  and  disaster.  There 
was  a  difficulty  in  procuring  either  ships  or  men  for  the  voyage.  To 
remedy  the  first  of  these  deficiences,  one  of  those  arbitrary  orders 
was  issued,  so  opposite  to  our  present  ideas  of  commercial  policy, 
empowering  the  officers  of  the  crown  to  press  into  the  service  what- 
ever ships  they  might  judge  suitable  for  the  proposed  expedition,  to- 
gether with  their  masters  and  pilots ;  and  to  fix  such  price  for  their 
remuneration,  as  the  officers  should  deem  just  and  reasonable.  To 
supply  the  want  of  voluntary  recruits,  a  measure  was  adopted,  at  the 
suggestion  of  Columbus,*  which  shows  the  desperate  alternatives  to 
which  he  was  reduced  by  the  great  reaction  of  public  sentiment. 
This  was  to  commute  the  sentences  of  criminals  condemned  to  ban- 
ishment, to  the  galleys,  or  to  the  mines,  into  transportation  to  the  new 
settlements,  where  they  were  to  labour  in  the  pubhc  service  with- 
out pay.  Those  whose  sentence  was  banishment  for  fife,  to  be 
transported  for  ten  years,  those  banished  for  a  specific  term,  to  be 
transported  for  half  that  term.  A  general  pardon  was  published  for 
all  malefactors  at  large,  who  within  a  certain  time  should  surrender 
themselves  to  the  admiral,  and  embark  for  the  colonies ;  those  who 
had  committed  offences  meriting  death,  to  serve  for  two  years,  those 
whose  misdeeds  were  of  a  lighter  nature,  to  serve  for  one  year.f 
Those  only  were  excepted  from  this  indulgence,  who  had  committed 
heresy,  lese  majesty,  treason,  coining,  murder,  and  certain  other  spe- 
cific crimes.  This  pernicious  measure,  calculated  to  poison  the  popu- 
lation of  an  infant  community  at  its  very  source,  was  a  fruitful  cause 
of  trouble  to  Columbus,  and  of  misery  and  detriment  to  the  colony. 
It  has  been  frequently  adopted  by  various  nations,  whose  superior 
experience  should  have  taught  them  better,  and  has  proved  the  bane 
of  many  a  rising  settlement.  It  is  assuredly  as  unnatural  for  a  me- 
tropolis to  cast  forth  its  crimes  and  vices  upon  its  colonies  as  it  would 

*  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.  L.  1,  Cap.  112.  MS. 
t  Muiioz,  L.  6,  $  19. 


352  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  IBook  IX. 

be  for  a  parent  wilfully  to  ingraft  disease  upon  his  children.  In 
both  instances  the  obligation  of  nature  is  vitiated ;  nor  should  it  bo 
matter  of  surprise,  if  the  seeds  of  evil  which  are  thus  sown,  should 
bring  forth  bitter  retribution. 

Notwithstanding  all  these  violent  expedients,  there  was  still  a 
ruinous  delay  in  fitting  out  the  proposed  expedition.  ,  This  is  partly 
accounted  for  by  changes  which  took  place  in  the  persons  appointed 
to  superintend  the  affairs  of  the  Indias.  These  concerns  had  for  a 
time  been  consigned  to  Antonio  de  ^Torres,  in  whose  name  conjointly 
with  that  of  Columbus,  many  of  the  official  documents  had  been 
made  out.  In  consequence  of  high  and  unreasonable  demands  on 
the  part  of  Torres,  he  was  removed  from  office,  and  Juan  Rodriguez 
de  Fonseca,  bishop  of  Badajoz,  reinstated.  The  papers  had  there- 
fore to  be  made  out  anew,  and  fresh  contracts  formed.  While  these 
concerns  were  tardily  attended  to,  the  queen  was  suddenly  over- 
whelmed with  affliction  by  the  death  of  her  only  son,  Prince  Juan, 
whose  nuptials  had  been  celebrated  with  such  splendour  in  the  spring. 
It  was  the  first  of  a  series  of  domestic  calamities  which  assailed  her 
affectionate  heart,  and  rendered  it  desolate  for  the  remainder  of  her 
days.  In  the  midst  of  her  distress,  however,  she  still  thought  on  Co- 
lumbus. In  consequence  of  his  urgent  representations  of  the  misery 
to  which  the  colony  must  be  reduced,  two  ships  were  dispatched,  in 
the  beginning  of  1498,  under  the  command  of  Pedro  Fernandez 
Coronel,  freighted  with  supplies.  The  necessary  funds  were  ad- 
vanced by  the  queen  herself,  out  of  the  funds  intended  to  form  the 
endowment  of  her  daughter  Isabella,  then  betrothed  to  Emanuel, 
king  of  Portugal.  An  instance  of  her  kind  feeling  towards  Colum- 
bus was  also  evinced  in  the  time  of  her  affliction :  his  two  sons,  Diego 
and  Fernando,  had  been  pages  to  the  deceased  prince;  the  queen  now 
look  them,  in  the  same  capacity,  into  her  own  service. 

With  all  this  zealous  disposition  on  the  part  of  the  queen,  Colum- 
bus still  met  with  the  most  injurious  and  discouraging  delays,  in  pre- 
paring the  six  remaining  vessels  for  his  voyage.  His  cold-blooded 
enemy,  Fonseca,  having  the  superintendence  of  Indian  affairs,  was 
enabled  to  impede  and  retard  all  his  plans.  The  various  petty  offi- 
cers and  agents  employed  in  the  concerns  of  the  armament,  were 
many  of  them  dependents  and  millions  of  the  bishop,  and  knew 
that  they  were  gratifying  him  in  annoying  Columbus.  They  looked 
upon  the  latter,  also,  as  a  man  declining  in  popularity,  who  might 
be  offended  with  impunity ;  they  scrupled  not,  therefore,  to  throw 
all  kinds  of  difficulties  in  his  path,  and  to  treat  him  occasionally 
with  that  anogance,  which  petty  and  ignoble  men  in  place  are  prone 
to  exercise. 


Chap.  IH.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  353 

It  seems  almost  incredible  at  the  present  day,  that  such  important 
and  glorious  enterprises  should  have  been  subject  to  such  despicable 
molestations.  Columbus  bore  them  all  with  silent  indignation. 
He  was  a  stranger  in  the  land  he  was  benefiting ;  he  felt  that  the 
popular  tide  had  turned  against  him,  and  that  it  was  necessary  to 
tolerate  many  present  grievances,  for  the  sake  of  effecting  his  great 
purposes.  So  wearied  and  disheartened,  however,  did  he  become  by 
the  impediments  artfully  thrown  in  his  way,  and  so  disgusted  by 
the  prejudices  of  the  fickle  public,  that  he  at  one  time  thought  of 
abandoning  his  discoveries  altogether.  He  was  chiefly  induced  to 
persevere  by  his  grateful  attachment  to  the  queen,  and  his  desire  to 
achieve  something  that  might  cheer  and  animate  her  under  her 
afilictions.* 

At  length,  after  all  kinds  of  irritating  delays,  the  six  vessels  were 
fitted  for  sea,  though  it  was  impossible  to  conquer  the  popular  repug- 
nance to  the  service  sufficiently  to  enlist  the  allotted  number  of  men. 
In  addition  to  the  persons  in  employ  already  enumerated,  a  physi- 
cian, surgeon  and  apothecary  were  likewise  sent  out  for  the  rehef  of 
the  colony;  and  several  priests  to  replace  father  Boyle,  and  certain 
of  his  discontented  brethren ;  while  a  number  of  musicians  were 
embarked  by  the  admiral,  for  the  purpose  of  cheering  and  enliven- 
ing the  spirits  of  the  colonists. 

The  insolence  which  Columbus  had  suffered  from  the  minions  of 
Fonseca,  throughout  this  long  protracted  term  of  preparation,  ha- 
rassed him  to  the  last  moment  of  his  sojourn  in  Spain,  and  followed 
him  to  the  very  water's  edge.  Among  the  worthless  hirelings  who 
had  annoyed  him,  the  most  noisy  and  presuming  was  one  Ximeno 
de  Breviesca,  treasurer  or  accountant  of  Fonseca.  He  was  not  an 
old  Christian,  observers  the  venerable  Las  Casas,  by  which  it  is  to 
be  understood  that  he  was  either  a  Jew,  or  a  Moor,  converted  to  the 
Catholic  faith.  He  had  an  impudent  front  and  an  unbridled  tongue ; 
and,  echoing  the  sentiments  of  his  patron  the  bishop,  had  been  loud 
in  his  abuse  of  the  admiral  and  his  enterprises.  The  very  day  when 
the  squadron  was  on  the  point  of  weighing  anchor,  Columbus  was 
assailed  by  the  insolence  of  this  Ximeno,  either  on  the  shore  when 
about  to  embark,  or  on  board  of  his  ship,  where  he  had  just  entered. 
In  the  hurry  of  the  moment  he  had  not  his  usual  self-command ;  his 
indignation,  hitherto  repressed,  suddenly  burst  forth :  he  struck  the 
despicable  minion  to  the  ground,  and  spurned  him  repeatedly  with 


*  Yo  mucho  quisiera  despedir  del  negocio  si  fuera  honesta  para  con  mi  Reyna ; 
el  esfuerzo  de  nuestro  senor  y  de  su  Alteza  fizo  que  continuase  y  por  aliviarle  algo 
de  los  enojos  en  quea  causa  de  la  muerte  estaba.  Letter  of  Columb,  to  the  nurse 
of  Prince  Juan. 

Vol.  L  23  8  E  8 


354  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  IX 

his  foot,  venting  in  this  unguarded  paroxysm,  the  accumulated  griefs 
and  vexations  which  had  long  rankled  in  his  mind.* 

Nothing  could  demonstrate  more  strongly  what  Columbus  had 
previously  suffered  from  the  machinations  of  unworthy  men,  than 
this  transport  of  passion,  so  unusual  in  his  well  governed  temper. 
He  deeply  regretted  it,  and  in  a  letter  written  some  time  afterwards  ta 
the  sovereigns,  he  endeavoured  to  obviate  the  injuries  it  might  da 
him  in  their  opinion,  through  the  exaggeration  and  false  colouring 
of  his  enemies.  His  apprehensions  were  not  ill  founded,  for  Las 
Casas  attributes  the  humiliating  measures  shortly  after  adopted  by 
the  sovereigns  towards  Columbus,  to  the  unfavourable  impression 
produced  by  this  aifair.  It  had  happened  near  at  home,  and,  as  it 
were,  under  the  very  eye  of  the  sovereigns-  it  spoke^  therefore^, 
more  quickly  to  their  feelings  than  more  important  allegations  from 
a  distance.  The  personal  castigation  of  a  public  officer,  was  repre- 
sented as  a  flagrant  instance  of  the  vindictive  temper  of  Columbus, 
and  the  corroboration  of  the  charges  of  cruelty  and  oppression  sent 
from  the  colony.  As  Ximeno  was  a  creature  of  the  invidious  Fon- 
seca,  the  aifair  was  sure  to  be  represented  to  the  sovereigns  in  the 
most  odious  point  of  view.  Thus  the  generous  intentions  of  prin- 
ces, and  the  exalted  services  of  their  subjects,  are  apt  to  be  defeated 
by  the  intervention  of  cold  and  crafty  men  in  place.  By  his  impla- 
cable hostility  to  Columbus,  and  the  secret  obstructions  which  he 
threw  in  the  way  of  the  most  illustrious  of  human  enterprises,  Fon- 
seca  has  ensured  perpetuity  to  his  name,  coupled  with  the  contempt 
of  every  generous  mind. 


*  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.  L.  1,  Cap.  126.  MS. 


LIFE    AND    VOYAGES 

OF 

CHRISTOPHER    COLUMBUS 


BOOK  X. 


CHAPTER  I. 


DEPARTURE    OF    COLUMBUS    FROM    SPAIN  ON    HIS  THIRD  YOYAO*-" 
DISCOVERY    OF   TRINIDAD. 

[1498.] 

On  the  30th  of  May,  1498,  Columbus  set  sail  from  the  port  of  St. 
Lucar  de  Barrameda,  with  his  squadron  of  six  vessels^  on  his  third 
voyage  of  discovery.  The  route  he  proposed  to  take  was  different 
from  that  pursued  in  his  former  voyages.  He  intended  to  depart 
from  the  Cape  de  Verd  islands,  sailing  to  the  southwest  until  He 
should  come  under  the  equinoctial  line,  then  to  steer  directly  west- 
ward with  the  favour  of  the  trade  winds,  until  he  should  arrive  at 
land,  or  find  himself  in  the  longitude  of  Hispaniola.  Various  con- 
siderations had  induced  him  to  adopt  this  course.  In  his  preceding 
voyage,  when  he  coasted  the  southern  side  of  Cuba,  under  the  be- 
lief that  it  was  the  continent  of  Asia,  he  had  observed  that  it  swept 
off  toward  the  south.  From  this  circumstance,  and  from  informa- 
tion gathered  among  the  natives  of  the  Caribbee  islands,  he  was  in- 
duced to  believe  that  a  great  tract  of  the  main  land  lay  to  the  south 
of  the  countries  he  had  already  discovered.  King  John  H.  of  Por- 
tugal appears  to  have  entertained  a  similar  idea;  as  Herrera  records 
an  opinion  expressed  by  that  monarch,  that  there  was  a  continent  in 
the  southern  ocean.*  If  this  were  the  case,  it  was  supposed  by  Co- 
lumbus, that,  in  proportion  as  he  approached  the  equator,  and  ex- 
tended his  discoveries  to  climates  more  and  more  under  the  torrid 
influence  of  the  sun,  he  should  find  the  productions  of  nature  sub- 
limated by  its  rays  to  more  perfect  and  precious  qualities.     He  was 

*  Herrera,  Hist.  Ind.  Decad.  1,  Ub.  3,  C.  9. 


356  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  X. 

strengthened  in  this  belief  by  a  letter  written  to  him  at  the  com- 
mand of  the  queen,  by  one  Jayme  Ferrer,  an  eminent  and  learned 
lapidary,  who  in  the  course  of  his  trading  for  precious  stones  and 
metals  had  been  in  the  Levant,  and  in  various  parts  of  the  east,  had 
conversed  with  the  merchants  of  the  remote  parts  of  Asia  and 
Africa,  and  the  natives  of  India,  Arabia  and  Ethiopia,  and  was  con- 
sidered deeply  versed  in  geography  generally,  but  especially  in  the 
natural  history  of  those  countries  from  whence  the  valuable  mer- 
chandise in  which  he  dealt  was  procured. 

In  this  letter  Ferrer  assured  Columbus  that,  according  to  his  ex- 
perience, the  rarest  objects  of  commerce,  such  as  gold,  precious 
stones,  drugs  and  spices,  were  chiefly  to  be  found  in  the  regions 
about  the  equinoctial  line,  where  the  inhabitants  were  black,  or 
darkly  coloured;  and  that,  until  the  admiral  should  arrive  among 
people  of  such  complexions,  he  did  not  think  he  would  find  those 
articles  in  great  abundance.* 

Columbus  expected  to  find  such  people  more  to  the  south.  He 
recollected  that  the  natives  of  Hispaniola  had  spoken  of  black  men, 
who  had  once  come  to  their  island  from  the  south  and  southeast,  the 
heads  of  whose  javelins  were  of  a  sort  of  metal  which  they  called 
Guanin.  They  had  given  the  admiral  specimens  of  this  metal, 
which,  on  being  assayed  in  Spain,  proved  to  be  a  mixture  of  eigh- 
teen parts  of  gold,  six  silver,  and  eight  copper;  a  proof  of  valuable 
mines  in  the  country  from  whence  they  came.  Charlevoix  conjec- 
tures that  these  black  people  may  have  come  from  the  Canaries,  or 
the  western  coast  of  Africa,  and  been  driven  by  tempest  to  the  shores 
of  Hispaniola.  t  It  is  probable,  however,  that  Columbus  had  been 
misinformed  as  to  their  colour,  or  had  misunderstood  his  informants. 
It  is  difficult  to  believe  that  the  natives  of  Africa  or  the  Canaries, 
could  have  survived  a  voyage  of  such  magnitude,  in  the  frail  and 
scantily  provided  barks  they  were  accustomed  to  use. 

It  was  to  ascertain  the  truth  of  all  these  suppositions,  and  if  cor- 
rect, to  arrive  at  the  favoured  and  opulent  countries  about  tbe  equa- 
tor, inhabited  by  people  of  similar  complexions  with  those  of  the 
Africans  under  the  line,  that  Columbus  in  his  present  voyage  to  the 
New  World,  took  a  course  much  further  to  the  south  of  that  which 
he  had  hitherto  pursued. 

Having  heard  that  a  French  squadron  was  cruising  oif  cape  St. 
Vincent,  he  stood  to  the  southwest  after  leaving  St.  Lucar,  touching 
at  the  islands  of  Porto  Santo  and  Madeira,  where  he  remained  a  few 
days  taking  in  wood  and  water,  and  other  supplies,  and  then  con- 

*  Nararrete,  CoUec.  T.  2,  Document  68. 
t  Charlevoix,  Hist.  St.  Doming.  L.  3,  p.  162. 


Chap.  I.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.         '  357 

tinued  his  course  to  the  Canary  islands.  On  the  19th  of  June,  he 
arrived  at  Gomera,  where  there  lay  at  anchor  a  French  cruiser  with 
two  Spanish  prizes.  On  seeing  the  squadron  of  Columbus  standing 
into  the  harbour,  the  captain  of  the  privateer  put  to  sea  in  all  haste, 
followed  by  his  prizes ;  one  of  which,  in  the  hurry  of  the  moment,  left 
part  of  her  crew  on  shore,  making  sail  with  only  four  of  her  arma- 
ment, and  six  Spanish  prisoners.  The  admiral  at  first  mistook  them 
for  merchant  ships,  alarmed  by  his  warlike  appearance ;  when  in- 
formed of  the  truth,  however,  he  sent  three  of  his  ships  in  pursuit, 
but  they  had  gained  too  much  distance  to  be  overtaken.  The  six 
Spaniards,  however,  on  board  of  one  of  the  prizes,  seeing  assistance 
at  hand,  rose  on  their  captors;  and  the  admiral's  vessels  coming  up, 
the  prize  was  retaken,  and  brought  back  in  triumph  to  the  port 
The  admiral  relinquished  the  ship  to  the  captain,  and  gave  up  the 
prisoners  to  the  governor  of  the  island,  to  be  exchanged  for  six 
Spaniards  carried  oflf  by  the  cruiser.* 

Leaving  Gomera  on  the  21st  of  June,  Columbus  divided  his  squad- 
ron off  the  island  of  Ferro ;  three  of  the  ships  he  dispatched  direct  for 
Hispaniola,  to  carry  supplies  to  the  colony.  One  of  these  ships  was 
commanded  by  Alonzo  Sanchez  de  Carvajal,  native  of  Baeza,  a  man 
of  much  worth  and  integrity;  the  second  by  Pedro  de  Arana  of  Cor- 
dova, brother  of  Dona  Beatrix  Henriquez,  the  mother  of  the  admiral's 
second  son,  Fernando.  He  was  cousin,  also,  of  the  unfortunate 
ofl5cer  who  commanded  the  fortress  of  La  Navidad  at  the  time  of 
the  massacre.  The  third  was  commanded  by  Juan  Antonio  Co- 
lumbus, (or  Colombo,)  a  Genoese,  related  to  the  admiral,  and  a  man 
of  much  judgment  and  capacity.  These  captains  were  alternately 
to  have  the  command,  and  bear  the  signal  light,  a  week  at  a  time. 
The  admiral  carefully  pointed  out  their  course.  When  they  came 
in  sight  of  Hispaniola,  they  were  to  steer  for  the  south  side,  for  the 
new  port  and  town,  which  he  supposed  to  be  by  this  time  established 
in  the  mouth  of  the  Ozema,  according  to  royal  orders  sent  out  by 
Coronel.  With  the  three  remaining  vessels,  the  admiral  prosecuted 
his  voyage  towards  the  Cape  de  Verd  islands.  The  ship  in  which 
he  sailed  was  decked,  the  other  two  were  merchant  caravels. f  As 
he  advanced  within  the  tropics,  the  change  of  climate,  and  the  close 
and  sultry  weather  which  prevailed,  brought  on  a  severe  attack  of 
the  gout,  followed  by  a  violent  fever.  Notwithstanding  his  painful 
illness,  however,  he  enjoyed  the  full  possession  of  his  faculties,  and 
continued  to  keep  his  reckoning,  and  make  his  observations,  with 
his  usual  vigilance  and  minuteness. 


*  Hist,  del  Almirante,  C.  65.        t  P.  Martyr,  Decad.  1,  Lib.  6, 


L 


358  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  X. 

On  the  27th  of  June,  he  arrived  among  the  Cape  de  Verd  islands, 
which,  instead  of  the  freshness  and  verdure  which  their  name 
would  betoken,  presented  an  aspect  of  the  most  cheerless  sterility. 
He  remained  among  these  islands  but  a  very  few  days,  being  dis- 
appointed in  his  expectation  of  obtaining  goats',  flesh  for  ships'  pro- 
visions, and  cattle  for  stock  for  the  island  of  Hispaniola.  To  pro- 
cure them  would  require  some  delay  ;  in  the  meantime  the  health  of 
himself  and  of  his  people  suffered  under  the  influence  of  the  weather. 
The  atmosphere  was  loaded  with  clouds  and  vapours ;  neither  sun 
nor  star  was  to  be  seen ;  a  sultry  depressing  temperature  prevailed ; 
and  the  livid  looks  of  the  inhabitants  bore  witness  to  the  insalubrity 
of  the  climate.* 

Leaving  the  island  of  Buena  Vista  on  the  5th  of  July,  Columbus 
stood  to  the  southwest,  intending  to  continue  on  until  he  found  him- 
self under  the  equinoctial  line.  The  currents,  however,  which  run 
to  the  north  and  northwest  among  those  islands,  impeded  his  pro- 
gress, and  kept  him  for  two  days  in  sight  of  the  island  del  Fuego. 
The  volcanic  summit  of  this  island,  which  seen  at  a  distance  re- 
sembled a  church  with  a  lofty  steeple,  and  which  was  said  at  times 
to  emit  smoke  and  flames,  was  the  last  point  discerned  of  the  Old 
World. 

Continuing  to  the  southwest,  about  one  hundred  and  twenty 
leagues,  he  found  himself  on  the  13th  of  July,  according  to  his  ob- 
servations, in  the  fifth  degree  of  north  latitude.  He  had  entered 
that  region  which  extends  for  eight  or  ten  degrees  on  each  side  of 
the  line,  and  is  known  among  seamen  by  the  name  of  the  calm  lati- 
tudes. The  trade  winds  from  the  southeast  and  northeast,  meeting 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  equator,  destroy  each  other,  and  a  pro- 
found calmness  of  the  elements  is  produced.  The  whole  sea  is  like 
a  mirror,  and  vessels  remain  almost  motionless,  with  flapping  sails, 
the  crews  panting  under  the  heat  of  a  vertical  sun,  unmitigated  by 
any  refreshing  breeze.  Weeks  are  sometimes  expended  in  crossing 
this  torpid  tract  of  the  ocean. 

The  weather  for  some  time  past  had  been  cloudy  and  oppressive ; 
but,  on  the  13th,  there  was  a  bright  and  burning  sun.  The  wind 
suddenly  fell  and  a  dead  sultry  calm  commenced,  which  lasted  for 
eight  days.  The  air  was  like  a  furnace ;  the  tar  melted;  the  seams 
of  the  ships  yawned ;  the  salt  meat  became  putrid  ;  the  wheat  was 
parched  as  if  with  fire ;  the  hoops  shrunk  from  the  wine  and  water 
casks,  some  of  which  leaked  and  others  burst ;  while  the  heat  in 
the  holds  of  the  vessels  was  so  suflfocating,  that  no  one  could  remain 


*  Hist,  del  Almirante,  Cap.  65. 


C&AP.  I.J  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  359 

below  a  sufficient  time  to  prevent  the  damage  that  was  taking  place. 
The  mariners  lost  all  strength  and  spirits,  and  sunk  under  the  op- 
pressive heat.  It  seemed  as  if  the  old  fable  of  the  torrid  zone  was 
about  to  be  realized ;  and  that  they  were  approaching  a  fiery  region, 
where  it  would  be  impossible  to  exist.  It  is  true  the  heavens  were 
for  a  great  part  of  the  time  overcast,  and  there  were  drizzling  show- 
ers ;  but  the  atmosphere  was  close  and  stifling,  and  there  was  that 
combination  of  heat  and  moisture  which  relaxes  all  the  energies  of 
the  human  frame. 

During  this  time  the  admiral  suffered  extremely  from  the  gout, 
but,  as  usual,  the  activity  of  his  mind,  heightened  by  his  anxiety, 
allowed  him  no  indulgence  or  repose.  He  was  in  an  unknown  part 
of  the  ocean,  where  every  thing  depended  upon  his  vigilance  and 
sagacity ;  and  was  continually  watching  the  phenomena  of  the  ele- 
ments, and  looking  out  for  signs  of  land.  Finding  the  heat  so  in- 
tolerable, he  altered  his  course,  and  steered  to  the  westward,  hoping 
to  find  a  milder  temperature  further  on,  even  under  the  same  paral- 
lel. He  had  observed  in  his  previous  voyages  that  after  sailing 
westward  a  hundred  leagues  from  the  Azores,  a  wonderful  change 
took  place  in  the  sea  and  sky,  both  becoming  serene  and  bland,  and 
the  air  temperate  and  refreshing.  He  imagined  that  a  peculiar 
mildness  and  suavity  prevailed  over  a  great  tract  of  ocean,  extend- 
ing from  north  to  south,  into  which  the  navigator,  sailing  from  east 
to  west,  would  suddenly  enter,  as  if  crossing  a  line.  The  event 
seemed  to  justify  his  theory ;  for,  after  making  their  way  slowly  for 
some  time  to  the  westward,  through  an  ordeal  of  heats  and  calms, 
with  a  murky  stifling  atmosphere,  the  ships  all  at  once  emerged  into 
a  genial  region ;  a  pleasant  cooling  breeze  played  over  the  sea  and 
gently  filled  their  sails,  the  close  and  drizzling  clouds  broke  away, 
the  sky  became  serene  and  clear,  and  the  sun  shone  forth  with  all 
its  splendour,  but  no  longer  with  a  burning  heat. 

Columbus  had  intended,  on  reaching  this  temperate  tract,  to  have 
stood  once  more  to  the  south  and  then  westward  ;  but  he  found  his 
ships  so  damaged  by  the  late  parching  weather,  which  had  opened 
their  seams  and  caused  them  to  leak  excessively,  that  it  was  neces- 
sarj''  to  seek  some  convenient  harbour  as  soon  as  possible,  where  they 
might  be  refitted.  Much  of  the  provisions  also  was  spoiled,  and  the 
water  was  nearly  exhausted.  He  kept  on  therefore  directly  to  the 
west,  trusting,  from  the  flights  of  birds,  and  other  favourable  indica- 
tions, that  he  should  soon  arrive  at  land.  Day  after  day  passed 
away  without  his  expectations  being  realized.  The  necessities  of 
his  ships  became  continually  more  urgent;  wherefore,  supposing 
himself  in  the  longitude  of  the  Caribbee  islands,  he  bore  away  to- 


360  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Booe  X. 

wards  the  northward  in  search  of  them,  intending  to  touch  among 
them  for  refreshments  and  repairs,  and  then  to  proceed  to  His- 
paniola,* 

On  the  31st  of  July  there  was  not  above  one  cask  of  water  re- 
maining in  each  ship,  and  the  admiral  experienced  great  anxiety. 
About  mid-day  a  mariner  named  Alonzo  Perez  being  accidentally 
at  the  mast-head,  beheld  the  summit  of  three  mountains  rising  above 
the  horizon.  He  immediately  gave  the  cry  of  land,  to  the  great  joy 
of  the  crew.  As  the  ships  drew  nearer  it  was  observed  that  these 
mountains  were  united  at  the  base.  Columbus  had  determined  to 
consecrate  the  first  land  he  should  behold,  by  giving  it  the  name  of 
the  Trinity.  The  appearance  of  these  three  mountains  united  into 
one  struck  him  as  a  singular  and  almost  mysterious  coincidence 
with  this  determination,  and  he  was  inspired  with  a  solemn  feeling 
of  devotion  as  he  gave  to  this  newly  discovered  island  the  name  of 
La  Trinidad,  which  it  continues  to  bear  at  the  present  day.f 


CHAPTER  n. 

VOYAGE  THROUGH  THE  GULF  OF  FARIA. 

[1498.] 

Shaping  his  course  for  the  island,  Columbus  approached  its  eastern 
extremity,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Punta  de  la  Galera,  from 
the  form  of  a  rock  in  the  sea,  which  resembled  a  galley  under  sail. 
He  was  obliged  to  coast  for  five  leagues  along  the  southern  shore 
before  he  could  find  safe  anchorage.  On  the  following  day,  (Au- 
gust 1,)  he  continued  coasting  westward,  in  search  of  water,  and  a 
convenient  harbour  where  the  vessels  might  be  careened.  He  was 
surprised  at  the  verdure  and  fertility  of  the  country,  having  expected 
to  find  it  more  parched  and  steril  as  he  approached  the  equator; 
whereas  he  beheld  stately  groves  of  palm-trees,  and  luxuriant  forests, 
which  swept  down  to  the  seaside,  with  fountains  and  running 
streams  beneath  their  shade.  The  shores  were  low  and  uninhabited, 
but  the  country  rose  in  the  interior,  was  cultivated  in  many  places 
and  enlivened  by  hamlets  and  scattered  habitations.     In  a  word,  the 


Hist,  del  Almirante,  Cap.  67.        t  Idem,  ubi  sup. 


Chap.  II.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  361 

softness  and  purity  of  the  climate,  and  the  verdure,  freshness,  and 
sweetness  of  the  country,  appeared  to  Columbus  to  equal  the  delights 
of  early  spring  in  the  beautiful  province  of  Valencia,  in  Spain.* 

Anchoring  at  a  point  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Punta  de  la 
Playa,  he  sent  the  boats  on  shore  for  water.  Here,  to  their  great 
joy,  the  seamen  found  an  abundant  and  limpid  brook,  at  which  they 
filled  their  casks.  There  was  no  safe  harbour,  however,  for  the  ves- 
sels, nor  could  they  meet  with  any  of  the  islanders,  though  they  found 
traces  ot  their  footsteps,  and  various  fishing  implements,  which  they 
had  left  behind,  in  the  hurry  of  their  flight.  There  were  tracks  also 
of  animals,  which  the  seamen  supposed  to  be  goats,  but  which  must 
have  been  deer,  with  which,  as  it  was  afterwards  ascertained,  the 
island  abounded. 

While  thus  coasting  the  island,  on  the  1st  of  August,  Columbus 
beheld  land  to  the  south,  stretching  to  the  distance  of  more  than 
twenty  leagues.  It  was  that  low  tract  of  coast  intersected  by  the 
numerous  branches  of  the  Oronoco,  but  the  admiral,  supposing  it  to 
,  be  an  island,  gave  it  the  name  of  La  Isla  Santa ;  little  imagining 
that  he  now  for  the  first  time  beheld  that  main  continent,  that  Terra 
Firma,  which  had  been  the  object  of  his  earnest  search. 

On  the  2d  of  August,  he  continued  on  to  the  southwest  point  of 
Trinidad,  which  he  called  Point  Arenal.  It  stretched  towards  a 
corresponding  point  of  Terra  Firma,  making  a  narrow  pass,  with  a 
high  rock  in  the  centre,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  El  Gallo. 
Near  this  pass  the  ships  cast  anchor.  As  they  were  approaching 
this  place,  a  large  canoe,  in  which  were  five  and  twenty  Indians, 
put  off  from  the  shore,  and  coming  within  bowshot,  paused  and  hail- 
ed the  ships,  in  a  language  which  no  one  on  board  understood.  Be- 
ing extremely  desirous  of  obtaining  a  near  view  of  these  people,  and 
of  making  inquiries  concerning  their  country,  Columbus  tried  to 
allure  them  on  board,  by  friendly  signs,  by  the  display  of  looking- 
glasses,  basins  of  polished  metal,  and  various  glittering  trinkets,  but 
all  in  vain.  They  remained  gazing  in  mute  wonder  for  above  two 
hours,  but  with  their  paddles  in  their  hands,  ready  to  take  to  flight 
on  the  least  attempt  to  approach  them.  They  were  near  enough, 
however,  for  him  to  have  a  full  view  of  them.  They  were  all  young 
men,  well  formed,  with  long  hair,  and  fairer  complexions  than  the 
Indians  he  had  hitherto  seen.  They  were  naked,  excepting  bands 
and  fillets  of  cotton  about  their  heads,  and  coloured  cloths  of  the 
same  about  their  loins.     They  were  armed  with  bows  and  arrows, 


•  Letter  of  Columbus  to  the  sovereigns,  from  Hispaniola.    Navarrete,  Collec. 
T.l.  2F 


362  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  X. 

the  latter  feathered  and  tipped  with  bone,  and  they  had  bucklers,  au 
article  of  armour  which  had  never  before  been  seen  among  the  inha- 
bitants of  the  new  world. 

Having  found  all  other  means  to  attract  them  ineffectual,  Colum- 
bus now  tried  the  power  of  music.  He  knew  the  fondness  of  the 
Indians  for  dances  performed  to  the  sound  of  their  rude  drums,  and 
the  chant  of  their  traditional  ballads.  He  ordered  something  simi- 
lar to  be  executed  on  the  deck  of  his  ship,  where,  while  one  man 
sung  to  the  beat  of  the  tabor  and  the  sound  of  other  musical  instru 
ments;  the  ship-boys,  danced  after  the  popular  Spanish  fashion. 
No  sooner,  however,  did  this  symphony  strike  up,  than  the  Indians, 
mistaking  it  for  a  signal  of  hostilities,  put  their  bucklers  on  their 
arms,  seized  their  bows,  and  let  fly  a  shower  of  arrows.  This  rude 
salutation  was  immediately  answered  by  the  discharge  of  a  couple 
of  crossbows,  which  put  the  auditors  to  flight,  and  concluded  this 
singular  entertainment. 

Though  thus  shy  of  the  admiral's  vessel,  they  approached  one  of 
the  caravels  without  fear  or  hesitation,  and  running  under  the  stern, 
had  a  parley  with  the  pilot,  who  gave  a  cap  and  mantle  to  the  one 
who  appeared  to  be  the  chieftain.  He  received  the  presents  with 
great  delight,  inviting  the  pilot  by  signs  to  come  to  land,  where  he 
should  be  well  entertained,  and  receive  great  presents  in  return.  On 
his  appearing  to  consent,  they  went  to  shore  to  wait  for  him.  The 
pilot  put  off  in  the  boat  of  the  caravel  to  ask  permission  of  the  admi- 
ral; but  the  Indians  seeing  him  go  on  board  of  the  hostile  ship,  sus- 
pected some  treachery,  and  springing  into  their  canoe,  darted  away 
with  the  swiftness  of  the  wind,  nor  was  any  thing  more  seen  of 
them.* 

The  complexion  and  other  physical  characteristics  of  these  sa- 
vages, caused  much  surprise  and  speculation  in  the  mind  of  Colum- 
bus. Supposing  himself  in  the  seventh  degree  of  latitude,  though 
actually  in  the  tenth,  he  had  expected  to  find  the  inhabitants  similar 
to  the  natives  of  Africa  under  the  same  parallel,  who  were  black, 
ill  shaped,  and  with  crisped  hair,  or  rather  wool ;  whereas  these  In- 
dians were  well  formed,  had  long  hair,  and  were  even  fairer  than 
those  more  distant  from  the  equator.  The  climate  also,  instead  of 
being  hotter  as  he  approached  the  equinoctial,  appeared  more  tem- 
perate. He  was  now  in  the  dog-days,  yet  the  nights  and  mornings 
were  so  cool  that  it  was  necessary  to  use  covering  as  in  winter. 
This  is  the  case  in  many  parts  of  the  Torrid  Zone,  especially  in 


*  Hist,  del  Almirante,  Cap.  88.  P.  Martyr,  Decad.  1,  L.  6.  Las  Casas,  Hist. 
-Ind.L.  1,  C.  138.  MS.  Letter  of  Columbus  to  the  Castilian  sovereigns,  Navarrete. 
CollecT.  I.  .     • 


Chap.  II-l  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  363 

calm  weather,  when  there  is  no  wind;  for  nature,  by  heavy  dews, 
in  the  long  nights  of  those  latitudes,  cools  and  refreshes  the  earth 
after  the  great  heats  of  the  day.  Columbus  was  at  first  greatly 
perplexed  by  these  contradictions  to  the  course  of  nature,  as  observed 
in  the  Old  World ;  they  were  in  opposition  also  to  the  expectations 
he  had  founded  on  the  theory  of  Ferrer  the  lapidary;  but  they  gra- 
dually contributed  to  the  formation  of  a  theory  which  was  springing 
up  in  his  active  imagination,  and  which  will  presently  be  shown. 

After  anchoring  at  Point  Arenal,  the  crews  were  permitted  to 
land  and  refresh  themselves  among  the  shady  woods  and  green 
lawns  of  the  island.  There  were  no  runs  of  water,  but  by  sinking 
pits  in  the  sand  they  soon  got  sufficient  to  fill  the  casks.  The  an- 
chorage at  this  place,  however,  was  extremely  insecure.  A  rapid 
current  set  from  the  eastward  through  the  strait  formed  by  the  main 
land  and  the  island  of  Trinidad,  flowing,  as  Columbus  observed, 
night  and  day,  with  as  much  fury  as  the  Guadalquiver  when  swollen 
by  floods.  In  the  pass  between  Point  Arenal  and  its  correspondent 
poirt,  the  confined  current  boiled  and  raged  to  such  a  degree  that 
he  thought  it  was  crossed  by  a  reef  of  rocks  and  shoals,  preventing 
all  entrance,  with  others  extending  beyond,  over  which  the  waters 
roared  like  breakers  on  a  rocky  shore.  To  this  pass,  from  its  angry 
and  dangerous  appearance,  he  gave  the  name  of  Boca  de  la  Sierpe, 
(the  Mouth  of  the  Serpent.)  He  thus  found  himself  placed  between 
two  difficulties.  The  continual  current  from  the  east  seemed  to 
prevent  all  return,  while  the  rocks  which  appeared  to  beset  the  pass, 
threatened  destruction  if  he  should  attempt  to  proceed.  Being  on 
board  of  his  ship,  late  at  night,  kept  awake  by  painful  illness,  and 
an  anxious  and  watchful  spirit,  he  heard  a  terrible  roaring  from  the 
south.  On  looking  out  in  that  direction,  he  beheld  the  sea  heaped 
up,  as  it  were,  into  a  great  ridge  or  hill,  the  height  of  the  ship, 
covered  with  foam,  and  rolling  towards  him  with  a  tremendous  up- 
roar. As  this  furious  surge  approached,  rendered  more  terrible  in 
appearance  by  the  obscurity  of  night,  he  trembled  for  the  safety  of 
his  vessels.  His  own  ship  was  suddenly  lifted  up  with  violence,  to 
such  a  height  that  he  dreaded  lest  it  should  be  overturned,  or  cast 
upon  the  rocks,  while  another  of  the  ships  was  torn  violently  from 
her  anchorage,  and  exposed  to  imminent  peril.  The  crews  were 
for  a  time  in  great  consternation,  and  feared  they  should  be  swal- 
lowed up  in  the  commotion  of  the  waters ;  but  this  mountainous 
fiurge  passed  on,  and  gradually  subsided,  after  a  violent  contest  with 
the  counter  current  of  the  strait.*     This  sudden  rush  of  water,  it  is 


*  Letter  of  Columbus  to  the  Castilian  sovereigns,  Navarrete,  Collec.  T.  1. 
Herrera,  Hist.  Ind.  Decad.  1,  Lib.  3,  C.  10.    Hist,  del  Almirante,  C.  69. 


364  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  X. 

supposed,  was  caused  by  the  swelling  of  one  of  the  rivers  which 
flow  into  the  gulf  of  Paria,  and  which  was  as  yet  unknown  to  Co- 
lumbus. 

Anxious  to  extricate  himself  from  this  dangerous  neighbourhood, 
he  sent  the  boats  on  the  following  morning  to  sound  the  depth  of 
water  at  the  Boca  del  Sierpe,  and  to  ascertain  whether  it  was  pos- 
sible for  the  ships  to  pass  through  to  the  northward.  To  his  great 
joy,  they  returned  with  a  report  that  there  were  several  fathoms  of 
water,  and  currents  and  eddies  setting  both  ways,  either  to  enter  or 
return.  A  favourable  breeze  prevailing,  he  immediately  made  sail, 
and  passing  through  the  formidable  strait  in  safety,  found  himself 
in  a  tranquil  expanse  beyond.  He  was  now  on  the  inner  side  of 
Trinidad.  To  his  left  spread  that  broad  gulf  since  known  by  the 
name  of  Paria,  which  he  supposed  the  open  sea,  but  was  surprised 
on  tasting  it  to  find  the  water  fresh.  He  continued  to  navigate 
northward  towards  a  mountain  at  the  northwest  point  of  the  island, 
about  fourteen  leagues  from  Point  Arenal.  Here  he  beheld  two 
lofty  capes  of  land  opposite  to  each  other;  one  on  the  island  of 
Trinidad,  the  other  to  the  west,  on  the  long  promontory  of  Paria, 
•which  stretches  from  the  main  land,  and  forms  the  northern  side 
of  the  gulf,  but  which  Columbus  mistook  for  an  island,  and  gave  it 
the  name  of  Isla  de  Gracia. 

Between  these  capes  there  was  another  pass,  which  appeared  even 
more  dangerous  than  the  Boca  del  Sierpe,  being  beset  with  rocks, 
among  which  the  current  forced  its  way  with  roaring  turbulence. 
To  this  pass  Columbus  gave  the  name  of  Boca  del  Dragon.  Not 
choosing  to  encounter  its  apparent  dangers,  he  turned  northward  on 
Sunday,  the  5th  of  August,  and  steered  along  the  inner  side  of  the 
supposed  island  of  Gracia,  intending  to  keep  on  until  he  came  to 
the  end  of  it,  and  then  to  strike  northward  into  the  free  and  open 
ocean,  and  shape  his  course  for  Hispaniola. 

It  was  a  fair  and  beautiful  coast,  indented  with  fine  'harbours  lying 
close  to  each  other;  the  country  cultivated  in  many  places,  in  others 
covered  with  fruit  trees  and  stately  forests,  and  watered  by  frequent 
streams.  What  greatly  astonished  Columbus,  was  still  to  find  the 
water  fresh,  and  that  it  grew  more  and  more  so  the  farther  he  pro- 
ceeded ;  it  being  that  season  of  the  year  when  the  various  rivers 
which  empty  themselves  into  this  gulf  are  swoln  by  rains,  and 
pour  forth  such  quantities  of  fresh  water,  as  to  conquer  the  saltness 
of  the  ocean.  He  was  also  surprised  at  the  smooth  placidity  of  the 
sea,  which  appeared  as  tranquil  and  safe  as  one  vast  harbour,  so 
that  there  was  no  need  of  seeking  a  port  to  anchor  in. 

As  yet  he  had  not  been  able  to  have  any  communication  with 


<5hap.  II,  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  365 

the  people  of  this  part  of  the  New  World.  The  shores  which  he 
had  visited,  though  occasionally  cultivated  by  the  hand  of  man, 
were  silent  and  deserted ;  and,  excepting  the  fugitive  party  in  the 
canoe  at  Point  Arenal,  he  had  seen  nothing  of  the  natives.  He 
was  extremely  anxious  to  meet  with  some  human  being  that  could 
break  this  silence,  and  give  him  some  information  concerning  the 
country.  After  sailing  several  leagues  along  the  coast,  therefore, 
he  anchored  on  Monday,  the  6  th,  at  a  place  where  there  appeared 
signs  of  cultivation,  and  sent  the  boats  on  shore.  They  found  va- 
rious traces  of  men,  such  as  fires  which  they  had  kindled,  the 
remains  of  fish  which  they  had  cooked,  and  footprints  where  they 
had  recently  passed ;  there  was  likewise  a  roofless  house,  but  not 
an  individual  to  be  seen.  The  coast  was  hilly,  covered  with  beau- 
tiful and  fruitful  groves,  and  abounding  with  monkeys.  Continuing 
further  westward,  to  where  the  country  was  i^^-"-  ^-^^elj  Columbus 
anchored  in  a  river. 

Immediately  a  canoe  with  three  or  four  Indians  came  off  to  the 
caravel  nearest  to  the  shore,  the  captain  of  which,  pretending  a  de- 
sire to  accompany  them  to  land,  sprang  into  their  canoe,  overturned 
it,  and  with  the  assistance  of  his  seamen,  secured  the  Indians  as  they 
were  swimming.  When  they  were  brought  to  the  admiral;  he  soon 
dissipated  their  alarm  by  his  usual  benignity ;  he  gave  them  beads, 
hawks'  bells,  and  sugar,  and  sent  them  highly  gratified  on  shore, 
where  many  of  their  countrymen  were  assembled.  This  kind  treat- 
ment, as  usual,  had  the  most  favourable  effect.  Such  of  the  natives 
as  had  canoes,  came  oflf  to  the  ships  with  the  fullest  confidence. 
They  were  tall  of  stature,  finely  formed,  and  free  and  graceful  in 
their  movements.  Their  hair  was  long  and  straight ;  some  wore  it 
cut  short,  but  none  of  them  braided  it,  as  was  the  custom  among 
the  natives  of  Hispaniola.  They  were  armed  with  bows,  arrows, 
and  targets  ;  the  men  wore  cotton  cloths  about  their  heads  and  loins, 
beautifully  wrought  with  various  colours,  so  as  at  a  distance  to  look 
like  silk ;  but  the  women  were  entirely  naked.  They  brought  bread, 
maize,  and  other  eate^bles,  with  different  kinds  of  beverage,  some 
white,  made  from  maize  and  resembling  beer,  and  others  green,  of 
a  vinous  flavour,  and  expressed  from  various  fruits.  They  appeared 
to  judge  of  every  thing  by  the  sense  of  smell,  as  others  examine  ob- . 
jects  by  the  sight  or  touch.  When  they  approached  a  boat  they 
smelt  to  it,  and  then  to  the  people.  In  like  manner  every  thing  that 
was  given  them  was  tried.  They  set  but  little  value  upon  beads, 
but  were  extravagantly  delighted  with  hawks  bells.  Brass  also 
was  held  in  high  estimation ;  they  appeared  to  find  something  ex- 

2F2 


366  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  (Book  X 

tremely  grateful  in  the  smell  of  it,  and  called  it  Turey,  signifying 
that  it  was  from  the  skies.* 

From  the  Indians  Columbus  understood  that  the  name  of  their 
country  was  Paria,  and  that  further  to  the  west  he  would  find 
it  more  populous.  Taking  several  of  them  to  serve  as  guides 
and  mediators^  he  proceeded  eight  leagues  westward,  to  a  point 
which  he  called  Aguja,  or  the  Needle.  Here  he  arrived  at  three 
o'clock  in  the  morning.  When  the  day  dawned  he  was  ravished 
with  the  beauty  of  the  country.  It  was  cultivated  in  many  places^ 
highly  populous,  and  adorned  with  magnificent  vegetation.  The 
habitations  of  the  natives  were  interspersed  among  groves  laden  with 
fruits  and  flowers.  The  grape-vines  entwined  themselves  among  the 
trees,  and  birds  of  brilliant  plumage  fluttered  from  branch  to  branch. 
The  air  was  temperate  and  bland,  and  sweetened  by  the  fragrance 
of  flowers  and  blossoms ;  and  numerous  fountains  and  limpid  streams 
kept  up  a  universal  verdure  and  freshness.  Columbus  was  so  much 
charmed  with  the  beauty  and  amenity  of  this  favoured  part  of  the 
coast,  that  he  gave  it  the  name  of  The  Gardens. 

The  natives  came  off  in  great  numbers  in  canoes,  which  were  su- 
perior in  construction  to  those  hitherto  seen,  being  very  large  and 
light,  and  having  a  cabin  in  the  centre  for  the  accommodation  of  the 
owner  and  his  family.  They  invited  Columbus,  in  the  name  of  their 
king,  to  come  to  land.  Many  of  them  had  collars  and  burnished 
plates  about  their  necks,  of  that  inferior  kind  of  gold  called  by  the  In- 
dians Guanin.  They  said  that  it  came  from  a  high  land  which  they 
pointed  out,  at  no  great  distance  to  the  west,  but  intimated  that  it 
was  dangerous  to  go  there,  either  because  the  inhabitants  were  can- 
nibals, or  the  place  infested  by  noxious  animals.f  But  what  sud- 
denly aroused  the  attention  and  awakened  the  cupidity  of  the  Span- 
iards, was  to  behold  strings  of  pearls  round  the  arms  of  some  of  the 
natives.  They  informed  Columbus  that  they  were  procured  on  the 
seacoast  on  the  northern  side  of  Paria,  which  he  still  supposed  to 
be  an  island;  and  they  showed  the  mother  of  pearl  shells  from 
whence  they  had  been  taken. 

Anxious  to  acquire  further  information,  and  to  procure  specimens 
of  these  pearls  to  send  to  Spain,  he  dispatched  the  boats  to  shore. 
The  moment  the  Spaniards  landed,  a  multitude  of  the  natives  cam* 
to  the  beach  to  receive  them,  headed  by  the  principal  cacique  and  his 
son.     They  treated  them  with  profound  reverence,   as  beings  de- 


*  Heirera,  Hist.  Ind.  DecewJ.  1,  L.  8,  C.  11. 

i  Letter  of  Columbus  to  the  sovereigns.    Navarrete,  CoHec.  T.  J,  p.  252. 


Chap.  II.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  36T 

scended  from  heaven,  and  conducted  them  to  a  spacious  house,  the 
residence  of  the  cacique,  where  thej  were  banqueted  in  their  simple 
and  hospitable  way,  with  bread  and  various  fruits  of  excellent  fla 
vour,  and  the  different  kinds  of  beverage  which  have  been  already 
mentioned.  While  they  were  in  the  house,  the  men  remained  toge- 
ther at  one  end  of  it,  and  the  women  at  the  other.  After  they  had 
finished  their  collation  at  the  house  of  the  cacique,  they  were  taken 
to  that  of  the  son,  where  a  like  collation  was  set  before  them. 
These  people  were  remarkably  affable,  with  at  the  same  time  a  more 
intrepid  and  martial  air  and  spirit,  than  the  natives  of  Cuba  and 
Hispaniola.  They  were  fairer,  Columbus  observ^es,  than  any  he 
had  yet  seen,  though  so  near  to  the  line,  where  he  had  expected  to 
find  them  of  th*  colour  of  Ethiopians.  Many  ornaments  of  gold 
were  seen  among  them,  but  all  of  an  inferior  quality;  one  Indian 
had  a  piece  of  the  size  of  an  apple.  They  had  various  kinds  of  do- 
mesticated parrots,  one  of  a  light  green  colour,  with  yellow  neck, 
and  the  tips  of  the  wings  of  a  bright  red  ;  others  of  the  size  of  do- 
mestic fowls,  and  of  a  vivid  scarlet,  excepting  some  azure  feathers 
in  the  wings.  These  they  readily  gave  to  the  Spaniards ;  but  what 
the  latter  most  coveted  were  the  pearls,  of  which  they  saw  many 
necklaces  and  bracelets  among  the  Indian  women.  The  latter 
gladly  gave  them  in  exchange  for  hawks'  bells,  or  any  article  of 
brass,  and  several  specimens  of  fine  pearls  were  procured  for  the  ad- 
miral to  send  to  the  sovereigns.* 

The  kindness  and  amity  of  this  people  were  heightened  by  an  in- 
telligent demeanour,  and  a  martial  frankness.  They  seemed  worthy 
of  the  beautiful  country  they  inhabited.  It  was  a  cause  of  great 
concern  both  to  them  and  the  Spaniards,  that  they  could  not  under- 
stand each  others'  language.  They  conversed,  however  by  signs; 
mutual  good  will  made  their  intercourse  easy  and  pleasant,  and  at 
the  hour  of  vespers  the  Spaniards  returned  on  board  of  their  ships, 
highly  gratified  with  their  entertainment. 

•  Letter  of  Coliunb.    Herrera,  Hist.  Ind.  Decad.  1.  L.  3,  C.  11     Hist,  del 
Almirante,  Cap.  70. 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  X. 


CHAPTER  III. 

CONTINUATION    OF    THE    VOYAGE    THROUGH    THE    GULF    OF 
PARIA RETURN    TO    HISPANIOLA. 

[1498.] 

The  quantity  of  fine  pearls  found  among  the  natives  of  Paria,  was 
sufficient  to  arouse  the  sanguine  anticipations  of  Columbus.  It  ap- 
peared to  corroborate  the  theory  of  Ferrer,  the  learned  jeweller,  that 
as  he  approached  the  equator  he  would  find  the  most  rare  and  pre- 
cious productions  of  nature.  His  active  imagination,  with  its  intui- 
tive rapidity,  seized  upon  every  surrounding  circumstance  that 
appeared  to  favour  his  wishes,  and  putting  them  together  drew  from 
them  the  most  brilliant  inferences.  He  had  read  in  Pliny  that 
pearls  are  generated  from  drops  of  dew  which  fall  into  the  mouths 
of  oysters:  if  so,  what  place  could  be  more  propitious  to  their 
growth  and  multiplication  than  the  coast  of  Paria  ?  The  dew  in 
these  parts  was  heavy  and  abundant,  and  the  oysters  were  so  plen- 
tiful that  they  clustered  about  the  roots  and  pendant  branches  of  the 
mangrove  trees,  which  grew  within  the  margin  of  the  tranquil  sea. 
When  a  branch  which  had  drooped  for  a  time  in  the  water  was 
drawn  forth,  it  was  found  covered  with  oysters.  Las  Casas,  notic- 
ing this  sanguine  conclusion  of  Columbus,  observes,  that  the  shell- 
fish here  spoken  of  are  not  of  the  kind  which  produce  pearl ;  for  that 
those,  by  a  natural  instinct,  as  if  conscious  of  their  precious  charge, 
hide  themselves  in  the  deepest  water.* 

Still  imagining  the  coast  of  Paria  to  be  an  island,  and  anxious  to 
circumnavigate  it  and  arrive  at  the  place  where  these  pearls  where 
said  by  the  Indians  to  abound,  Columbus  left  the  Gardens  on  the 
10th  of  August,  and  continued  coasting  westward  within  the  gulf, 
in  search  of  an  outlet  to  the  north.  He  observed  portions  of  Terra 
Firma  appearing  towards  the  bottom  of  the  gulf,  which  he  supposed 
to  be  islands,  and  called  them  Isabeta  and  Tramontana,  and  fancied 
that  the  desired  outlet  to  the  sea  must  lie  between  them.  As  he  ad- 
vanced, however,  he  found  the  water  continually  growing  shallower 
and  fresher,  until  he  did  not  dare  to  venture  any  farther  with  his  ship, 
which,  he  observed,  was  of  too  great  size  for  expeditions  of  this 


•  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.  Cap.  136, 


Ch^p.  III.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  36^ 

kind,  being  of  a  hundred  tons  burthen,  and  reqiiiring  three  fathoms 
of  water.  He  came  to  anchor,  therefore,  and  sent  a  Hght  caravel 
called  the  Oorreo  to  ascertain  whether  there  was  an  outlet  to  the 
ocean  between  the  supposed  islands.  The  caravel  returned  on  the 
following  day,  reporting  that  at  the  western  end  of  the  gulf  there 
was  an  opening  of  two  leagues,  which  led  into  an  inner  and  circular 
gulf,  surrounded  by  four  openings,  apparently  smaller  gulfs,  or 
rather  mouths  of  rivers,  from  which  flowed  the  great  quantity  of 
fresh  water  that  sweetened  the  neighbouring  sea.  In  fact,  from  one 
of  these  mouths  issued  the  great  river  the  Cuparipari,  or  as  it  is  now 
called,  the  Paria.  To  this  inner  and  circular  gulf  Columbus  gave 
the  name  of  the  Gulf  of  Pearls,  through  a  mistaken  idea  that  they 
abounded  in  its  waters,  none,  in  fact,  being  found  there.  He  still 
imagined  that  the  four  openings  of  which  the  mariners  spoke  might 
be  intervals  between  islands,  though  they  affirmed  that  all  the  land  he 
saw  was  one  connected  continent.*  As  it  was  impossible  to  proceed 
further  westward  with  his  ships,  he  had  no  alternative  but  to  retrace 
his  course,  and  seek  an  exit  to  the  north  by  the  Boca  del  Dragon. 
He  would  gladly  have  continued  for  some  time  to  explore  this  coast, 
for  he  considered  himself  in  one  of  those  opulent  regions  described 
as  the  most  favoured  upon  earth,  and  which  must  increase  in  riches 
towards  the  equator.  Imperious  considerations,  however,  compelled 
him  to  shorten  his  voyage  and  hasten  to  St.  Domingo.  The  sea- 
stores  of  his  ships  were  almost  exhausted,  and  the  various  supplies 
for  the  colony,  with  which  they  were  freighted,  were  in  danger  of 
spoiUng.  He  was  suflfering,  also,  extremely  in  his  health.  Besides 
the  gout,  which  had  rendered  him  a  cripple  for  the  greater  part  of 
the  voyage,  he  was  afflicted  by  a  complaint  in  his  eyes,  caused  by 
fatigue  and  over-watching,  which  almost  deprived  him  of  his  sight. 
Even  the  voyage  along  the  coast  of  Cuba,  he  observes^  in  which  he 
was  thirty  and  three  days  almost  without  sleep,  had  not  so  injured 
his  eyes,  and  disordered  his  blood,  or  caused  him  so  much  painful 
suffering  as  the  present.! 

On  the  Uth  of  August,  therefore,  he  set  sail  eastward  for  the  Boca 
del  Dragon  and  was  borne  along  with  great  velocity  by  the  currents; 
which,  however,  prevented  him  from  landing  again  at  his  favourite 
spot,  the  Gardens.  On  Sunday  the  13th  he  anchored  near  to  the 
Boca,  in  a  fine  harbour,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Puerto  de 
Gates  from  a  species  of  monkey  called  gato  paulo,  with  which  the 
neighbourhood  abounded.  On  the  borders  of  the  sea  he  perceived 
many  trees  which,  as  he  thought,  produced  the  mirabolane,  a  fruit 

♦  Hist,  del  Almirante,  Cap.  78. 

t  Letter  of  Columbus  to  the  sovereigns.     Navarrete,  T.  1,  p.  252. 
Vol.  I.  24^ 


370  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  X. 

only  found  in  the  countries  of  the  East.  There  were  great  numbers 
also  of  mangroves  growing  within  the  water,  with  oysters  clinging 
to  their  branches,  their  mouths  open,  as  he  supposed,  to  receive  the 
dew,  which  was  afterwards  to  be  transformed  to  pearls.* 

On  the  following  morning,  the  14th  of  August,  towards  noon,  the 
ships  approached  the  Boca  del  Dragon,  and  prepared  to  venture 
through  that  formidable  pass.  The  distance  from  cape  Boto  at  the 
end  of  Paria,  and  cape  Lapa,  the  extremity  of  Trinidad,  is  about 
five  leagues ;  but  in  the  interval  there  were  two  islands,  which  Co- 
lumbus named  Caracol  and  Delfin.  The  impetuous 'body  of  fresh 
water  which  flows  through  the  gulf,  particularly  in  the  rainy  months 
of  July  and  August,  is  confined  at  the  narrow  outlets  between  these 
islands,  where  it  causes  a  turbulent  sea,  foaming  and  roaring  as  if 
breaking  over  rocks  and  rendering  the  entrance  and  exit  of  the  gulf 
extremely  dangerous.  The  horrors  and  perils  of  such  places  are 
always  tenfold  to  discoverers,  who  have  no  chart,  or  pilot,  or  advice 
of  previous  voyager  to  guide  them.  Columbus  at  first  apprehended 
sunken  rocks  and  shoals,  but  on  considering  the  commotion  of  the 
Btrait,  he  attributed  it  to  the  conflict  between  the  prodigious  body  of 
fresh  water  setting  through  the  gulf  and  struggling  for  an  outlet, 
and  the  tide  of  salt  water  struggling  to  enter.  The  ships  had  scarcely 
ventured  into  the  fearful  channel  when  the  wind  died  away,  and  they 
were  in  danger  every  moment  of  being  thrown  upon  the  rocks  or 
sands.  The  current  of  fresh  water,  however,  gained  the  victory,  and 
carried  them  safely  through.  The  admiral,  when  once  more  safe  in 
the  open  sea,  congratulated  himself  upon  his  escape  from  this  peril- 
ous strait ;  which,  he  observes,  might  well  be  called  the  mouth  of 
the  Dragon,  t 

He  now  stood  to  the  westward,  running  along  the  outer  coast  of 
Paria,  still  supposing  it  an  island,  and  intending  to  visit  the  Gulf 
of  Pearls,  which  he  imagined  to  be  at  the  end  of  it,  opening  to  the 
sea.  He  wished  to  ascertain  whether  this  great  body  of  fresh  water 
proceeded  from  rivers,  as  the  crew  of  the  caravel  Correo  had  af- 
firmed ;  for  it  appeared  to  him  impossible  that  the  streams  of  mere 
islands,  as  he  supposed  the  surrounding  land,  could  furnish  such  a 
prodigious  volume  of  water. 

On  leaving  the  Boca  del  Dragon,  he  saw  to  the  northeast,  many 
leagues  distant,  two  islands,  which  he  called  Assumption  and  Con- 
ception, probably  those  now  known  as  Tobago  and  Granada.  In 
his  course  along  the  northern  coast  of  Paria,  he  saw  several  other 
small  islands,  and  many  fine  harbours,  to  some  of  which  he  gave 


•  Herrera,  Hist.  Ind.  Decad.  1,  L.  3,  C.  10. 
fIdem.Decad.  l,L.3,C.ll. 


Chap.  Hi.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  371 

names,  but  they  have  ceased  to  be  known  by  them.  On  the  15th 
he  discovered  the  islands  of  Margarita  and  Cubagua,  afterwards 
famous  for  their  pearl  fishery.  The  island  of  Margarita,  about  fif- 
teen leagues  in  length,  and  six  in  breadth,  was  well  peopled.  The 
little  island  of  Cubagua,  lying  between  it  and  the  mainland,  and 
only  about  four  leagues  from  the  latter,  was  dry  and  steril,  without 
either  wood  or  fresh  water,  but  possessing  a  good  harbour.  On  ap- 
proaching this  island,  the  admiral  beheld  a  number  of  Indians  fishing 
for  pearls,  who  made  for  the  land.  A  boat  being  sent  to  communi- 
cate with  them,  one  of  the  sailors  noticed  many  strmgs  of  pearls 
round  the  neck  of  a  female.  Having  a  plate  of  Valentia  ware,  a 
kind  of  porcelain  painted  and  varnished  with  gaudy  colours,  he  broke 
it  and  presented  the  pieces  to  the  Indian  woman,  wh3  gave  him  in 
exchange  a  considerable  number  of  her  pearls.  These  he  carried  to 
the  admiral,  who  immediately  sent  persons  on  shore,  well  provided 
with  Valentian  plates  and  hawks'  bells,  for  which  in  a  little  time  he 
procured  about  three  pounds'  weight  of  pearls,  some  of  which  were 
of  a  very  large  size,  and  were  sent  by  him  afterwards  to  the  sove- 
reigns as  specimens.* 

There  was  great  temptation  to  linger  near  these  shores,  and  to 
visit  other  spots  which  the  Indians  mentioned  as  abounding  in 
pearls.  The  coast  of  Paria  also  continued  extending  to  the  west- 
ward as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach,  rising  into  a  range  of  mountains, 
and  provoking  examination,  to  ascertain  whether,  as  he  began  to 
think,  it  was  a  part  of  the  Asiatic  continent.  Columbus  was  com- 
pelled, however,  though  with  the  greatest  reluctance,  to  forego  this 
most  interesting  investigation.  The  malady  of  his  eyes  had  now 
grown  so  virulent,  that  he  could  no  longer  take  observations,  or  keep  a 
look  out,  but  had  to  trust  to  the  reports  of  the  pilots  and  mariners. 
He  bore  away,  therefore,  for  Hispaniola,  intending  to  repose  there  from 
the  toils  of  his  voyage,  and  to  recruit  his  health,  while  he  should 
send  his  brother,  the  Adelantado,  to  complete  the  discovery  of  this 
important  country.  After  sailing  for  five  days  to  the  northwest,  he 
made  the  island  of  Hispaniola  on  the  19th  of  August,  fifty  leagues 
to  the  westward  of  the  river  Ozema,  the  place  of  his  destination,  and 
anchored  on  the  following  morning  under  the  little  island  of  Beata. 

He  was  astonished  to  find  himself  so  mistaken  in  his  calculations, 
and  so  far  below  his  destined  port ;  but  attributed  it  correctly  to  the 
force  of  the  current,  setting  out  of  the  Boca  del  Dragon,  which, 
while  he  had  lain  to  at  nights,  to  avoid  running  on  rocks  and  shoals, 
had  borne  his  ships  insensibly  to  the  west.     This  current  which  sets 


*  Charlevoix,  Hist.  St.  Doming.  Lib  3,  p.  169, 


972  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  X. 

across  the  Caribbean  sea,  and  the  continuation  of  which  now  bears 
the  name  of  the  Gulf  Stream,  was  so  rapid,  that  on  the  15th,  though 
the  wind  was  but  moderate,  the  ships  had  made  seventj-five  leagues 
in  four  and  twenty  hours.  Columbus  attributed  to  the  violence  of 
this  current  the  formation  of  that  pass  called  the  Boca  del  Dragon, 
where  he  supposed  it  had  forced  its  way  through  a  narrow  isthmus 
that  formerly  connected  Trinidad  with  the  extremity  of  Paria.  He 
imagined,  also,  that  its  constant  operation  had  worn  away  and  inun- 
dated the  borders  of  the  mainland,  gradually  producing  that  fringe 
of  islands  which  stretches  from  Trinidad  to  the  Lucayos,  or  Baha- 
mas, and  which,  according  to  his  idea,  had  originally  been  part  of 
the  solid  continent.  In  corroboration  of  this  opinion,  he  notices  the 
form  of  those  islands,  being  narrow  from  north  to  south,  and  extend- 
ing in  length  from  east  to  west,  in  the  direction  of  the  current.* 

The  island  of  Beata,  where  Columbus  had  anchored,  is  about 
thirty  leagues  to  the  west  of  the  river  Ozema,  where  he  expected  to 
find  the  new  seaport  which  his  brother  had  been  instructed  to  esta- 
blish. The  strong  and  steady  current  from  the  east,  however,  and  the 
prevalence  of  winds  from  that  quarter,  might  detain  him  for  a  long 
time  at  the  island,  and  render  the  remainder  of  his  voyage  slow  and 
precarious.  He  sent  a  boat  on  shore,  therefore,  to  procure  an  Indian 
messenger  to  take  a  letter  to  his  brother  the  Adelantado.  Six  of  the 
natives  came  oflf  to  the  ships,  one  of  whom  was  armed  with  a  Span- 
ish crossbow.  The  anxious  mind  of  the  admiral  was  immediately 
alarmed  at  seeing  a  weapon  of  the  kind  in  the  possession  of  an  In- 
dian. It  was  not  an  article  of  traffic,  and  he  feared  could  only  have 
fallen  into  his  hands  by  the  death  of  some  Spaniard.!  He  appre- 
hended that  further  evils  had  befallen  the  settlements  during  his  long 
absence,  and  that  there  had  again  been  troubles  with  the  natives. 

Having  dispatched  his  messenger,  he  again  made  sail,  and  arrived 
off  of  the  mouth  of  the  river  on  the  30th  of  August.  He  was  met  on 
the  way  by  a  caravel,  on  board  of  which  was  the  Adelantado,  who, 
having  received  his  letter,  had  hastened  forth,  with  affectionate  ar- 
dour, to  welcome  his  arrival.  The  meeting  of  the  brothers  was  a 
cause  of  mutual  joy;  they  were  strongly  attached  to  each  other; 
each  had  had  his  trials  and  sufferings  during  their  long  separation, 
and  each  looked  with  confidence  to  the  other  for  comfort  and  relief. 
Don  Bartholomew  appears  to  have  always  had  great  deference  for  the 
brilliant  genius,  the  enlarged  mind,  and  the  commanding  reputation 
of  his  brother;  while  the  latter  placed  great  reUance,  in  times  of  diffi- 

*  Letter  to  the  king  and  queen,  Navarrete,  Collec  T.  1. 
t  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind,  L.  1,  C.  148. 


Chap.  IV.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS  373 

culty,  on  the  worldly  knowledge,  the  indefatigable  activity,  and  the 
lion-hearted  courage  of  the  Adelantado. 

Columbus  arrived  almost  the  wreck  of  himself.  His  voyages 
were  always  of  a  nature  to  wear  out  the  human  frame,  having  to 
navigate  amidst  unknown  dangers,  and  to  keep  anxious  watch  at 
all  hours  and  in  all  weathers.  As  age  and  infirmity  increased  upon 
him,  these  trials  became  the  more  severe.  His  constitution  must 
originally  have  been  wonderfully  vigorous;  but  constitutions  of  this 
powerful  kind,  if  exposed  to  severe  hardships  at  an  advanced  period 
of  life,  when  the  frame  has  become  somewhat  rigid  and  unaccom- 
modating, are  apt  to  be  suddenly  broken  up,  and  to  be  a  prey,  to 
violent  aches  and  maladies.  In  this  last  voyage  Columbus  had 
been  parched  and  consumed  by  fever,  racked  by  gout,  and  his  whole 
system  disordered  by  incessant  watchfulness;  he  came  into  port  hag- 
gard, emaciated,  and  almost  blind.  His  spirit,  however,  was  as 
usual  superior  to  all  bodily  affliction  or  decay;  and  he  looked  for- 
ward with  magnificent  anticipations  to  the  result  of  his  recent  dis- 
coveries, which  he  intended  should  be  immediately  prosecuted  by 
his  hardy  and  enterprising  brother. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

SPECULATIONS    OF    COLUMBUS  CONCERNING  THE  COAST    OF    PARIA. 

[1498.] 

The  natural  phenomena  of  a  great  and  striking  nature,  which  pre- 
sented themselves  in  the  course  of  this  voyage,  had  powerfully  ex- 
cited the  contemplative  mind  of  Columbus.  In  considering  the  vast 
body  of  fresh  water  which  flows  into  the  gulf  of  Paria,  and  thence 
rushes  with  such  force  into  the  ocean,  he  formed  one  of  his  simple 
and  grand  conclusions.  It  could  not  be  produced  by  an  island,  or 
by  islands;  it  must  be  some  mighty  river  which  had  wandered 
through  a  great  extent  of  country,  collecting  all  its  streams,  and 
pouring  them  in  one  vast  current  into  the  ocean.  The  land,  there- 
fore, which  furnished  such  a  river,  must  be  a  continent.  He  now 
supposed  that  the  various  tracts  of  land  which  he  had  beheld  about 
this  gulf,  were  mostly  connected  together.  That  the  coast  of  Paria 
extended  far  to  the  west,  beyond  a  chain  of  mountains  which  he 

2  G 


374  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  Book  X 

had  beheld  afar  off  from  Margarita;  and  that  the  land  opposite  to 
Trinidad,  instead  of  being  an  island,  continued  to  an  immense  dis- 
tance to  the  south,  far  beyond  the  equator,  into  that  hemisphere  hither- 
to unknown  to  civilized  man.  He  considered  all  this  a^  extension 
of  the  Asiatic  continent;  thus  presuming  that  the  greater  part  of  the 
surface  of  the  globe  was  firm  land.  In  this  last  opinion  he  found 
himself  supported  by  authors  of  the  highest  name,  both  ancient  and 
modern;  among  whom  he  cites  Aristotle  and  Seneca,  St.  Augustine 
and  cardinal  Pedro  de  Aliaco,  to  whose  writings  he  always  attached 
great  value.  He  lays  particular  stress  also  on  the  assertion  of  the 
apochryphal  Esdras  that,  of  seven  parts  of  the  world  six  are  dry 
land,  and  one  part  only  is  covered  with  water. 

The  land,  therefore,  surrounding  the  gulf  of  Paria,  was  but  the 
border  of  an  almost  boundless  continent,  stretching  far  to  the  west 
and  to  the  south,  including  the  most  precious  regions  of  the  earth, 
lying  under  the  most  auspicious  stars  and  benignant  skies;  but  as 
yet  unknown  and  uncivilized,  free  to  be  discovered  and  appropriated 
by  any  Christian  nation.  "  May  it  please  our  Lord,"  he  exclaims 
in  his  letter  to  the  sovereigns,  "  to  give  long  life  and  health  and 
leisure  to  your  highnesses,  that  you  may  prosecute  this  so  noble  en- 
terprise, in  which,  methinks,  God  will  receive  great  service,  Spain 
vast  increase  of  grandeur,  and  all  Christians  much  consolation  and 
delight,  since  the  name  of  our  Saviour  will  be  divulged  throughout 
these  lands." 

So  far  the  deductions  of  Columbus,  though  sanguine,  admit  of 
little  cavil;  but  he  carried  them  still  further,  until  they  ended  in 
what  may  appear  to  some  mere  chimerical  reveries.  In  his  letter  to 
the  sovereigns  he  stated  that  in  his  former  voyages,  when  he  steered 
westward  from  the  Azores,  he  had  observed,  after  sailing  about  a 
hundred  leagues,  a  sudden  and  great  change  in  the  sky  and  the 
stars,  the  temperature  of  the  air,  and  the  calmness  of  the  ocean.  It 
seemed  as  if  a  line  ran  from  north  to  south,  beyond  which  every 
thing  became  different.  The  needle,  which  had  previously  inclined 
toward  the  northeast,  now  varied  a  whole  point  to  the  northwest. 
The  sea,  hitherto  clear,  was  covered  with  weeds,  so  dense,  that  in 
his  first  voyage  he  had  expected  to  run  aground  upon  shoals.  A 
universal  tranquillity  reigned  throughout  the  elements,  and  the 
climate  was  mild  and  genial,  whether  in  summer  or  winter.  On 
taking  his  astronomical  observations  at  night,  after  crossing  that 
imaginary  line,  the  north  star  appeared  to  him  to  describe  a  diurnal 
circle  in  the  heavens,  of  five  degrees  in  diameter. 

On  his  present  voyage  he  had  varied  his  route,  and  had  run  south- 
ward from  the  Cape  de  Verd  islands,  for  the  equinoctial  line.    Before 


Chap.  IV.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  375 

reaching  it,  however,  the  heat  had  become  insupportable,  and  a 
wind  springing  up  from  the  east,  he  had  been  induced  to  strike  west- 
ward when  in  the  parallel  of  Sierra  Leone  in  Guinea.  For  several 
days  he  had  been  almost  consumed  by  scorching  and  stifling  heat, 
under  a  sultry  yet  clouded  sky,  and  in  a  drizzling  atmosphere,  until 
he  arrived  at  the  ideal  line  already  mentioned,  extending  from  north 
to  south.  •  Here  suddenly  to  his  great  relief,  he  had  emerged  into 
serene  weather,  with  a  clear  blue  sky,  and  a  sweet  and  temperate 
atmosphere.  The  further  he  had  proceeded  west,  the  more  pure 
and  genial  he  had  found  the  climate,  the  sea  tranquil,  the  breezes 
soft  and  balmy.  All  these  phenomena  coincided  with  those  he  had 
remarked  at  the  same  line,  though  further  north,  in  his  former  voy- 
ages ;  excepting  that  here  there  was  no  herbage  in  the  sea,  and  the 
movements  of  the  stars  were  different.  The  polar  star  appeared  to 
him  here  to  describe  a  diurnal  circle  of  ten  degrees  in  diameter,  in- 
stead of  five ;  an  augmentation  which  struck  him  with  astonishment, 
but  which,  he  says,  he  ascertained  by  observations  taken  in  different 
nights,  with  his  quadrant.  Its  greatest  altitude  at  the  former  place, 
in  the  parallel  of  the  Azores,  he  had  found  ten  degrees,  and  in  the 
present  place  fifteen. 

From  these  and  other  circumstances,  he  was  inclined  to  doubt  the 
received  theory  with  respect  to  the  form  of  the  earth.  Philosophers 
had  described  it  as  spherical,  but  they  knew  nothing  of  the  part  of 
the  world  which  he  had  discovered.  The  ancient  part,  known  to 
them,  he  had  no  doubt  was  spherical ;  but  he  now  supposed  that  the 
real  form  of  the  earth  was  that  of  a  pear,  one  part  much  more  ele- 
vated than  the  rest,  and  tapering  upwards  toward  the  skies.  This 
part  he  supposed  to  be  in  the  interior  of  this  newly  found  continent, 
and  immediately  under  the  equator.  All  the  phenomena  which  he 
had  previously  noticed,  appeared  to  corroborate  this  theory.  The 
variations  which  he  had  observed  in  passing  the  imaginary  line 
running  from  north  to  south,  he  concluded  to  be  by  the  ships  having 
arrived  at  this  supposed  swelling  of  the  earth,  where  they  began 
gently  to  mount  towards  the  skies,  into  a  purer  and  more  celestial 
atmosphere.*  The  variation  of  the  needle  he  ascribed  to  the  same 
cause,  being  affected  by  the  coolness  and  mildness  of  the  climate, 
varying  to  the  northwest  in  proportion  as  the  ships  continued  on- 
ward in  their  ascent,  t     So,  also,  the  altitude  of  the  north  star,  and 


*  Peter  Martyr  mentions  that  the  admiral  told  him,  that,  from  the  climate  of 
great  heat  and  unwholesome  air,  he  had  ascended  the  back  of  the  sea,  as  it  were 
ascending  a  high  mountain,  towards  heaven.     Decad.  1,  L.  6. 

t  Columbus,  in  his  attempts  to  account  for  the  variation  of  the  needle,  supposed 
that  the  north  star  possessed  the  quality  of  the  four  cardinal  points,  as  did  likewise 


^76  Lll^  AND  VOYAGES  OP  fBooK  X. 

the  circle  it  described  in  the  heavens,  appeared  to  be  greater  in  con- 
Bequence  of  being  regarded  from  a  greater  elevation,  less  obliquely, 
and  through  a  purer  medium  of  atmosphere ;  and  these  phenomena 
would  be  found  to  increase  the  more  one  approached  the  equator, 
from  the  still  increasing  eminence  of  this  part  of  the  earth. 

He  noticed,  also,  the  difference  of  the  climate,  vegetation,  and 
people,  of  this  part  of  the  new  world,  from  those  under  the  same 
parallel  in  Africa.  There  the  heat  was  insupportable,  the  land 
parched  and  steril,  the  inhabitants  were  black,  with  crisped  wool, 
ill-shapen  in  their  forms,  and  dull  and  brutal  in  their  natures.  Here, 
on  the  contrary,  although  the  sun  was  in  Leo,  he  found  the  noontide 
heat  moderate,  the  mornings  and  evenings  fresh  and  cool,  the  coun- 
try green  and  fruitful,  and  covered  with  beautiful  forests,  the  people 
fairer  even  than  those  in  the  lands  he  had  discovered  further  north, 
having  long  hair,  with  well-proportioned  and  graceful  forms,  live- 
ly minds,  and  courageous  dispositions.  All  this,  in  a  latitude  so 
near  to  the  equator,  he  attributed  to  the  superior  altitude  of  this 
part  of  the  world,  by  which  it  was  raised  into  a  more  celestial  region 
of  the  air.  On  turning  northward,  through  the  gulf  of  Paria,  he 
had  found  the  circle  described  by  the  north  star  again  to  diminish. 
The  current  of  the  sea  also  increased  in  velocity,  wearing  away,  as 
has  already  been  remarked,  the  borders  of  the  continent,  and  pro- 
ducing, by  its  incessant  operations,  the  adjacent  islands.  This  was 
a  further  confirmation  of  the  idea  that  he  ascended  in  going  south- 
ward, and  descended  in  returning  northward. 

Aristotle  had  imagined  that  the  highest  part  of  the  earth,  and 
nearest  to  the  skies,  was  under  the  antarctic  pole.  Other  sages  had 
maintained  that  it  was  under  the  arctic.  Hence  it  was  apparent 
that  both  conceived  one  part  of  the  earth  to  be  more  elevated  and 
noble,  and  nearer  to  the  heavens  than  the  rest.  They  did  not  think 
of  this  eminence  being  under  the  equinoctial  line,  observes  Colum- 
bus, because  they  had  no  certain  knowledge  of  this  hemisphere,  but 
only  spoke  of  it  theoretically  and  from  conjecture. 

As  usual  he  assisted  his  theory  by  holy  writ.  "  The  sun,  when 
God  made  it,"  he  observes,  "was  in  the  first  point  of  the  orient ;  or, 
the  first  light  was  there."  That  place,  according  to  his  idea,  muist 
be  here,  in  the  remotest  part  of  the  east,  where  the  ocean  and  the 


the  loadstone*  That  if  the  needle  were  touched  with  one  part  of  the  loadstoijft> 
it  would  point  east,  with  another,  west,  and  so  on.  "Wherefore,  he  adds,  those  who 
prepare  or  magnetize  the  needles,  cover  the  loadstone  with  a  cloth,  so  that  the 
north  part  only  remains  out,  that  is  to  say,  the  part  which  possesses  the  virtue 
of  causing  the  needle  to  point  to  the  north.    Hist,  del  AUnirante^  C.  6^ 


Chap   IV.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  377 

extreme  part  of  India  meet,  under  the  equinoctial  line,  and  where 
the  highest  part  of  the  earth  is  situated. 

^  He  supposed  this  apex  of  the  world,  though  of  immense  height, 
to  be  neither  rugged  nor  precipitous,  but  that  the  land  rose  to  it  by 
gentle  and  imperceptible  degrees.  The  beautiful  and  fertile  shores 
of  Paria  were  situated  on  its  remote  borders ;  abounding,  of  course, 
with  those  precious  articles  which  are  congenial  with  the  most  fa- 
voured and  excellent  climates.  As  one  penetrated  the  interior  and 
gradually  ascended,  the  land  would  be  found  to  increase  in  beauty 
and  luxuriance,  and  in  the  exquisite  nature  of  its  productions ;  until 
one  arrived  at  the  summit  under  the  equator.  This  he  imagined  to 
be  the  noblest  and  most  perfect  place  on  earth ;  enjoying  from  its 
position  an  equality  of  days  and  nights,  and  a  uniformity  of  seasonsj 
and  being  elevated  into  a  serene  and  heavenly  temperature,  above 
the  heats  and  colds,  the  clouds  and  vapours,  the  storms  and  tempests, 
which  deform  and  disturb  the  lower  regions.  In  a  word,  here  he 
supposed  to  be  situated  the  original  abode  of  our  first  parents,  the 
primitive  seat  of  human  innocence  and  bliss,  the  Garden  of  Eden, 
or  terrestrial  Paradise. 

He  imagined  this  place,  according  to  the  opinions  of  the  most  emi- 
nent fathers  of  the  church,  to  be  still  flourishing  possessed  of  all  its 
blissful  delights,  but  inaccessible  to  mortal  feet,  excepting  by  divine 
permission.  From  this  height,  he  presumed,  though  of  course  from 
a  great  distance,  proceeded  this  mighty  stream  of  fresh  water  which 
filled  the  gulf  of  Paria,  and  sweetened  the  salt  ocean  in  its  vicinity ; 
being  supplied  by  the  fountain  mentioned  in  Genesis,  as  springing 
from  the  tree  of  life  in  the  Garden  of  Eden. 

Such  was  the  singular  speculation  of  Columbus,  which  he  detail- 
ed at  full  length,  in  a  letter  to  the  Castilian  sovereigns,*  citing  vari- 
ous authorities  for  his  opinions,  among  which  were  St.  Augustine, 
St.  Isidor,  and  St.  Ambrosius,  and  fortifying  his  theory  with  much 
of  that  speculative  erudition  in  which  he  was  deeply  versed. f  It 
shows  how  his  ardent  mind  was  heated  by  the  magnificence  of  his 
discoveries.  Shrewd  men,  in  the  coolness  and  quietude  of  ordinary 
life,  and  in  these  modern  days  of  cautious  and  sober  fact,  may  smile 


*  Navarrete,  CoUec.  de  Viages,  T.  1,  p.  242, 

t  See  illustrations,  article,  "  Situation  of  the  Terrestrial  Paradise."  ' 

Note.  A  great  part  of  these  speculations  appear  to  have  been  founded  on  the 
treatises  of  the  cardinal  Pierre  de  Alliaco,  ip  which  Columbus  found  a  compendium 
of  the  opinions  of  various  eminent  authors  on  the  subject ;  though  it  is  probable 
he  consulted  many  of  their  works  likewise.  In  the  volume  of  Pierre  de  Alliaco, 
existing  in  the  library  of  the  cathedral  of  Seville,  I  have  traced  the  germs  of  these 
ideas,  in  various  passages  of  the  text,  opposite  to  which  marginal  notes  have  been 
made  in  the  handwriting  of  Columbus,  2  G  2 


SfS  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [BookX. 

at  such  a  reverie ;  but  it  was  countenanced  by  the  speculations  of  the 
most  sage  and  learned  of  those  times ;  and  if  this  had  not  been  the 
case,  could  we  wonder  at  any  sally  of  the  imagination  in  one  placed 
in  the  situation  of  Columbus  1  He  beheld  a  vast  world,  rising,  as  it 
were,  into  existence  before  him ;  its  nature  and  extent  unknown  and 
undefined,  as  yet  a  mere  region  for  conjecture.  Every  day  displayed 
some  new  feature  of  beauty  and  sublimity ;  island  after  island,  whose 
rocks  he  was  told  were  veined  with  gold,  whose  groves  teemed  with 
spices,  or  whose  shores  abounded  with  pearls.  Interminable  ranges 
of  coast,  promontory  beyond  promontory,  stretching  as  far  as  the  eye 
could  reach ;  luxuriant  valleys,  sweeping  away  into  a  vast  interior, 
whose  distant  mountains,  he  was  told,  concealed  still  happier  lands, 
and  realms  of  still  greater  opulence.  When  he  looked  upon  all  this 
region  of  golden  promise,  it  was  with  the  glorious  conviction  that  his 
genius  had  called  it  into  existence ;  he  regarded  it  with  the  triumph- 
ant eye  of  a  discoverer.  Had  not  Columbus  be«n  capable  of  these 
enthusiastic  soarings  of  the  imagination,  he  might,  with  other  sages, 
have  reasoned  calmly  and  coldly  about  the  probability  of  a  continent 
existing  in  the  west,  but  he  would  never  have  had  the  daring  enter- 
prise to  adventure  in  search  of  it  into  the  unknown  realms  of  oceans. 
Still,  in  the  midst  of  his  fanciful  speculations,  we  find  that  solid 
foundation  of  sagacity  which  formed  the  basis  of  his  character.  The 
conclusion  which  he  drew  from  the  great  flow  of  the  Oronoko,  that 
it  must  be  the  outpouring  of  a  continent,  was  shrewd  and  striking-. 
A  learned  Spanish  historian  has  also  ingeniously  excused  other  parts 
of  his  theory.  "  He  suspected,"  observes  he,  "  a  certain  elevation  of 
the  globe  at  one  part  of  the  equator ;  philosophers  have  since  deter- 
mined the  world  to  be  a  spheroid,  slightly  elevated  in  its  equatorial 
circumference.  He  suspected  that  the  diversity  of  temperatures 
influenced  the  needle ;  not  being  able  to  penetrate  the  cause  of  its 
inconstant  variations ;  the  successive  series  of  voyages  and  experi- 
ments have  made  this  inconstancy  more  manifest,  and  have  shown 
that  extreme  cold  sometimes  divests  the  needle  of  all  its  virtue.  Per- 
haps new  observations  may  justify  the  surmise  of  Columbus.  Even 
his  error  concerning  the  circle  described  by  the  polar  star,  which  he 
thought  augmented,  by  an  optical  illusion,  in  proportion  as  the  ob- 
server approached  the  equinox,  manifests  him  a  philosopher  superior 
the  time  in  which  he  lived."* 


•  Muaojv  Hist.  N.  Mundo,  L.  6,  J  32. 


LIFE   AND  VOYAGES 

OF 

CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS. 


BOOK  XI. 


CHAPTER  I. 


ADMINISTRATION     OF     THE     ADELANTADO EXPEDITION     TO     TH« 

PROVINCE    OF    XARAGUA. 

[1498.] 

Columbus  had  anticipated  repose  from  his  toils  on  arriving*  at  His- 
paniola,  but  a  new  scene  of  trouble  and  anxiety  opened  upon  him, 
which  was  destined  to  impede  the  prosecution  of  his  enterprises,  and 
to  affect  all  his  future  fortunes.  To  explain  this,  it  is  necessary  to 
relate  the  occurrences  of  the  island  in  the  long  space  of  time,  dur- 
ing which  he  had  seen  so  injuriously  detained  in  Spain. 

When  he  sailed  for  Europe  in  March,  1496,  his  brother,  Don 
Bartholomew,  who  remained  as  governor,  with  the  title  of  Adelan- 
tado,  took  the  earliest  measures  to  execute  his  directions,  with  respect 
to  the  mines  recently  discovered  by  Miguel  Diaz,  on  the  south  side 
of  the  island.  Leaving  Don  Diego  Columbus  in  command  at  Isa- 
bella, he  repaired  with  a  large  force  to  the  neighbourhood  of  the 
mines,  and  choosing  a  favourable  situation  in  a  place  most  abound- 
ing in  ore,  he  built  a  fortress,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  St 
Christoval.  The  workmen,  however,  finding  grains  of  gold  among 
the  earth  and  stone  employed  in  its  construction,  gave  it  the  name 
of  the  Golden  Tower.* 

The  Adelantado  remained  here  three  months,  superintending  the 
building  of  the  fortress,  and  making  the  necessary  preparations  for 
working  the  mines,  and  purifying  the  ore.  The  progress  of  the 
■work,  however,  was  greatly  impeded  by  scarcity  of  provisions,  hav- 


P.  Martyr,  Decad.  1,  L.  5 


880  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  XI 

ing  frequently  to  detach  a  part  of  the  men  from  their  labours,  and 
to  send  them  about  the  country  in  quest  of  supplies.  The  former 
hospitality  of  the  island  was  at  an  end.  The  Indians  no  longer 
gave  their  provisions  freely ;  they  had  learnt  from  the  white  men  to 
profit  by  the  necessities  of  the  stranger,  and  to  exact  a  price  for  the 
bread  that  was  to  relieve  his  hunger.  Their  scanty  stpres  also  were 
Boon  exhausted ;  for  their  frugal  habits,  and  their  natural  indolence 
and  improvidence,  seldom  permitted  them  to  have  more  provisions  on 
hand  than  was  requisite  for  present  support.  The  Adelantado  found 
it  difficult,  therefore,  to  maintain  so  large  a  force  in  the  neighbour- 
hood, until  they  should  have  time  to  cultivate  the  earth  and  raise 
live  stock,  or  should  receive  suppUes  from  Spain.  Leaving  ten  men 
to  guard  the  fortress,  with  a  dog  to  assist  them  in  catching  utias, 
he  marched  with  the  rest  of  his  men,  about  four  hundred  in  number, 
to  fort  Conception,  in  the  abundant  country  of  the  Vega.  Here  he 
passed  the  whole  month  of  June,  collecting  the  quarterly  tribute, 
being  supplied  with  food  by  Guarionex  and  his  subordinate  ca- 
ciques.* 

In  the  following  month,  (July,  1496,)  the  three  caravals  com- 
manded by  Nino  arrived  from  Spain,  bringing  a  reinforcement  of 
men,  and  what  was  still  more  needed,  a  supply  of  provisions.  The 
latter  was  quickly  distributed  among  the  hungry  colonists,  but  unfor- 
tunately, a  great  part  was  found  to  have  been  injured  during  the 
voyage.  This  was  a  serious  misfortune,  in  a  community  where 
the  least  pressure  of  scarcity  produced  murmur  and  sedition. 

By  these  ships  the  Adelantado  received  letters  from  his  brother, 
directing  him  to  found  a  town  and  seaport  in  the  mouth  of  the  Oze- 
ma,  near  to  the  new  mines.  He  requested  him  also  to  send  prisoners 
to  Spain,  such  of  the  caciques  and  their  subjects  as  had  been  con- 
cerned in  the  death  of  any  of  the  colonists;  that  being  considered  a  suf- 
ficient ground,  by  many  of  the  ablest  jurists  and  theologians  of  Spain, 
for  selling  them  as  slaves.  On  the  return  of  the  caravels,  the  Ade- 
lantado dispatched  three  hundred  Indian  prisoners,  and  three  ca- 
ciques. These  formed  the  ill-starred  cargoes  about  which  Nino  had 
made  such  absurd  vaunting,  as  though  his  ships  were  laden  with 
treasure,  and  which  had  caused  such  mortification,  disappointment, 
and  delay  to  Columbus. 

Having  obtained  by  this  arrival  a  supply  of  provisions,  the  Adelan 
tando  returned  to  the  fortress  of  St.  Christoval,  and  from  thence 
proceeded  to  the  Ozema  to  choose  a  site  for  the  proposed  seaport. 
After  a  careful  examination,  he  chose  the  eastern  bank  of  a  natural 


•  P.  Martyr,  Decad.  1,  L.  5. 


Chap.  I.j  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  381 

haven  at  the  mouth  of  the  river.  It  was  easy  of  access,  of  sufficient 
depth,  and  good  anchorage.  The  river  ran  through  a  beautiful  and 
fertile  country;  its  waters  were  pure  and  salubrious,  and  well 
stocked  with  fish ;  its  banks  were  covered  with  trees  bearing  the  fine 
fruits  of  the  island,  so  that  in  sailing  along  the  fruits  and  flowers 
might  be  plucked  with  the  hand  from  the  branches  which  overhung 
the  stream.*  This  delightful  vicinity  was  the  dwelling  place  of  the 
female  cacique,  who  had  conceived  an  affection  for  the  young  Span- 
iard, Miguel  Diaz,  and  had  induced  him  to  entice  his  countrymen 
to  that  part  of  the  island.  The  promise  she  had  given  of  a  friendly 
reception  on  the  part  of  her  tribe,  was  faithfully  performed. 

On  a  commanding  bank  of  the  harbour  Don  Bartholomew  erected 
a  fortress,  which  at  first  was  called  Isabella,  but  afterwards  St.  Do- 
mingo, and  was  the  origin  of  the  city  which  still  bears  that  name. 
The  Adelantado  was  of  an  active  and  indefatigable  spirit.  No 
sooner  was  the  fortress  completed,  than  he  left  in  it  a  garrison  of 
twenty  men,  and  with  the  rest  of  his  forces  set  out  on  an  expedition 
to  visit  the  dominions  of  Behechio,  one  of  the  principal  chieftains 
of  the  island.  This  cacique,  as  has  already  been  mentioned,  reigned 
over  Xaragua,  a  province  comprising  almost  the  whole  coast  at  the 
west  end  of  the  island,  including  Cape  Tiburon,  and  extending 
along  the  south  side  as  far  as  Point  Aguida,  or  the  small  island  of 
Beata.  It  was  one  of  the  most  populous  and  fertile  districts; 
with  a  delightful  climate,  and  its  inhabitants,  were  softer  and  more 
graceful  in  their  manners  than  the  rest  of  the  islanders.  Being  so 
remote  from  all  the  fortresses,  the  cacique,  although  he  had  taken 
a  part  in  the  combination  of  the  chieftains,  had  hitherto  remained 
free  from  the  incursions  and  exactions  of  the  white  men. 

With  this  cacique  resided  Anacaona,  widow  of  the  late  formidable 
Caonabo.  She  was  sister  to  Behechio,  and  had  taken  refuge  with 
her  brother  after  the  capture  of  her  husband.  She  was  one  of  the 
most  beautiful  females  of  the  island ;  her  name,  in  the  Indian  lan- 
guage, signified  "  The  Golden  Flower."  She  possessed  a  genius 
superior  to  the  generality  of  her  race ,  and  was  said  to  excel  in  com- 
posing those  httle  legendary  ballads,  or  areytos,  which  the  natives 
chanted  as  they  performed  their  national  dances,  All  the  Spanish 
writers  agree  in  describing  her  as  possessing  a  natural  dignity  and 
grace  hardly  to  be  credited  in  her  ignorant  and  savage  condition. 
Notwithstanding  the  ruin  with  which  her  husband  had  been  over- 
whelmed by  the  hostility  of  the  white  men,  she  appears  to  have  en- 
tertained no  vindictive  feeling  towards  them.     She  knew  that  he 


*P.Mftrtyr,D.  l,L,5, 


382  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  XL 

had  provoked  their  vengeance  by  his  own  voluntary  warfare.  She 
regarded  the  Spaniards  with  admiration  as  almost  superhuman 
beings ;  and  her  intelligent  mind  perceived  the  futility  and  impolicy 
of  any  attempt  to  resist  their  superiority  in  arts  and  arms.  Having 
great  influence  over  her  brother  Behechio,  she  counselled  him  to  take 
warning  by  the  fate  of  her  husband,  and  to  conciliate  the  friendship 
of  the  Spaniards ;  and  it  is  supposed  that  a  knowledge  of  the  friendly 
sentiments,  and  powerful  influence  of  this  princess,  in  a  great  mea- 
sure prompted  the  Adelantado  to  his  present  expedition.* 

In  passing  through  those  parts  of  the  island  which  had  hitherto 
been  unvisited  by  the  Europeans,  the  Adelantado  adopted  the  same 
imposing  measures  which  the  admiral  had  used  on  a  former  occa- 
sion ;  he  put  his  cavalry  in  the  advance,  and  entered  all  the  Indian 
towns  in  martial  array,  with  standards  displayed,  and  the  sound  of 
drum  and  trumpet,  inspiring  the  natives  with  great  awe  and  admi- 
ration. 

After  proceeding  about  thirty  leagues,  he  came  to  the  river  Ney  va, 
which,  issuing  from  the  mountains  of  Cibao,  divides  the  southern 
side  of  the  island.  Crossing  this  stream,  he  dispatched  two  parties, 
of  ten  men  each,  along  the  seacoast  in  search  of  brazil  wood.  They 
found  great  quantities,  and  felled  many  trees,  which  they  stored  in 
the  Indian  cabins,  until  they  could  be  taken  away  by  sea. 

Inclining  with  his  main  force  to  the  right,  the  Adelantado  met,  not 
far  from  the  river,  with  the  cacique  Behechio,  with  a  great  army  of 
his  subjects,  armed  with  bows,  arrows,  and  lances.  If  he  had  come 
forth  with  an  intention  of  opposing  this  inroad  into  his  forest  do- 
mains, he  was  probably  daunted  by  the  formidable  appearance  of  the 
Spaniards.  Laying  aside  his  weapons,  he  advanced  and  accosted 
the  Adelantado  very  amicably ;  professing  that  he  was  thus  in  arms 
for  the  purpose  of  subjecting  certain  villages  along  the  river,  and  in- 
quiring at  the  same  time  the  object  of  this  incursion  of  the  Span- 
iards. The  Adelantado  assured  him  that  he  came  in  peace,  to  visit 
him  and  his  territories,  and  to  pass  a  little  time  with  him  in  friendly 
intercourse  at  Xaragua.  He  succeeded  so  well  in  allaying  the  ap- 
prehensions of  the  cacique,  that  he  dismissed  his  army,  and  sent 
swift  messengers  in  advance,  to  announce  his  approach,  and  to  or- 
der preparations  for  the  suitable  reception  of  so  distinguished  a  guest. 

As  the  Spaniards  advanced  into  the  territories  of  the  chieftain, 
and  passed  through  the  districts  of  his  inferior  caciques,  the  latter 
brought  forth  cassava  bread,  hemp,  cotton,  etnd  the  various  produc- 


Charlevoix,  Hist.  St.  Doming.  L.  2,  p.  147.    Munoz,  Hist.  N.  Mundo, 
L.  6,  $  6. 


Chap   I.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  383 


tions  of  the  land.  At  length  they  drew  near  to  the  residence  of  Be- 
hechio,  which  was  a  large  town  situated  in  a  beautiful  part  of  the 
country,  near  the  coast,  at  the  bottom  of  that  deep  bay  called  at 
present  the  Bight  of  Leogan. 

The  Spaniards  had  heard  many  accounts  of  the  soft  and  delight- 
ful region  of  Xaragua,  in  one  part  of  which  some  of  the  Indian 
traditions  placed  their  elysian  fields.  They  had  heard  much  also  of 
the  beauty  and  urbanity  of  the  inhabitants  ;  the  mode  of  their  recep- 
tion was  calculated  to  confirm  their  favourable  prepossessions.  As 
they  approached  the  place,  thirty  females  of  the  cacique's  household 
came  forth  to  meet  them,  singing  their  areytos  or  traditionary  bal- 
lads, and  dancing  and  waving  palm-branches.  The  married  fe- 
males wore  aprons  of  embroidered  cotton,  reaching  half  way  to  the 
knee  ;  the  young  women  were  entirely  naked,  with  merely  a  fillet 
round  the  forehead,  their  hair  falling  upon  their  shoulders.  They 
were  beautifully  proportioned,  their  skin  smooth  and  delicate,  and 
their  complexion  of  a  clear  and  agreeable  brown.  According  to 
old  Peter  Martyr,  the  Spaniards,  when  they  beheld  them  issuing 
forth  from  their  green  woods,  almost  imagined  they  beheld  the  fabled 
dyrades  or  native  nymphs  and  fairies  of  the  fountains,  sung  by  the 
ancient  poets.  When  they  came  before  Don  Bartholomew  they 
knelt,  and  gracefully  presented  him  the  green  branches.* 

After  these  came  the  female  cacique  Anacaona,  reclining  on  a  kind 
of  Ught  litter,  borne  by  six  Indians.  Like  the  other  females,  she  had 
no  other  covering  than  an  apron  of  various  coloured  cotton.  She 
wore  round  her  head  a  fragrant  garland  of  red  and  white  flowers, 
and  wreaths  of  the  same  round  her  neck  and  arms.  She  received 
the  Adelantado  and  his  followers  with  that  natural  grace  and  cour- 
tesy for  which  she  was  celebrated  ;  manifesting  no  hostility  towards 
them  for  the  fate  her  husband  had  experienced  at  their  hands.  On 
the  contrary,  she  seemed  from  the  first  to  conceive  for  them  great 
admiration  and  sincere  friendship. 

The  Adelantado  and  his  officers  were  now  conducted  to  the  house 
of  Behechio,  where  a  banquet  was  served  up  of  utias,  a  great  variety 
of  sea  and  river  fish,  with  the  roots  and  fine  fruits  which  formed  the 
principal  food  of  the  Indians.  Here  first  the  Spaniards  conquered 
their  repugnance  to  the  guana,  the  favourite  delicacy  of  the  Indians, 
but  which  the  former  had  regarded  with  disgust,  as  a  species  of  ser- 
pent. The  Adelantado,  willing  to  accustom  himself  to  the  usages 
of  the  country,  was  the  first  to  taste  of  this  animal,  being  kindly 
pressed  thereto  by  Anacaona.     His  followers  imitated  his  example  j 


♦  P.  Martyr,  Decad.  1,  L.  5. 


884  UFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  XI. 

they  found  it  to  be  highly  palatable  and  delicate,  and  from  that  time 
forward  the  guana  began  to  get  into  repute  among  Spanish  epicures.* 

The  banquet  being  over,  Don  Bartholomew  and  six  of  his  princi- 
pal cavaliers  were  lodged  in  the  dwelling  of  Behechio ;  the  rest  were 
distributed  in  the  houses  of  the  inferior  caciques,  where  they  slept  in 
hammocks  of  netted  cotton,  the  usual  beds  of  the  natives. 

For  two  days  they  remained  with  the  hospitable  Behechio,  enter- 
tained with  various  Indian  games  and  festivities,  among  which  the 
most  remarkable  was  the  representation  of  a  battle.  Two  squadrons 
of  naked  Indians,  armed  v/ith  bows  and  arrows,  sallied  suddenly  into 
the  public  square,  and  began  to  skirmish  in  a  manner  similar  to  the 
Moorish  play  of  canes,  or  tilting  reeds.  By  degrees  they  became 
excited,  and  fought  with  such  earnestness,  that  four  were  slain  and 
many  wounded  ;  which  seemed  to  increase  the  interest  and  pleasure 
of  the  spectators.  The  contest  would  have  continued  longer,  and 
might  have  been  still  more  bloody,  had  not  the  Adelantado  and  the 
other  cavaliers  interfered,  and  begged  that  the  game  might  cease. t 

When  the  festivities  were  over,  and  familiar  intercourse  had  pro- 
moted mutual  confidence,  the  Adelantado  addressed  the  cacique  and 
Anacaona,  on  the  real  object  of  his  visit.  He  informed  them  that 
his  brother  the  admiral,  had  been  sent  to  this  island  by  the  sovereigns 
of  Castile,  who  were  great  and  mighty  potentates,  with  many  king- 
doms under  their  sway.  That  the  admiral  had  returned  to  apprize 
his  sovereigns  how  many  tributary  caciques  there  were  in  the  island, 
leaving  him  in  command;  and  that  he  had  come  to  receive  Be- 
hechio under  the  protection  of  these  mighty  sovereigns,  and  to  ar- 
range a  tribute  to  be  paid  by  him,  in  such  manner  as  should  be 
most  convenient  and  satisfactory  to  himself  J 

The  cacique  was  greatly  embarrassed  by  this  demand,  knowing 
the  sufferings  that  had  been  inflicted  on  the  other  parts  of  the  island 
by  the  avidity  of  the  Spaniards  for  gold.  He  replied  that  he  had 
been  apprized  that  gold  was  the  great  object  for  which  the  white 
men  had  come  to  their  island,  and  that  a  tribute  was  paid  in  it  by 


•  These  serpentes  are  lyke  unto  crocodiles  saving  in  bygness,  they  call  them  gu- 
anas. Unto  that  day  none  of  owre  men  durste  adventure  to  taste  of  them,  by 
reason  of  theyre  horrible  deformitie  and  loathsomness.  Yet,  the  Adelantado,  be 
ing  entysed  by  the  pleasantness  of  the  kynge's  syster  Anacaona,  determined  to 
taste  of  the  serpentes.  But  when  he  felte  the  fleshe  thereof  to  be  so  ddlycate  to 
his  tongue,  he  fel  too  amayne  without  a'  feare.  The  which  thing  his  companions 
perceiving,  were  not  behynde  him  in  greedynesse,  insomuche  that  they  had  now 
none  other  talke  than  of  the  sweetenesse  of  these  serpentes,  which  they  affirm 
to  be  of  more  pleasant  taste  than  eyther  owre  phesantes  or  partreches.  P.  Martyr 
Decad.  1,  B.  5.  Eden's  Eng.  trans. 

t  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.  L.  1,  C.  1 14.        }  Idem. 


Chap.  II.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  385 

some  of  his  fellow  caciques;  but  that  in  no  part  of  his  territories  was 
gold  to  be  found,  and  his  subjects  hardly  knew  what  it  was.  To 
this  the  Adelantado  replied,  with  great  adroitness,  that  nothing  was 
further  from  the  intention  or  wish  of  his  sovereigns,  than  to  require  a 
tribute  in  things  not  produced  in  his  dominions,  but  that  it  might  be 
paid  in  cotton,  hemp,  and  cassava  bread,  with  which  the  surround- 
ing country  appeared  to  abound.  The  countenance  of  the  cacique 
brightened  at  this  intimation,  he  promised  cheerful  compliance,  and 
instantly  sent  orders  to  all  his  subordinate  caciques  to  sow  abun- 
dance of  cotton  for  the  first  payment  of  the  stipulated  tribute. 
Having  made  all  the  requisite  arrangements,  the  Adelantado  took 
the  most  friendly  leave  of  the  worthy  Behechio  and  his  sister,  and 
set  out  for  Isabella, 

Thus  by  amicable  and  sagacious  management,  one  of  the  most 
extensive  provinces  of  the  island  was  brought  into  cheerful  subjec- 
tion; and,  had  not  the  wise  policy  of  the  Adelantado  been  defeated 
by  the  excesses  of  worthless  and  turbulent  men,  a  large  revenue 
might  have  been  collected,  without  any  recourse  to  violence  or  op- 
pression. In  all  instances,  these  simple  people  appear  to  have  been 
extremely  tractable,  and  meekly,  and  even  cheerfully,  to  have  re- 
signed their  rights  to  the  white  men,  when  treated  with  gentleness 
and  humanity. 


CHAPTER  n. 


ESTABLISHMENT     OF    A    CHAIN     OF     MILITARY     POSTS INSURREC- 
TION   OF    GUARIONEX,    THE    CACIQUE    OF    THE    VEGA. 

[1496.] 

On  arriving  at  Isabella,  Don  Bartholomew  found  it,  as  usual,  a 
scene  of  misery  and  repining.  Many  had  died  during  his  absence; 
most  were  ill.  Those  w^ho  were  healthy  complained  of  the  scarcity 
of  food,  and  those  who  were  ill,  of  the  want  of  medicines.  The  pro- 
visions which  had  been  distributed  among  them  fifom  the  supplies 
brought  out  a  few  months  before  by  Pedro  Alonzo  Nino,  had  been  con- 
sumed. The  colonists,  partly  from  sickness,  and  partly  from  repug- 
nance to  labour,  had  neglected  to  cultivate  the  surrounding  country, 
and  the  Indians,  on  whom  they  had  chiefly  depended,  outraged  by 
Vol.  I  25  2  H 


386  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  FBook  XI 

their  oppressions,  had  abandoned  the  vicinity,  and  fled  to  the  moun- 
tains; choosing  rather  to  subsist  on  roots  and  herbs,  in  their  rugged 
retreats  than  remain  in  the  luxuriant  plains,  subject  to  the  wrongs 
and  cruelties  of  the  white  men.  The  history  of  this  island  presents 
continual  pictures  of  the  miseries,  the  actual  want,  and  poverty  pro- 
duced by  the  grasping  avidity  for  gold.  It  had  rendered  the  Span- 
iards heedless  of  all  the  less  obvious,  but  more  certain  and  salubrious 
sources  of  wealth.  All  labour  seemed  lost,  that  was  to  produce 
profit  by  a  circuitous  process.  Instead  of  cultivating  the  luxuriant 
soil  around  them,  and  deriving  real  treasures  from  its  surface,  they 
wasted  their  time  in  seeking  for  mines  and  golden  streams,  and  were 
starving  in  the  midst  of  fertility. 

No  sooner  were  the  provisions  exhausted,  which  had  been  brought 
out  by  Nino,  than  the  colonists  began  to  break  forth  in  their  accus- 
tomed murmurs.  They  represented  themselves  as  neglected  by  Co- 
lumbus, who,  amidst  the  blandishments  and  delights  of  a  court, 
thought  little  of  their  suiFerings.  They  considered  themselves 
equally  forgotten  by  government;  while,  having  no  vessel  in  the 
harbour,  they  were  destitute  of  all  means  of  sending  home  intelli- 
gence of  their  disastrous  situation,  and  of  imploring  relief. 

To  remove  this  last  cause  of  discontent,  and  to  furnish  some  ob- 
ject for  their  hopes  and  thoughts  to  rally  round,  the  Adelantado 
ordered  that  two  caravels  should  be  built  at  Isabella,  for  the  use  of 
the  island.  To  relieve  the  settlement  also  from  all  useless  and  re- 
pining individuals,  during  this  time  of  scarcity,  he  distributed  such 
as  were  too  ill  to  labour  or  to  bear  arms  into  the  interior;  where  they 
would  have  the  benefit  of  a  better  climate,  and  more  abundant  sup- 
ply of  Indian  provisions.  He  established,  at  the  same  time,  a  chain 
of  military  posts  between  Isabella  and  the  new  port  of  St.  Domingo. 
They  consisted  of  five  fortified  houses,  each  surrounded  by  its  de- 
pendent hamlet.  The  first  of  these  was  about  nine  leagues  from 
Isabella,  and  was  called  La  Esperanza.  Six  leagues  beyond,  was 
Santa  Catarina.  Four  leagues  and  a  half  further,  was  Santiago, 
and  five  leagues  further,  fort  Conception;  which  was  fortified  with 
great  care,  being  at  the  foot  of  the  golden  mountains  of  Cibao,  in 
the  vast  and  populous  Vega,  and  within  half  a  league  of  the  resi- 
dence of  its  cacique,  Guarionex.*  Having  thus  relieved  Isabella  of 
all  its  useless  population,  and  left  none  but  such  as  were  too  ill  to  be 
removed,  or  were  required  for  the  service  and  protection  of  the  place, 
and  the  construction  of  the'caravels,  the  Adelantado  returned,  with 
a  large  body  of  the  most  effective  men,  to  the  fortress  of  St. 
Domingo. 


*  P.  Martyr,  D.  1,  L.  5. 


Chap.  II.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  38? 

The  military  posts  thus  established,  succeeded  for  a  time  in  over- 
awing the  natives  ;  but  fresh  hostilities  soon  began  to  be  manifested, 
excited  hy  a  different  cause  from  the  preceding.  Among  the  mis- 
sionaries who  had  accompanied  father  Boyle  to  the  island,  were 
two  friars,  of  far  greater  zeal  than  their  superior.  When  he  re- 
turned to  Spain,  they  remained  behind,  earnestly  bent  upon  the  ful- 
filment of  their  mission.  One  was  called  Roman  Pane,  a  poor  her- 
mit, as  he  styled  himself,  of  the  order  of  St.  Geronimo;  the  other 
was  Juan  Borgonon,  a  Franciscan.  They  resided  for  some  time 
among  the  Indians  of  the  Vega,  strenuously  endeavouring  to  make 
converts.  They  had  succeeded  with  one  family  consisting  of  six- 
teen persons ;  the  chief  of  which,  on  being  baptized,  had  taken  the 
name  of  Juan  Mateo.  The  conversion  of  the  cacique  Guarionex, 
however,  was  the  great  object  of  their  pious  labours.  The  extent 
and  importance  of  his  possessions,  made  his  conversion  of  great  con- 
sequence to  the  interests  of  the  colony ;  and  the  zealous  fathers  con- 
sidered it  a  means  of  bringing  his  numerous  subjects  under  the  do- 
minion of  the  church.  For  some  time  the  cacique  lent  a  willing  ear. 
He  learnt  the  Paternoster,  the  Ave  Maria,  and  the  Creed,  and  made 
his  whole  family  repeat  them  daily.  The  other  caciques  of  the 
Vega,  and  of  the  province  of  Cibao,  however,  reproached  him  and 
scoffed  at  him,  for  meanly  conforming  to  the  laws  and  customs  of 
the  strangers,  who  were  usurpers  of  his  possessions,  and  oppressors 
«f  his  nation.  The  friars  complained  that,  in  consequence  of  these 
evil  communications,  their  fancied  convert  suddenly  relapsed  into 
his  infidelity;  but  another  and  more  grievous  cause  is  assigned  for 
his  recantation.  His  favourite  wife  was  seduced,  or  treated  with 
outrage,  by  one  of  the  Spaniards  of  some  authority  ;  and  the  indig- 
nant cacique  renounced  all  faith  in  a  reUgion  which,  as  he  sup- 
posed, admitted  of  such  atrocities.  Losing  all  hope  of  effecting 
the  conversion  of  Guarionex,  the  missionaries  removed  to  the  terri- 
tories of  another  cacique,  taking  with  them  Juan  Mateo,  their  In- 
dian convert.  Before  their  departure  they  erected  a  small  chapel, 
and  furnished  it  with  an  altar,  crucifix,  and  images,  for  the  use  of 
the  family  of  Mateo. 

The  friars  had  scarcely  departed,  when  several  Indians  entered 
the  chapel,  broke  the  images  in  pieces,  trampled  them  under  foot, 
and  buried  them  in  a  neighbouring  field.  This,  it  was  said,  was 
done  by  order  of  Guarionex,  in  contempt  of  the  holy  religion  from 
which  he  had  apostatized.  A  complaint  of  this  enormity  was  car- 
ried to  the  Adelantado,  who  ordered  a  process  to  be  immediately  in- 
stituted, and  those  who  were  found  culpable,  to  be  punished  accord- 
ing to  the  law.    It  was  a  period  of  great  rigour  in  ecclesiastical  law, 


388  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  XI. 

especially  among  the  Spaniards.  In  Spain  all  heresies  in  religion, 
all  recantations  from  the  faith,  and  all  acts  of  sacrilege,  either  by 
Moor  or  Jew,  were  punished,  with  fire  and  fagot.  Such  was  the 
fate  of  the  poor  ignorant  Indians,  convicted  of  this  outrage  on  the 
church.  It  is  questionable  whether  Guarionex  had  any  hand  in  this 
offence,  and  it  is  probable  that  the  whole  affair  was  exaggerated.  A 
proof  of  the  credit  due  to  the  evidence  brought  forward,  may  be 
judged  by  one  of  the  facts  recorded  by  Roman  Pane,  the  "  poor  her- 
mit." The  field  in  which  the  holy  images  were  buried,  was  planted, 
he  says,  with  certain  roots  shaped  like  a  turnip,  or  radish,  several 
of  which  coming  up  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  images,  were  found 
to  have  grown  most  miraculously  in  the  form  of  a  cross.* 

The  cruel  punishment  inflicted  on  these  Indians,  instead  of  daunt- 
ing their  countrymen,  filled  them  with  horror  and  indignation.  They 
had  not  been  accustomed  to  such  stern  rule  and  vindictive  justice ; 
and  having  no  clear  ideas,  or  powerful  sentiments,  with  respect  to 
religion  of  any  kind,  they  could  not  comprehend  the  nature  or  ex- 
tent of  the  crime  committed.  Even  Guarionex,  a  man  naturally 
moderate  and  pacific,  was  highly  incensed  with  the  assumption  of 
power  within  his  territories,  and  the  inhuman  death  inflicted  on  his 
subjects.  The  other  caciques  perceived  his  irritation,  and  endea- 
voured to  induce  him  to  unite  in  a  sudden  insurrection,  that  by  one 
general  and  vigorous  effort,  they  might  break  the  yoke  of  their  op- 
pressors. Guarionex  wavered  for  some  time.  He  knew  the  martial 
skill  and  prowess  of  the  Spaniards.  He  stood  in  awe  of  their  ca- 
valry ;  and  he  had  before  him  the  disastrous  fate  of  Caonabo.  But 
he  was  rendered  bold  by  despair,  and  he  beheld  in  the  domination 
of  these  strangers  the  assured  ruin  of  his  race.  The  early  writers 
speak  of  a  tradition  current  among  the  inhabitants  of  the  island,  res- 
pecting this  Guarionex.  He  was  of  an  ancient  line  of  hereditary 
caciques.  His  father,  in  times  long  preceding  the  discovery,  having 
fasted  for  five  days  according  to  their  superstitious  observances,  ap- 
plied to  his  zemi,  or  household  deity,  for  information  of  things  to 
come.  He  received  for  answer,  that  within  a  few  years  there  should 
come  to  the  island  a  nation  covered  with  clothing,  which  should 
destroy  all  their  customs  and  ceremonies,  and  should  slay  their  chil- 
dren, or  reduce  them  to  painful  servitude.!  This  tradition  was  pro- 
bably invented  by  the  butios,  or  priests,  of  the  Indians,  after  the , 
Spaniards  had  begun  to  exercise  their  severities.  Whether  their 
prediction  had  an  effect  in  disposing  the  mind  of  Guarionex  to  hos- 
tilities against  the  strangers  is  uncertain.     Some  have  asserted  that 


•  Escritura  de  Fr.  Roman.   Hist,  del  Almirante.       \  Peter  Martyr,  D.  1,  L.  ^ 


Chap.  II.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  389 

he  was  compelled  to  take  up  arms  by  the  importunities  of  his  sub- 
jects, who  still  flattered  themselves  with  the  hope  of  success,  and 
threatened,  in  case  of  his  refusal,  to  choose  some  other  chieftain : 
while  others  have  alleged  the  outrage  committed  upon  his  favourite 
wife,  as  the  principal  cause  of  irritation.*  It  was  probably  all  these 
things  combined,  which  at  length  induced  the  unfortunate  cacique 
to  listen  to  the  counsels  of  his  neighbouring  chieftains,  and  to  enter 
into  their  conspiracy.  A  secret  consultation  was  held  among  them, 
wherein  it  was  concerted,  that  on  the  day  of  payment  of  their  quar- 
terly tribute,  when  a  great  number  could  assemble  without  causing 
suspicion,  they  should  suddenly  rise  upon  the  Spaniards  and  mas- 
sacre them.f 

By  some  means  the  garrison  at  Fort  Conception,  received  inti- 
mation of  this  conspiracy.  Being  but  a  handful  of  men,  and  sur- 
rounded by  hostile  tribes,  they  were  alarmed  for  their  safety.  They 
immediately  dispatched  an  Indian  messenger  to  the  Adelantado,  at 
St.  Domingo,  begging  immediate  assistance.  How  to  get  this  let- 
ter to  his  hands  was  an  anxious  question ;  their  safety  depended 
upon  it.  The  Indian  messenger  might  be  intercepted,  and  the  letter 
taken  from  him,  for  the  natives  had  discovered  that  these  letters  had 
a  wonderful  power  of  communicating  intelligence,  and  fancied  that 
they  could  talk.  The  letter  was  therefore  enclosed  in  a  reed,  which 
the  messenger  used  as  a  staff.  He  was,  in  fact,  intercepted,  but  af- 
fected to  be  dumb  and  lame.  He  spoke  only  by  signs,  intimating 
that  he  was  returning  to  his  home,  and  leaning  on  his  staff,  limped 
along  with  extreme  difficulty.  He  was  suffered  to  depart,  apd 
dragged  himself  feebly  forward  until  out  of  sight,  when  he  resumed 
his  speed,  and  bore  the  letter  safely  and  expeditiously  to  St.  Do- 
mingo. J: 

The  Adelantado,  with  his  characteristic  promptness  and  activity, 
immediately  set  out  with  a  body  of  troops  for  the  fortress;  and 
though  his  men  were  much  enfeebled  by  scanty  fare,  hard  service, 
and  long  marches,  he  hurried  them  rapidly  forward.  Never  did  aid 
arrive  more  opportunely.  The  Indians  were  already  assembled  in 
the  plain,  to  the  amount  of  many  thousands,  armed  after  their  man- 
ner, and  waiting  for  the  appointed  time  to  strike  the  blow.  After 
consulting  with  the  commander  of  the  fortress,  and  the  other  princi- 
pal officers,  the  Adelantado  concerted  his  mode  of  proceedirig.  As- 
certaining the  places  in  which  the  various  caciques  had  distributed 
their  forces,  he  appointed  an  officer  with  a  body  of  men  to  each 

*  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.  L.  1,  C.  121. 

t  Herrera,  D.  1,  L.  3,  C  5.    P.  Martyr,  D,  1,  L.  5, 

t  Herrera,  Hist.  Ind.  D.  1,  L.  3,  C.  6.  o  tr  « 

4  sii  2 


390  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  XL 

cacique,  with  orders  at  an  appointed  hour  of  the  night  to  rush  sud- 
denly into  the  villages  where  they  were  sleeping,  to  surprise  them 
unarmed  and  unsuspecting,  and  to  bind  the  caciques  and  bring  them 
off  prisoners,  before  their  subjects  could  assemble  for  their  defence. 
As  Guarionex  was  the  most  important  personage,  and  his  capture 
would  probably  be  attended  with  most  difficulty  and  danger,  the 
Adelantado  took  the  charge  of  it  upon  himself,  at  the'  head  of  one 
hundred  men. 

This  sagacious  stratagem,  founded  upon  a  knowledge  of  the  at- 
tachment of  the  Indians  to  their  chieftains,  and  calculated  to  spare  a 
great  effusion  of  bloody  was  completely  successful  The  villages, 
having  no  walls,  nor  other  defences,  were  quietly  entered  at  midnight, 
and  the  Spaniards,  rushing  suddenly  into  the  houses  where  the 
caciques  were  quartered,  seized  and  bound  them,  to  the  number  of 
fourteen,  and  hurried  them  off  prisoners  to  the  fortress,  before  any 
effort  could  be  made  for  their  defence  or  rescue.  The  Indians,  struck 
with  terror  and  confusion,  made  no  resistance,  nor  any  show  of  hos- 
tility ;  surrounding  the  fortress  in  great  multitudes,  but  without 
weapons,  they  filled  the  air  with  doleful  bowlings  and  lamentations,, 
imploring  the  release  of  their  chieftains.  The  Adelantado  completed 
his  enterprise  with  the  spirit,  sagacity  and  moderation  with  which 
he  had  hitherto  conducted  it.  He  obtained  information  of  the  causes 
which  had  led  to  this  conspiracjT-,  and  of  the  individuals  who  had 
been  most  culpable.  Two  of  the  caciques,  the  principal  movers  of 
the  insurrection,  and  who  had  most  wrought  upon  the  easy  nature 
of  Guarionex,  were  put  to  death.  As  to  that  unfortunate  cacique, 
the  Adelantado  ascertained  the  deep  wrongs  he  had  suffered,  and 
the  slowness  with  which  he  had  been  provoked  to  revenge.  He 
magnanimously  pardoned  him :  nay,  according  to  Las  Casas,  he 
proceeded  with  stern  justice  against  the  Spaniard,  whose  outrage  on 
the  wife  of  the  cacique  had  sunk  so  deeply  in  his  heart.  The  Ade- 
lantado extended  his  lenity  also  to  the  remaining  chieftains  of  the 
conspiracy.  Apprehensive  that  severe  measures  might  incense  their 
subjects,  or  drive  them  to  despondency,  and  induce  them  to  abandon 
the  Vega,  he  held  forth  to  them  promises  of  great  favours  and  re- 
wards, if  they  should  continue  firm  in  their  loyalty ;  but  terrible  pu- 
nishments,  should  they  again  be  found  in  rebellion.  The  heart  of 
Guarionex  was  subdued  by  the  unexpected  clemency  of  the  Adelan- 
tado. He  made  a  speech  to  his  people,  setting  forth  the  irresistible 
might  and  valour  of  the  Spaniards ;  their  great  lenity  to  offenders, 
and  their  generosity  to  such  as  were  faithful;  and  he  earnestly  ex- 
horted them  henceforth  to  cultivate  their  friendship.  The  Indians 
listened  to  him  with  attention ;  his  praises  of  the  white  men  werQ 


Chap.  III.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS  391 

confirmed  in  their  minds  by  this  great  instance  of  moderation  on  the 
part  of  the  Adelantado.  When  their  cacique  had  concluded,  they 
took  him  up  with  transport  on  their  shoulders,  bore  hira  to  his  habita- 
tion with  songs  and  shouts  of  joy,  and  for  some  time  the  tranquillity 
of  the  Vega  was  restored.* 


CHAPTER  III 

THE    ADELANTADO    REPAIRS    TO    XARAGUA    TO    RECEIVE   TRIBUTE, 

[  1497.  ] 

With  all  his  energy  and  discretion,  the  Adelantado  found  it  difiicult 
to  manage  the  proud  and  turbulent  spirits  of  the  Spanish  colonists. 
Their  discontents,  and  their  impatience  of  any  salutary  rule  in- 
creased day  by  day.  They  could  ill  brook  the  rigorous  sway  of  a 
foreigner,  who,  when  they  attempted  to  be  restive,  curbed  them  with 
a  firm  and  iron  hand.  Don  Bartholomew  had  not  the  same  legiti- 
mate authority  in  their  eyes,  as  his  brother.  The  splendid  reputation 
of  the  admiral  gave  dignity  and  grandeur  to  his  name.  He  was  the 
discoverer  of  the  country,  and  the  authorized  representative  of  the 
sovereigns ;  yet  even  him  they  with  difficulty  brought  themselves  to 
obey.  The  Adelantado,  however,  was  regarded  by  many  of  them 
as  a  mere  intruder,  shouldering  himself  into  power  on  the  merits  and 
services  of  his  brother,  and  possessing  no  authority  from  the  crown 
for  such  high  command.  They  spoke  with  impatience  and  indigna- 
tion of  the  long  absence  of  the  admiral,  and  of  his  fancied  inattention 
to  their  wants;  little  aware  of  the  incessant  anxieties  he  was  suffer- 
ing on  their  account,  during  his  detention  in  Spain.  The  sagacious 
measure  of  the  Adelantado,  in  building  the  caravels,  for  some  time 
diverted  their  attention.  They  watched  their  progress  with  solicitude, 
looking  upon  them  as  a  means  either  of  obtaining  relief,  or  of  aban- 
doning the  island.  Don  Bartholomew  was  aware  that  repining  and 
discontented  men  should  never  be  left  in  idleness.  He  sought  con- 
tinual means  of  keeping  them  in  movement ;  and  indeed  a  state  of 
constant  activity  was  congenial  to  his  own  vigorous  spirit.  About 
this  time,  messengers  arrived  from  Behechio,  cacique  of  Xaragua, 
informing  him  that  he  had  large  quantities  of  cotton,  and   other 


*  P.  Martyr,  D.  1,  L.  5.    Herrera,  H.  Ind.  D.  1,  L.  3,  C.  a 


892  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  XI. 

articles,  in  which  his  tribute  was  to  be  paid,  ready  for  delivery.  The 
Adelantado  immediately  summoned  a  numerous  train,  who  gladly 
set  forth  with  him  to  revisit  this  fruitful  and  happy  region.  They 
were  again  received  with  songs  and  dances,  and  all  the  national 
demonstrations  of  respect  and  amity,  by  Behechio  and  his  sister  Ana- 
caona.  The  latter  appeared  to  be  highly  popular  among  the  natives, 
and  to  have  almost  as  much  sway  in  Xaragua  as  her  brother.  Her 
natural  ease,  and  the  graceful  dignity  of  her  manners,  more  and  more 
won  the  admiration  of  the  Spaniards. 

The  Adelantado  found  thirty-two  inferior  caciques  assembled  in 
the  house  of  Behechio,  awaiting  his  arrival,  with  their  respective 
tributes.  The  cotton  which  they  had  brought  amounted  to  so  great 
a  quantity,  as  to  fill  one  of  their  houses  :  having  delivered  this,  they 
gratuitously  offered  the  Adelantado  to  give  him  as  much  cassava 
bread  as  he  desired.  The  offer  was  most  acceptable,  in  the  present 
necessitous  state  of  the  colony ;  and  Don  Bartholomew  sent  to  Isa- 
bella, for  one  of  the  caravels,  which  was  nearly  finished,  to  be  dis- 
patched as  soon  as  possible  to  Xaragua,  to  be  freighted  with  bread 
and  cotton. 

In  the  meantime,  the  utmost  kindness  was  lavished  on  the  Span- 
iards by  these  gentle  and  generous  people ;  they  brought  from  all 
quarters  large  supplies  of  provisions,  and  they  entertained  their  guests 
with  continual  festivity  and  banqueting.  The  early  Spanish  writers, 
whose  imaginations  were  heated  by  the  accounts  of  the  voyagers, 
and  who  could  not  form  an  idea  of  the  simplicity  of  savage  life, 
especially  in  these  newly  discovered  countries  which  were  supposed 
to  border  upon  Asia,  often  speak  in  terms  of  oriental  magnificen^'-eof 
the  entertainments  of  the  natives,  the  palaces  of  the  caciques,  and 
the  lords  and  ladies  of  their  courts ;  as  if  they  were  describing  the 
abodes  of  Asiatic  potentates,  The  accounts  given  of  Xaragua,  how- 
ever, have  a  different  character ;  and  give  a  picture  of  savage  life,  in 
its  perfection  of  idle  and  ignorant  enjoyment.  The  troubles  which 
distracted  the  other  parts  of  devoted  Hayti,  had  not  yet  reached  the 
inhabitants  of  this  pleasant  region.  Living  among  beautiful  and 
fruitful  groves,  on  the  borders  of  a  sea  which  appeared  for  ever  tran- 
quil and  unvexed  by  storms ;  having  few  wants,  and  those  readily 
supplied,  they  appeared  emancipated  from  the  common  lot  of  labour, 
and  to  pass  their  lives  in  one  uninterrupted  holy-day.  When  the 
Spaniards  regarded  the  fertility  and  sweetness  of  this  country,  the 
gentleness  of  its  people,  and  the  beauty  of  its  women,  they  pronounc- 
ed it  a  perfect  paradise. 

At  length  the  caravel  arrived  which  was  to  be  freighted  with  the 
articles  of  tribute.     It  anchored  about  six  miles  distant  from  the  resi- 


Chap.  HI.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS-  393 

dence  of  Behechio,  and  Anacaona  proposed  to  her  brother  that  thej^ 
should  go  together,  to  behold  what  she  called  the  great  canoe  of  the 
white  men.  On  their  waj  to  the  coast,  the  Adelantado  was  lodged 
one  night  in  a  village,  in  a  house  where  Anacaona  treasured  up  all 
those  articles  which  she  esteemed  most  rare  and  precious.  They 
consisted  of  various  manufactures  of  cotton  ingeniously  wrought  ; 
of  vessels  of  clay  moulded  into  different  forms ;  of  chairs,  tables,  and 
other  articles  of  furniture,  formed  of  ebony  and  other  kinds  of  wood, 
carved  with  various  devices,  all  evincing  great  skill  and  ingenuity, 
in  a  people  who  had  no  iron  tools  to  work  with.  Such  were  the 
simple  treasures  of  ^this  Indian  princess,  of  which  she  generously 
made  numerous  presents  to  her  guest. 

Nothing  could  exceed  the  wonder  and  delight  of  this  intelligent 
woman,  when  she  first  beheld  the  ship.  Her  brother,  who  treated 
her  with  a  fraternal  fondness,  and  respectful  attention  worthy  of 
civilized  life,  had  prepared  two  canoes,  gaily  painted  and  decorated; 
one  to  convey  her  and  her  attendants,  and  the  other  for  himself  and 
his  chieftains,  Anacaona,  however,  preferred  to  embark,  with  her 
attendants,  in  the  ship's  boat,  with  the  Adelantado.  As  they  ap- 
proached the  caravel,  the  cannon  fired  a  salute.  At  the  sound  of  this 
sudden  thunder,  and  the  sight  of  volumes  of  smoke,  bursting  from  the 
sides  of  the  ship,  and  rolling  along  the  sea,  Anacaona,  overcome 
with  dismay,  fell  into  the  arms  of  the  Adelantado,  and  her  attend- 
ants would  have  leapt  overboard  in  their  affright.  The  laughter 
and  the  cheerful  words  of  Don  Bartholomew,  however,  speedily 
reassured  them.  As  they  drev/  nearer  to  the  vessel,  several  instru- 
ments of  martial  music  struck  up,  with  which  they  were  greatly 
delighted.  Their  admiration  increased  on  entering  on  board  of  the 
caravel.  Accustomed  only  to  their  simple  and  slight  canoes,  every 
thing  here  appeared  to  be  prodigiously  strong  and  complicated,  and 
on  a  wonderfully  vast  scale.  But  when  the  anchor  was  weighed, 
the  sails  were  spread,  and,  aided  by  a  gentle  breeze,  they  beheld  this 
vast  mass,  moving  as  it  were  by  its  own  volition,  veering  from  side 
to  side,  and  playing  like  a  huge  monster  on  the  deep,  the  brother  and 
sister  remained  gazing  at  each  other  in  mute  astonishment.*  No- 
thing seems  to  have  filled  the  mind  of  the  most  stoical  savage  with 
more  wonder,  than  that  sublime  and  beautiful  triumph  of  human 
genius,  a  ship  under  sail. 

Having  freighted  and  dispatched  the  caravel,  the  Adelantado 
made  many  presents  to  Behechio,  his  sister,  and  their  attendants,  and 
took  leave  of  them,  to  return  by  land,  with  his  troops,  to  Isabella, 


*  P.  Martyr,  D.  1,  L.  5.     Herrera,  D.  1,  Lib.  3,  C.  6. 


394  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  XL 

Anacaona  showed  great  affliction  at  their  parting,  entreating  him  to 
remain  some  time  longer  with  them,  and  appearing  fearful  that  they 
had  failed  in  their  humble  attempts  to  please  him.  She  even  offered 
to  follow  him  to  the  settlement,  nor  would  she  be  consoled  until  he 
had  promised  to  return  again  to  Xaragua.* 

It  is  impossible  not  to  be  struck  with  the  great  ability  shown  by 
the  Adelantado  in  the  course  of  his  transient  government  of  the 
island.  Wonderfully  alert  and  active,  he  made  repeated  marches  of 
great  extent,  from  one  remote  province  to  another,  and  was  always 
at  the  post  of  danger  at  the  critical  moment.  By  skilful  manage- 
ment he  had,  with  a  handful  of  men,  defeated  a  formidable  insur- 
rection, without  any  effusion  of  blood.  He  had  conciliated  the  most 
inveterate  enemies  among  the  natives,  by  his  great  moderation,  while 
he  deterred  all  wanton  hostilities  by  the  infliction  of  signal  punish- 
ments. He  had  made  firm  friends  of  the  most  important  chieftains, 
brought  their  dominions  under  cheerful  tribute,  opened  new  sources 
of  supplies  for  the  colony ;  and  procured  relief  for  its  immediate 
wants.  Had  his  judicious  measures  been  seconded  by  those  under 
is  command,  the  whole  country  would  have  been  a  scene  of  tran- 
quil prosperity,  and  would  have  produced  great  revenues  to  the 
crown,  without  cruelty  to  the  natives;  but,  like  his  brother  the  ad- 
miral, his  good  intentions,  and  judicious  arrangements  were  con- 
stantly thwarted  by  the  vile  passions,  and  perverse  conduct  of  others. 
While  he  was  absent  from  Isabella,  new  mischiefs  had  been  fomented 
there,  which  were  soon  to  throw  the  whole  island  into  confusion. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

CONSPIRACY    OF    ROLDAN. 

[1497.] 


The  prime  mover  of  the  present  mischief  in  the  colony  was  one 
Francisco  Roldan,  a  man  who  was  under  the  deepest  obligations  to 
the  admiral.  Raised  by  him  from  poverty  and  obscurity,  he  had 
been  employed  at  first  in  menial  capacities;  but,  showing  strong 
natural  talents,  and  great  elssiduity,  he  had  been  made  ordinary 
alcalde,  equivalent  to  justice  of  the  peace.     The  able  manner  in 

•  Ramusio,  V.  3,  p.  9. 


Chap.  IV.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  395 

which  he  had  acquitted  himself  in  this  situation,  and  the  persuasion 
of  his  great  fidelity  and  gratitude,  had  induced  Columbus,  on  de- 
parting for  Spain,  to  appoint  him  alcalde  mayor,  or  chief  judge  of 
the  island.  It  is  true  he  was  an  uneducated  man,  but,  as  there  were 
as  yet  no  intricacies  of  law  in  the  colony,  the  office  required  little 
else  than  shrewd  good  sense,  and  upright  principles,  for  its  dis- 
charge.* 

Roldan  was  one  of  those  base  spirits  which  grow  venomous  in 
the  sunshine  of  prosperity.  He  had  seen  his  benefactor  return  to 
Spain  apparently  under  a  cloud  of  disgrace ;  a  long  interval  had 
elapsed  without  any  tidings  from  him;  he  considered  him  a  fallen 
man,  and  began  to  devise  how  he  might  profit  by  his  downfal.  He 
was  intrusted  with  an  office  inferior  only  to  that  of  the  Adelantado; 
the  brothers  of  Columbus  were  highly  unpopular ;  he  imagined  it 
possible  to  ruin  them,  both  with  the  colonists  and  with  the  govern- 
ment at  home,  and  by  dexterous  cunning  and  bustling  activity,  to 
work  his  way  into  the  command  of  the  colony.  The  vigorous  and 
somewhat  austere  character  of  the  Adelantado  for  some  time  kept 
him  in  awe ;  but  when  he  was  absent  from  the  settlement,  Roldan 
was  able  to  carry  on  his  machinations  with  confidence.  Don 
Diego,  who  then  commanded  at  Isabella,  was  an  upright  and  worthy 
man,  but  deficient  in  energy.  Roldan  felt  himself  his  superior  in 
jtalent  and  spirit,  and  his  self-conceit  was  wounded  at  being  inferior 
to  him  in  authority.  He  soon  made  a  party  among  the  daring  and 
dissolute  of  the  community,  and  secretly  loosened  the  ties  of  order 
and  good  government,  by  listening  to  and  encouraging  the  discon- 
tents of  the  common  people,  and  directing  them  against  the  character 
and  conduct  of  Columbus  and  his  brothers.  He  had  heretofore 
been  employed  as  superintendent  of  various  public  works ;  this  had 
brought  him  into  habits  of  familiar  communication  with  workmen, 
sailors  and  others  of  the  lower  order.  His  originally  vulgar  cha- 
racter enabled  him  to  adapt  himself  to  their  intellects  and  manners, 
while  his  present  station  gave  him  consequence  in  their  eyes.  Find- 
ing them  full  of  murmurs  about  hard  treatment,  severe  toil,  and  the 
long  absence  of  the  admiral,  he  affected  to  be  moved  by  their  dis- 
tresses. He  threw  out  suggestions  that  the  admiral  might  never 
return,  being  disgraced  and  ruined,  in  consequence  of  the  representa- 
tions of  Aguado.  He  sympathized  with  the  hard  treatment  they 
experienced  from  the  Adelantado  and  his  brother  Don  Diego,  who 
being  foreigners  could  take  no  interest  in  their  welfare,  nor  feel  a 
proper  respect  for  the  pride  of  a  Spaniard;  but  who  used  them 


»Herrera,D.l,L.  3,C.  1. 


396  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  rBooK  XI. 

merely  as  slaves,  to  build  houses  and  fortresses  for  them,  or  to  swell 
their  state,  and  secure  their  power,  as  thej  marched  about  the  island, 
enriching  themselves  with  the  spoils  of  the  caciques.  By  this 
means  he  exasperated  their  feelings  to  such  a  height,  that  it  is  said 
they  had  at  one  time  formed  a  conspiracy  to  take  away  the  life  of 
the  Adelantado  by  way  of  delivering  themselves  from  an  odious 
tyrant.  The  time  and  place  for  the  perpetration  of  the  act  were 
concerted.  The  Adelantado  had  condemned  to  death  a  Spaniard 
of  the  name  of  Berahona,  a  friend  of  Roldan,  and  of  several  of  the 
conspirators.  What  was  his  offence  is  not  precisely  stated,  but  from 
a  passage  in  Las  Casas,*  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  he  was  the 
very  Spaniard  who  had  violated  the  favourite  wife  of  Guarionex, 
the  cacique  of  the  Vega.  The  Adelantado  would  be  present  at  the 
execution.  It  was  arranged,  therefore,  that  when  the  populace 
were  assembled,  a  tumult  should  be  made  as  if  by  accident,  and  in 
the  confusion  of  the  moment  Don  Bartholomew  should  be  dispatched 
with  a  poniard.  Fortunately  for  the  Adelantado,  he  pardoned  the 
criminal,  the  assemblage  did  not  take  place,  and  the  plan  of  the 
conspirators  was  disconcerted,  f 

When  Don  Bartholomew  was  absent  collecting  the  tribute  in 
Xaragua,  Roldan  thought  that  it  was  a  favourable  time  to  bring 
affairs  to  a  crisis.  He  had  sounded  the  feehngs  of  the  colonists, 
and  ascertained  that  there  was  a  large  party  disposed  for  open  sedi- 
tion. His  plan  was  to  create  a  popular  tumult ;  to  interpose  in  his 
official  character  of  alcalde  mayor,  to  throw  the  blame  upon  the 
oppression  and  injustice  of  Don  Diego  and  his  brother,  and  while 
he  usurped  the  reins  of  authority,  to  appear  as  if  actuated  only  by 
zeal  for  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the  islands,  and  the  interests 
of  the  sovereigns. 

A  pretext  soon  presented  itself/for  the  proposed  tumult.  When  the 
caravel  returned  from  Xaragua,  laden  with  the  Indian  tributes,  and 
the  cargo  was  discharged,  Don  Diego  had  the  vessel  drawn  up  on 
the  land,  to  protect  it  from  accidents,  or  from  any  sinister  designs 
of  the  disaffected  colonists.  Roldan  immediately  pointed  this  cir- 
cumstance out  to  his  partizans.  He  secretly  inveighed  against  the 
hajdship  of  having  this  vessel  drawn  on  shore,  instead  of  being  left 
afloat  for  the  benefit  of  the  colony,  or  sent  to  Spain  to  make  known 
their  distresses.  He  hinted  that  the  true  reason  was  the  fear  of  the 
Adelantado  and  his  brother,  lest  accounts  should  be  carried  to  Spain 
of  their  misconduct;  and  he  affirmed  that  they  wished  to  remain 
undisturbed  masters  of  the  island,  and  keep  the  Spaniards  there  as 


*  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.  MS.  L.  1,  C.  118.        t  Hist,  del  Almirante,  C.  73. 


Chap.  IV.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS  397 

subjects,  or  rather  as  slaves.  The  people  took  fire  at  these  sugges- 
tions. They  had  long  looked  forward  to  the  completion  of  the 
caravels  as  their  only  chance  for  relief;  they  now  became  openly 
clamorous  and  insisted  that  the  vessel  should  be  launched,  and  sent 
to  Spain  for  supplies.  Don  Diego  endeavoured  to  convince  them 
of  the  folly  of  their  demand,  the  vessel  not  being  rigged  and  equipped 
for  such  a  voyage ;  but  the  more  he  attempted  to  pacify  them  by 
fair  words  the  more  unreasonable  and  turbulent  they  became. 
Roldan,  also,  became  more  bold  and  explicit  in  his  instigations.  He 
advised  them  to  launch  and  take  possession  of  the  caravel,  as  the 
only  mode  of  regaining  their  independence.  They  might  then 
throw  off  the  tyranny  of  these  upstart  strangers,  enemies  in  their 
hearts  to  the  Spaniards,  and  might  lead  a  life  of  ease  and  pleasure; 
sharing  equally  all  that  they  might  gain  by  barter  in  the  island; 
employing  the  Indians  as  slaves  to  work  for  them  and  enjoying 
unrestrained  indulgence  with  respect  to  the  Indian  women.* 

Don  Diego  received  intimation  of  what  was  fermenting  among 
the  people,  and  of  the  dangerous  intrigues  of  Roldan,  yet  he  feared 
to  come  to  an  open  rupture,  in  the  present  mutinous  state  of  the 
colony.  He  suddenly  detached  him  therefore,  with  forty  men,  to  the 
Vega,  under  pretext  of  overawing  certain  of  the  natives,  who  had 
refused  to  pay  their  tribute,  and  had  shown  a  disposition  to  revolt, 
Roldan  made  use  of  this  opportunity  to  strengthen  his  faction.  He 
made  friends  and  partizans  among  the  discontented  caciques;  secretly 
justifying  them  in  their  resistance  to  the  imposition  of  tribute,  and 
promising  them  redress.  He  secured  the  devotion  of  his  own  soldiers 
by  great  acts  of  indulgence,  disarming  and  dismissing  such  as  refused 
full  participation  in  his  plans,  and  returned  with  his  little  band  to 
Isabella,  where  he  felt  secure  of  a  strong  party  among  the  commoQ 
people. 

The  Adelantado  had  by  this  time  returned  from  Xaragua;  but 
Roldan,  feeling  himself  at  the  head  of  a  strong  faction,  and  arrogat- 
ing to  himself  great  authority  from  his  official  station,  now  openly 
demanded  that  the  caravel  should  be  launched,  or  license  given  to 
himself  and  his  followers  to  launch  it.  The  Adelantado,  peremp- 
torily refused ;  observing  that  neither  he  nor  his  companions  were 
mariners,  nor  was  the  caravel  furnished  and  equipped  for  sea;  and 
that  neither  the  safety  of  the  vessel,  or  of  the  people,  should  be  endan- 
geredby  their  attempt  to  navigate  her. 

Roldan  perceived  that  his  motives  were  suspected,  and  felt  that 
the  Adelantado  was  too  formidable  an  adversary  to  contend  with,  in 


Hist,  del  Almirante,  Cap.  73.  - 


398  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  XI. 

any  open  sedition,  at  Isabella,  He  determined,  therefore,  to  carry 
his  plans  into  operation  in  some  more  favourable  part  of  the  island; 
always  trusting  to  excuse  any  open  rebellion  against  the  authority 
of  Don  Bartholomew,  by  representing  it  as  a  patriotic  opposition  to 
his  tyranny  over  Spaniards.  He  had  seventy  well  armed  and 
determined  men  under  his  command,  and  he  trusted,  on  erecting  his 
standard,  to  be  joined  by  all  the  disaffected  throughout  the  island. 
He  set  off  suddenly,  therefore,  for  the  Vega;  intending  to  surprise 
tlie  fortress  of  Conception,  and  by  getting  command  of  that  post,  and 
the  rich  country  adjacent,  to  set  the  Adelantado  at  defiance. 

He  stopped,  on  his  way,  at  various  Indian  villages,  in  which  the 
Spaniards  were  distributed,  endeavouring  to  enlist  the  latter  in  his 
party  by  holding  out  promises  of  great  gain  and  free  living.  He 
attempted  also  to  seduce  the  natives  from  their  allegiance,  by  promis- 
ing them  freedom  from  all  tribute.  Those  caciques  with  whom  he 
had  maintained  a  previous  understanding,  received  him  with  open 
arms,  particularly  one  who  had  taken  the  name  of  Diego  Marque, 
whose  village  he  made  his  head-quarters,  being  about  two  leagues 
from  fort  Conception.  He  was  disappointed  in  his  hopes  of  sur- 
prising the  fortress.  Its  commander,  Miguel  Ballester,  was  an  old 
and  staunch  soldier,  both  resolute  and  wary.  He  drew  himself 
into  his  strong  hold,  on  the  approach  of  Roldan,  and  closed  his  gates. 
His  garrison  was  small,  but  the  fortification,  situated  on  the  side  of  a 
hill,  with  a  river  running  at  its  foot,  was  proof  against  any  assault. 
Roldan  had  still  some  hopes  that  Ballester  might  be  disaffected  to 
government,  and  might  be  gradually  brought  into  his  plans ;  or  that 
the  garrison  would  be  disposed  to  desert,  tempted  by  the  licentious 
life  which  he  permitted  among  his  followers.  In  the  neighbourhood 
was  the  town  inhabited  by  Guarionex.  Here  were  quartered  thirty 
soldiers,  under  the  command  of  captain  Garcia  de  Barrantes.  Rol- 
dan repaired  thither  with  his  armed  force,  hoping  to  enlist  Barrantes 
and  his  party ;  but  the  captain  shut  himself  up  with  his  men  in  a 
fortified  house,  refusing  to  permit  them  to  hold  any  communication 
with  Roldan.  The  latter  threatened  to  set  fire  to  the  house ;  but, 
after  a  little  consideration,  contented  himself  with  seizing  their  store 
of  provisions,  and  then  marched  towards  fort  Conception,  which 
was  not  quite  half  a  league  distant.* 


*  Herrera,  Decad.  1,  L.  3,  C.  7.    Hist,  del  Almirante,  Cap.  74. 


Chap.  V.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS. 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE    ADELANTA.DO    REPAIRS    TO    THE    VEGA    IN    RELIEF    OF    FORT 
CONCEPTION HIS    INTERVIEW    WITH    ROLDAN. 

[1497.] 

The  Adelantado  had  received  intelligence  of  the  flagitious  proceed- 
ings of  Roldan ;  jet  for  a  time  he  hesitated  to  set  out  in  pursuit  of 
him.  He  had  lost  all  confidence  in  the  loyalty  of  the  people  around 
him ;  he  knew  not  how  far  the  conspiracy  extended,  nor  on  whom 
he  could  rely.  Diego  de  Escobar,  alcayde  of  the  fortress  of  La 
Madalenci,  together  with  Adrian  de  Moxica  and  Pedro  de  Valdivieso, 
all  principal  men,  were  in  league  with  Roldan.  He  feared  that  the 
commander  of  fort  Conception  might  likewise  be  in  the  plot,  and 
the  whole  island  in  arms  against  him.  He  was  reassured,  however, 
by  tidings  from  Miguel  Ballester.  That  loyal  veteran  wrote  to  him 
pressing  letters  for  succour,  representing  the  weakness  of  his  garri- 
son, and  the  increasing  forces  of  the  rebels. 

Don  Bartholomew  now  hastened  to  his  assistance,  with  his  ac- 
customed promptness,  and  threw  himself  with  a  reinforcement  into 
the  fortress.  Being  ignorant  of  the  force  of  the  rebels,  and  doubt- 
ful of  the  loyality  of  his  own  followers,  he  determined  to  adopt 
mild  measures.  Understanding  that  Roldan  was  quartered  at  a 
village  but  half  a  league  distant,  he  sent  a  messenger  to  him,  re- 
monstrating on  the  flagrant  irregularity  of  his  conduct,  the  injury 
it  was  calculated  to  produce  in  the  island,  and  the  certain  ruin  it  must 
bring  upon  himself  He  summoned  him  to  appear  at  the  fortress, 
pledging  his  word  for  his  personal  safety.  Roldan  repaired  accord- 
ingly to*  fort  Conception,  where  the  Adelantado  held  a  parley  with 
him  from  a  window,  demanding  the  reason  of  his  appearing  in  arms 
in  opposition  to  royal  authority.  Roldan  replied  hardily,  that  he 
was  in  the  service  of  his  sovereigns,  defending  their  subjects  from 
the  oppressions  of  men  who  sought  their  destruction.  The  Adelan- 
tado ordered  him  to  surrender  his  staff  of  oflice,  as  alcalde  mayor, 
and  to  submit  peaceably  to  superior  authority.  Roldan  refused  to 
resign  his  office,  or  to  put  himself  in  the  power  of  Don  Bartholo- 
mew, whom  he  charged  with  seeking  his  life.     He  refused  also  to 


400 


LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP 


[Book  XI. 


submit  to  any  trial,  unless  commanded  by  the  king.  Pretending, 
however,  to  make  no  resistance  to  the  peaceable  exercise  of  authority, 
he  offered  to  go  with  his  followers,  and  reside  at  any  place  the  Ade- 
lantado  might  appoint.  The  latter  immediately  designated  the  vil- 
lage of  the  cacique  Diego  Colon,  the  same  native  of  the  Lucayos 
islands  who  had  been  baptized  in  Spain,  and  had  since  married  a 
daughter  of  Guarionex.  Roldan  objected;  pretending  that  there 
were  not  sufficient  provisions  to  be  had  there  for  the  subsistence  of 
his  men,  and  departed,  declaring  that  he  would  seek  a  more  eligible 
residence  elsewhere.* 

He  now  proposed  to  his  followers  to  take  possession  of  the  remote 
province  of  Xaragua.  The  Spaniards  who  had  returned  from 
thence,  had  given  voluptuous  accounts  of  the  life  they  had  led  there; 
of  the  fertility  of  the  soil,  the  sweetness  of  the  climate,  the  hospi- 
tality and  gentleness  of  the  people,  their  feasts,  dances,  and  various 
amusements,  and  above  all,  the  beavity  of  the  women ;  for  they  had 
been  captivated  by  the  naked  charms  of  the  dancing  nymphs  of 
Xaragua.  In  this  delightful  region,  emancipated  from  the  iron  rule 
of  the  Adelantado,  and  relieved  from  the  necessity  of  irksome 
labour,  they  might  lead  a  life  of  perfect  freedom  and  indulgence, 
and  have  a  world  of  beauty  at  their  command.  In  short,  Roldan 
drew  a  picture  of  loose  sensual  enjoyment,  such  as  he  knew  to  be 
irresistible  with  men  of  idle  dissolute  habits.  His  followers  acceded 
with  joy  to  his  proposition ;  some  preparations,  however,  were  neces- 
sary to  carry  it  into  eiFect.  Taking  advantage  of  the  ateence  of 
the  Adelantado,  he  suddenly  marched  off  with  his  band  to  Isabella, 
nnd  entering  it  in  a  manner  by  surprise,  endeavoured  to  launch  the 
caravel,  with  which  they  might  sail  to  Xaragua.  Don  Diego  Co- 
lumbus hearing  the  tumult,  issued  forth  with  several  persons  of  dis- 
tinction; but  such  was  the  force  of  the  mutineers,  and  their 
menacing  conduct,  that  he  was  obliged  to  withdraw,  with  a  number 
of  his  faithful  adherents,  into  the  fortress.  Roldan  had  several  par- 
leys with  him,  and  offered  to  submit  to  his  command,  provided  he 
would  set  himself  up  in  opposition  to  his  brother  the  Adelantado. 
His  proposition  was  treated  with  scorn.  The  fortress  was  too  strong 
to  be  assailed  with  success,  he  found  it  impossible  to  launch  the 
caravel,  and  feared  the  Adelantado  might  return,  and  he  be  enclosed 
between  two  forces.  He  proceeded,  therefore,  in  all  haste,  to  make 
provisions  for  the  proposed  expedition  to  Xaragua.  Still  pretending  to 
act  in  his  official  capacity,  and  to  do  every  thing  from  loyal  motives 
for  the  protection  and  support  of  the  oppressed  subjects  of  the  crown, 


*  Herrera  D.  1  L.  3,  C.  7.    Hist,  del  Almirante,  Cap.  74. 


Chap.  V.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  ^01 

he  broke  open  the  royal  warehouse,  with  shouts  of  "  Long  live  the 
king !"  supplied  his  followers  with  arms,  ammunition,  clothing,  and 
whatever  they  desired  from  the  public  stores ;  proceeded  to  the  enclo- 
sure where  the  cattle  and  other  European  animals  were  kept  to  breed ; 
took  whatever  he  thought  necessary  for  his  intended  establishment ; 
and  permitted  his  followers  to  kill  such  of  the  remaining  cattle  as 
they  might  want  for  present  supply.  Having  committed  this  waste- 
ful ravage,  he  marched  in  triumph  out  of  Isabella.*  Reflecting, 
however,  on  the  prompt  and  vigorous  character  of  the  Adelantado, 
he  felt  that  his  situation  would  be  but  little  secure  with  such  an  ac- 
tive enemy  behind  him ;  who,  on  extricating  himself  from  present 
perplexities,  would  not  fail  to  pursue  him  to  his  proposed  paradise 
of  Xaragua.  He  determined,  therefore,  to  march  again  to  the 
Vega,  and  endeavour  either  to  get  possession  of  the  person  of  the 
Adelantado,  or  to  strike  some  blow  at  him,  in  his  present  crippled 
state,  that  should  disable  him  from  yielding  future  molestation.  Re- 
turning, therefore,  to  the  vicinity  of  fort  Conception,  he  endeavoured 
in  every  way,  by  the  means  of  subtle  emissaries,  to  seduce  the  gar- 
rison to  desertion,  or  to  stir  it  up  to  revolt. 

The  Adelantado  had  ample  information  of  the  machinations  of 
the  enemy,  and  of  his  own  personal  danger.  He  dared  not  take  the 
field  with  his  forces,  having  no  confidence  in  their  fidelity.  He 
knew  that  they  listened  wistfully  to  the  emissaries  of  Roldan,  and 
contrasted  the  meagre  fare  and  stern  discipline  of  the  garrison,  with 
the  abundant  cheer  and  easy  misrule  that  prevailed  among  the  re- 
bels. To  counteract  these  seductions,  he  relaxed  from  his  usual 
strictness,  treating  his  men  with  great  indulgence,  and  promising 
them  large  rewards.  By  these  means  he  was  enabled  to  maintain 
some  degree  of  loyalty  among  his  forces,  his  service  having  the  ad- 
vantage over  that  of  Roldan,  of  being  on  the  side  of  government  and 
law. 

Finding  that  his  attempts  to  corrupt  the  garrison  were  unsuccess- 
ful, and  fearing  some  sudden  sally  from  the  vigorous  Adelantado, 
Roldan  drew  off  to  a  distance,  and  sought  by  all  insidious  means  to 
strengthen  his  own  power,  and  weaken  that  of  the  government. 
He  asserted  equal  right  to  manage  the  affairs  of  the  island  with  the 
Adelantado,  and  pretended  to  have  separated  from^  him  on  account 
of  his  being  passionate  and  vindictive  in  the  exercise  of  his  authority. 
He  represented  him  as  the  tyrant  of  the  Spaniards,  the  oppressor  of 
the  Indians.  For  himself,  he  assumed  the  character  of  a  redresser 
of  grievances,  and  champion  of  the  injured.     He  pretended  to  feel  a 


*  Hist  del  Almirante,  Cap.  74.    Herrera,  D.  1,  L.  3,  C.  7. 

Vol.  I.  26  2  12 


402  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  XL 

patriotic  indignation  at  the  indignities  heaped  upon  Spaniards  by  a 
family  of  obscure  and  arrogant  foreigners ;  and  professed  to  free  the 
natives  from  tributes  wrung  from  them  by  these  rapacious  men,  for 
their  own  enrichment,  and  contrary  to  the  beneficent  intentions  of 
the  Spanish  monarchs.  He  connected  himself  closely  with  the 
Carib  cacique  Manieaotex,  brother  of  the  late  Caonabo^  whose  son 
and  nephew  were  in  his  possession  as  hostages  for  payment  of 
tribute.  This  warlike  chieftain  he  conciliated  by  presents  and  ca- 
resses, bestowing  on  him  the  appellation  of  brother.*  In  fact,  the 
unhappy  natives,  deceived  by  his  professions,  and  overjoyed  at  the 
idea  of  having  a  protector  in  arms  for  their  defence,  submitted  cheer- 
fully to  a  thousand  impositions,  supplying  his  followers  with  pro- 
visions in  abundance,  and  bringing  to  Roldan  all  the  gold  they 
could  collect;  voluntarily  yielding  him  heavier  tributes  than  those 
from  which  he  pretended  to  free  them. 

The  affairs  of  the  island  were  now  in  a  lamentable  situation. 
The  Indians,  perceiving  the  dissensions  among  the  white  men,  and 
encouraged  by  the  protection  of  Roldan,  began  to  throw  off  all  alle- 
giance to  the  government.  The  caciques  at  a  distance  ceased  to  send 
in  their  tributes ;  and  those  who  were  near  by,  were  excused  by  the 
Adelantado,  that,  by  indulgence,  he  might  retain  their  friendship  in 
this  time  of  danger.  Roldan's  faction  daily  gained  strength;  they 
ranged  insolently  and  at  large  in  the  open  country,  cherished  by  the 
misguided  natives,  while  the  Spaniards  who  remained  loyal,  fearing 
conspiracies  among  the  natives,  had  to  keep  under  shelter  of  the 
fort,  or  in  the  strong  houses  which  they  had  erected  in  the  villages. 
The  commanders  were  obliged  to  palliate  all  kinds  of  slights  and  in-- 
dignities,  both  from  their  soldiers  and  from  the  Indians,  fearful  of 
driving  them  to  sedition  by  any  severity.  The  clothing,  and  muni- 
tions of  all  kind,  either  for  maintenance  or  defence,  were  rapidly 
wasting  away,  and  the  want  of  all  supplies  or  tidings  from  Spain, 
was  sinking  the  spirits  of  the  well  affected  into  despondency.  The 
Adelantado  was  shut  up  in  fort  Conception,  in  daily  expectation  of 
being  openly  besieged  by  Roldan,  and  secretly  informed  that  means 
were  taken  to  destroy  him,  should  he  issue  from  the  walls  of  the 
fortress,  t 

Such  was  the  desperate  state  to  which  the  colony  was  reduced, 
in  consequence  of  the  long  detention  of  Columbus  in  Spain,  and  the 
impediments  thrown  in  the  way  of  all  his  measures  for  the  benefit  of 
the  island,  by  the  delays  of  cabinets  and  the  chicanery  of  Fonseca 
and  his  satellites.     At  this  critical  juncture,  when  faction  reigned 


*  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.  L.  1,  C.  118. 
i  Idem,  Lib.  1,  Cap.  119. 


Chap.  VI.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  403 

triumphant,  and  the  colony  was  on  the  brink  of  ruin,  tidings  were 
brought  to  the  Vega  that  Pedro  Fernandez  Coronal  had  arrived  at 
the  port  of  San  Domingo,  with  two  ships,  bringing  supplies  of  all 
kinds,  and  a  strong  reinforcement  of  troops.* 


CHAPTER  VI. 


SECOND    INSURRECTION    OF    GUARIONEX,    AND    FLIGHT    TO    THE 
MOUNTAINS    OF    CIGUAY. 

[1498.] 

The  arrival  of  Coronal  took  place  on  the  third  of  February,  and 
was  the  salvation  of  the  colony.  The  reinforcement  of  troops  and 
the  supplies  of  all  kinds  strengthened  the  hands  of  Don  Bartholo- 
mew. The  royal  confirmation  of  his  title  and  authority  as  Adelan- 
tado  at  once  dispelled  all  aspersions  as  to  the  legitimacy  of  his  power, 
and  confirmed  the  fidelity  of  his  adherents;  and  the  tidings  that  the 
admiral  was  in  high  favour  at  court,  and  would  soon  arrive  with  a 
powerful  squadron,  struck  consternation  into  those  who  had  entered 
into  the  rebellion  on  the  presumption  of  his  having  fallen  into  dis- 
grace. 

The  Adelantado  no  longer  remained  mewed  up  in  his  fortress,  but 
set  out  immediately  for  San  Domingo,  with  a  part  of  his  troops, 
although  a  very  superior  rebel  force  was  at  the  village  of  the  ca- 
cique Guarionex,  at  a  very  short  distance.  Roldan  followed  slowly 
and  gloomily  with  his  party,  anxious  to  ascertain  the  truth  of  these 
tidings,  to  make  partizans  if  possible  among  those  who  had  newly 
arrived;  and  to  take  advantage  of  every  circumstance  that  might 
befriend  his  rash  and  hazardous  fortunes.  Tho  Adelantado  left 
strong  guards  on  the  passes  of  the  roads  to  prevent  his  near  ap- 
proach to  San  Domingo,  but  Roldan  paused  within  a  few  leagues 
of  the  place. 

When  the  Adelantado  found  himself  secure  in  San  Domingo  with 
this  augmentation  of  force,  and  the  prospect  of  a  still  greater  rein- 
forcement at  hand,  his  magnanimity  prevailed  over  his  indignation, 
and  he  sought  by  gentle  means  to  allay  the  popular  seditions,  that 
the  island  might  be  restored  to  tranquillity  before  his  brother's  ar 


Las  Casas.    Herrera.    Hist,  del  Almirante. 


404  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  fBooK  XI. 

rival.  He  considered  that  the  colonists  had  suffered  greatly  from 
the  want  of  supplies ;  that  their  discontents  had  been  quickened  by 
the  severities  he  had  been  compelled  to  inflict ;  and  that  many  had 
been  led  to  rebellion  by  doubts  of  the  legitimacy  of  his  authority. 
While,  therefore,  he  proclaimed  the  royal  act  sanctioning  his  title 
and  powers,  he  promised  also  amnesty  for  all  past  offences  on  condi- 
tion of  immediate  return  to  allegiance.  Hearing  that  Roldan  was 
within  five  leagues  of  San  Domingo  with  his  band,  he  sent  Pedro 
Fernandez  Coronal,  who  had  been  appointed  by  the  sovereigns  al- 
guazil  mayor  of  the  island,  to  exhort  him  to  obedience,  promising 
him  oblivion  of  the  past.  He  trusted  that  the  representations  of  a 
discreet  and  honourable  man  like  Coronal,  who  had  been  witness  of 
the  favour  in  which  his  brother  stood  in  Spain,  would  convince  the 
rebels  of  the  hopelessness  of  their  cause. 

Roldan,  however,  conscious  of  his  guilt  and  doubtful  of  the  cle- 
mency of  Don  Bartholomew,  feared  to  venture  within  his  power  ; 
he  determined,  also,  to  prevent  his  followers  from  communicating 
with  Coronal,  lest  they  should  be  seduced  from  him  by  the  promise 
of  pardon.  When  that  emissary  therefore  approached  the  encamp- 
ment of  the  rebels,  he  was  opposed  in  a  naiTow  pass  by  a  body  of 
archers,  with  their  crossbows  levelled.  "  Halt  there !  traitor  !"  cried 
Roldan,  "  had  you  arrived  eight  days  later  we  should  all  have  been 
united  as  one  man."* 

It  was  in  vain  that  Coronal  endeavoured  by  fair  reasoning  and 
earnest  entreaty  to  win  this  perverse  and  turbulent  man  from  his 
career.  Roldan  answered  with  hardihood  and  defiance ;  professing 
to  oppose  only  the  tyranny  and  misrule  of  the  Adelantado,  but  to  be 
ready  to  submit  to  the  admiral  on  his  arrival.  He  and  several  of  his 
principal  confederates  wrote  letters  to  the  same  effect  to  their  friends 
in  San  Domingo,  urging  them  to  plead  their  cause  with  the  admiral 
when  he  should  arrive,  and  to  assure  him  of  their  disposition  to  ac- 
knowledge his  authority. 

When  Coronal  returned  with  accounts  of  Rondal's  contumacy, 
the  Adelantado  proclaimed  him  and  his  followers  traitors.  That 
shrewd  rebel,  however,  did  not  suffer  his  men  to  remain  within  either 
the  seduction  of  promise  or  the  terror  of  menace ;  he  immediately 
set  out  on  his  march  for  his  promised  land  of  Xaragua,  trusting  in 
its  soft  witcheries  to  dissolve  every  honest  principle  and  virtuous  tie 
of  his  misguided  followers,  by  a  life  of  indolence  and  libertinage. 

In  the  meantime  the  mischievous  effects  of  his  intrigues  among 
the  caciques  became  more  and  more  apparent.     No  sooner  had  the 


Herrera,  D.  1,  L.  3,  C.  8. 


Chap.  VI.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  405 

Adelantado  left  fort  Conception  than  a  conspiracy  was  formed 
among  the  natives  to  surprise  it.  Guarionex  was  at  the  head  of 
this  conspiracy,  moved  by  the  instigations  of  Roldan,  who  had  pro- 
mised him  protection  and  assistance ;  and  led  on  by  the  forlorn  hope, 
in  this  distracted  state  of  the  Spanish  forces,  to  relieve  his  paternal 
domains  from  the  intolerable  domination  of  usurping  strangers. 
Holding  secret  communications  with  his  tributary  caciques  it  was 
concerted  that  they  should  all  rise  simultaneously  upon  the  soldiery 
who  were  quartered  in  small  parties  in  their  villages,  and  should  put 
them  to  death ;  while  he  with  a  chosen  force  should  surprise  the  for- 
tress of  Conception  in  the  present  weak  state  of  the  garrison.  As 
the  Indians  might  make  a  mistake  in  the  appointed  time,  the  night 
of  the  full  moon  was  fixed  upon  for  the  insurrection. 

One  of  the  principal  caciques,  however,  not  being  a  correct  ob- 
server of  the  heavenly  bodies,  took  up  arms  before  the  appointed 
night.  He  was  repulsed  by  the  soldiers  quartered  in  his  village. 
The  alarm  was  given,  and  the  Spaniards  were  all  put  upon  the 
alert.  The  cacique  fled  to  Guarionex  for  protection,  but  the  chief- 
tain, full  of  indignation  and  despair,  put  him  to  death  upon  the  spot. 

No  sooner  did  the  Adelantado  hear  of  this  fresh  conspiracy  than 
he  again  put  himself  on  the  march  for  the  Vega,  with  a  strong 
body  of  men.  Guarionex  did  not  await  his  coming.  He  saw  that 
every  attempt  was  fruitless  to  shake  off  these  strangers,  who  had 
settled  like  a  curse  upon  his  territories.  He  had  found  their  very 
friendship  withering  and  destructive,  and  he  now  dreaded  their  ven- 
geance. Abandoning,  therefore,  his  rightful  and  beautiful  domain, 
the  once  happy  Vega,  he  fled  with  his  family  and  a  small  band  of 
faithful  followers  to  the  mountains  of  Ciguay.  This  is  a  lofty . 
chain,  extending  along  the  north  side  of  the  island,  between  the 
Vega  and  the  sea.  The  inhabitants  were  the  most  robust  and 
hardy  tribe  of  the  island,  and  far  more  formidable  than  the  mild 
inhabitants  of  the  plains.  It  was  a  part  of  this  tribe  which  dis- 
played hostility  to  the  Spaniards  in  the  course  of  the  first  voy- 
age of  Columbus,  and  in  a  skirmish  with  them  in  the  gulf  of 
Samana,  the  first  drop  of  native  blood  had  been  shfed  in  the  New 
World.  The  reader  may  remember  the  frank  and  confiding  con- 
duct of  these  people,  the  day  after  the  skirmish,  and  tlio  intrepid 
faith  with  which  their  cacique  trusted  himself  on  board  of  the  cara- 
vel of  the  admiral,  and  in  the  power  of  the  Spaniards,  It  was  to 
this  same  cacique,  'named  Mayobanex,  that  the  fugitive  chieftain 
of  the  Vega  now  applied  for  refuge.  He  came  to  his  residence  at  an 
Indian  town,  near  Cape  Cabron,  about  ten  leagues  west  of  Isabella, 
and  implored  shelter  for  his  wife  and  children,  and  his  handful  of 
loyal  followers,     The  noble  minded  cacique  of  the  mountains  re- 


406  UFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  [Book  XI 

ceived  him  with  open  arms.  He  not  only  gave  an  asylum  to  his 
familj^,  but  he  pledged  himself  to  stand  by  him  in  distress,  to  defend 
his  cause,  and  share  his  desperate  fortunes.*  Men  in  civilized  lifo 
learn  magnanimity  from  precept,  but  their  most  generous  actions  are 
often  rivalled  by  the  deeds  of  untutored  savages,  who  act  only  from 
natural  impulse. 


CHAPTER  Vn. 

CAMPAIGN    OF   THE   ADELANTADO  IN    THE    MOUNTAINS  OF  CIGTTAY. 

[1498.] 

Aided  by  his  mountain  ally,  and  by  bands  of  hardy  Ciguayans, 
Guarionex  made  several  descents  into  the  plain,  cutting  off  strag- 
gling parties  of  the  Spaniards,  laying  waste  the  villages  of  the  na- 
tives who  continued  in  allegiance  to  them,  and  destroying  the  fruits 
of  the  earth.  The  arrival  of  the  Adelantado  put  a  stop  to  these  mo- 
lestations, but  he  determined  to  root  out  so  formidable  an  adversary 
from  the  neighbourhood.  Shrinking  from  no  danger  nor  fatigue, 
and  leaving  nothing  to  be  done  by  others  which  he  could  do  himself, 
he  set  forth  in  the  spring  with  a  band  of  ninety  men,  a  few  cavalry, 
and  a  body  of  Indians,  to  penetrate  among  the  wild  fastnesses  of  the 
Ciguay  mountains. 

After  passing  over  a  steep  defile,  rendered  almost  impracticable 
for  troops  by  rugged  rocks,  and  exuberant  vegetation,  he  descended 
into  a  beautiful  valley  or  plain,  extending  along  the  coast,  and  em- 
braced by  arms  of  the  mountains  which  advanced  toward  the  sea. 
His  advance  into  the  country  was  watched  by  the  keen  eyes  of  In- 
dian scouts,  who  lurked  among  the  rocks  and  thickets.  As  the 
Spaniards  were  seeking  the  ford  of  a  river  at  the  entrance  of  the  plain, 
two  of  these  spies  darted  from  among  the  bushes  on  its  bank.  One 
flung  himself  headlong  into  the  water,  and,  swimming  across  the 
mouth  of  the  river,  escaped ;  the  other  being  taken  gave  information 
that  six  thousand  Indians  lay  in  ambush  on  the  opposite  shore, 
waiting  to  attack  them  as  they  crossed. 

The  Adelantado  advanced  with  caution,  and,  finding  a  shallow 
place,  entered  the  river  with  his  troops.     They  were  scarcely  mid- 


•  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.  Cap.  121.  MS.    P.  Martyr,  D.  1,  L.  5. 


Chap.  VH.]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  407 

way  in  the  stream,  when  the  savages,  hideously  painted,  and  looking 
more  like  fiends  than  men,  burst  from  their  concealment.  The 
forest  rang  with  their  yells  and  howlings.  They  discharged  a  shower 
of  arrows  and  lances,  by  which,  notwithstanding  the  protection  of 
their  targets,  many  of  the  Spaniards  were  wounded.  The  Adelan- 
tado,  however,  forced  his  way  across  the  river,  and  the  Indians  took 
to  flight.  Some  were  killed,  but  their  swiftness  of  foot,  their  know- 
ledge of  the  forestj  and  their  dexterity  in  darting  and  winding  through 
the  most  tangled  thickets,  enabled  the  greater  number  to  elude  the 
pursuit  of  the  Spaniards,  who  were  encumbered  with  armour,  targets, 
crossbows  and  lances. 

By  the  advice  of  one  of  his  Indian  guides,  the  Adelantado  pressed 
forward  along  the  valley,  to  reach  the  residence  of  Mayobanex  at 
Cabron.  On  the  way  he  had  several  skirmishes  with  the  natives, 
who  would  suddenly  rush  forth  from  ambuscades  among  the  bushes, 
discharge  their  weapons  with  furious  war-cries,  and  take  refuge 
again  in  the  fastnesses  of  their  rocks  and  forests,  inaccessible  to  the 
Spa,niards. 

Having  taken  several  prisoners,  the  Adelantado  sent  one,  accom- 
panied by  an  Indian  of  a  friendly  tribe,  as  a  messenger  to  Mayoba- 
nex, demanding  the  surrender  of  Guarionex,  promising  friendship  and 
protection  in  case  of  compliance,  but  threatening,  in  case  of  refusal, 
to  lay  waste  his  territory  with  fire  and  sword.  The  cacique  listened 
attentively  to  the  messenger ;  when  he  had  finished,  "  Tell  the  Span- 
iards," said  he,  "  that  they  are  bad  men,  cruel  and  tj^rannical ;  usurp- 
ers of  the  territories  of  others,  and  shedders  of  innocent  blood :  I 
have  no  desire  of  the  friendship  of  such  men.  Guarionex  is  a  good 
man,  he  is  my  friend,  he  is  my  guest,  he  has  fled  to  me  for  refuge,  I 
have  promised  to  protect  him,  and  I  will  keep  my  word." 

When  the  messenger  brought  this  magnanimous  reply,  or  rather 
defiance,  the  Adelantado  saw  that  nothing  was  to  be  gained  by 
friendly  overtures.  When  severity  was  required,  he  could  be  a  stern 
soldier.  He  immediately  ordered  the  village  in  which  he  had  been 
quartered,  and  several  others  in  the  neighbourhood,  to  be  set  on  fire. 
He  then  sent  further  messengers  to  Mayobanex  warning  him  that 
unless  he  delivered  up  the  fugitive  cacique  his  whole  dominions 
should  be  laid  waste  in  like  manner  ;  and  he  would  see  nothing  in 
every  direction  but  the  smoke  and  flames  of  his  burning  villages. 

The  unhappy  Ciguayans  beholding  the  destruction  which  threat- 
ened to  overwhelm  them  cursed  the  day  in  which  Guarionex  had 
taken  refuge  among  them.  They  surrounded  their  chieftain  with 
clamorous  lamentations,  urging  that  the  fugitive  should  be  given  up 


i08  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  [Book  XI 

for  the  salvation  of  the  country.  The  generous  cacique  was  inflex- 
ible. He  reminded  them  of  the  many  virtues  of  Guarionex,  and  the 
sacred  claims  he  had  on  their  hospitality ;  and  he  declared  that  he 
was  ready  to  abide  all  evils  rather  than  it  should  ever  be  said  Mayo- 
banex  had  betrayed  his  guest. 

The  people  retired  with  sorrowful  hearts,  and  the  chieftain,  sum- 
moning Guarionex  into  his  presence,  again  pledged  his  word  to  stand 
by  him  and  protect  him  though  it  should  cost  him  his  dominions. 
He  sent  no  reply  to  the  Adelantado,  and  lest  any  further  messages 
might  be  brought  to  shake  the  minds  of  his  subjects,  he  placed  men 
in  ambush,  with  orders  to  slay  any  messengers  who  might  approach. 
They  had  not  lain  in  wait  long  when  they  beheld  two  advancing 
through  the  forest,  one  of  whom  was  a  captive  Ciguayan,  the  other 
an  Indian  ally  of  the  Spaniards.  They  were  both  instantly  slain. 
The  Adelantado  was  following  at  no  great  distance,  with  only  ten 
foot  soldiers  and  four  horsemen.  When  he  found  his  messengers 
lying  dead  in  the  forest  path,  transfixed  with  arrows,  he  was  greatly 
exasperated,  and  resolved  to  deal  rigorously  with  this  obstinate  tribe. 
He  advanced,  therefore,  with  all  his  force  to  Cabron,  w^here  Mayo- 
banex  and  his  army  were  quartered.  At  his  approach  the  inferior 
caciques  and  their  adherents,  overcome  by  their  terror  of  the  Span- 
iards, fled  with  the  utmost  rapidity.  When  the  unfortunate  Mayo- 
banex  found  himself  thus  deserted  he  took  refuge  with  his  family  in 
a  secret  part  of  the  mountains.  Several  of  the  Ciguayans  sought 
for  Guarionex,  to  kill  him  or  deliver  him  up  as  a  propitiatory  offering, 
but  he  fled  to  the  heights,  where  he  wandered  about  alone,  in  the 
most  savage  and  desolate  places. 

The  luxuriance  of  the  forests  and  the  ruggedness  of  the  mountains 
rendered  this  expedition  excessively  painful  and  laborious,  and  pro- 
tracted it  far  beyond  the  time  that  the  Adelantado  had  contemplated. 
His  men  suffered  not  merely  from  fatigue  but  hunger.  The  natives 
had  all  fled  to  the  mountains :  their  villages  remained  empty  and 
desolate :  all  the  provisions  of  the  Spaniards  consisted  of  cassava 
bread  and  such  roots  and  herbs  as  their  Indian  allies  could  gather 
for  them,  with  now  and  then  a  few  utias,  taken  with  the  assistance 
of  their  dogs.  They  slept  almost  always  on  the  ground,  in  the  open 
air,  under  the  trees,  exposed  to  the  heavy  dew  which  falls  in  this 
climate.  For  three  months  they  were  thus  ranging  the  mountains, 
until  almost  worn  out  with  toil  and  hard  fare.  Many  of  them  had 
farms  in  the  neighbourhood  of  fort  Conception  which  required  their 
attention;  they  therefore  entreated  permission,  since  the  Indiana 
were  terrified  and  dispersed,  to  return  to  their  abodes  in  the  Vega. 


Chap.  VIL]  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  409 

The  Adelantado  granted  many  of  them  passports,  and  an  allow- 
ance out  of  the  scanty  stock  of  bread  which  remained.  Retaining 
only  thirty  men,  he  resolved  with  these  to  search  every  den  and 
cavern  of  the  mountains  until  he  should  find  the  two  caciques.  It 
was  difficult,  however,  to  come  upon  their  traces  in  such  a  wilder- 
ness. There  was  no  one  to  give  a  clue  to  their  retreat,  for  the  whole 
country  was  abandoned.  There  were  the  habitations  of  men,  but 
not  a  human  being  to  be  seen :  or  if  by  chance  they  caught  some 
wretched  Indian  stealing  forth  from  the  mountains  in  quest  of  food, 
he  always  professed  utter  ignorance  of  the  hiding  place  of  the 
caciques. 

It  happened  one  day,  however,  that  several  Spaniards,  while 
hunting  utias,  captured  two  of  the  followers  of  Mayobanex,  who 
were  on  their  way  to  a  distant  village  in  search  of  bread.  They 
were  taken  to  the  Adelantado,  who  compelled  them  to  betray  the 
place  of  concealment  of  their  chieftain,  and  to  act  as  guides. 
Twelve  Spaniards  volunteered  to  go  in  quest  of  him.  Stripping 
themselves  naked,  staining  and  painting  their  bodies  so  as  to  look 
like  Indians,  and  wrapping  their  swords  in  palm-leaves,  they  were 
conducted  by  the  guides  to  the  retreat  of  the  unfortunate  Mayo- 
banex. They  came  secretly  upon  him,  and  found  him  surrounded 
by  his  wife  and  children,  and  a  few  of  his  household,  totally  unsus- 
picious of  danger.  Drawing  their  swords,  the  Spaniards  rushed 
upon  them  and  made  them  all  prisoners.  When  these  captives 
were  brought  to  the  Adelantado,  he  gave  up  all  further  search  after 
Guarionex,  and  returned  to  fort  Conception. 

Among  the  prisoners  thus  taken  was  the  sister  of  Mayobanex. 
She  was  the  wife  of  another  cacique  of  the  mountains,  whose  terri- 
tories had  never  yet  been  visited  by  the  Spaniards,  and  she  was 
reputed  to  be  one  of  the  most  beautiful  women  of  the  island.  Ten- 
derly attached  to  her  brother,  she  had  abandoned  the  security  of  her 
own  dominions,  and  had  followed  him  among  rocks  and  precipices, 
participating  in  all  his  hardships,  and  comforting  him  with  a  wo- 
man's sympathy  and  kindness.  When  the  cacique,  her  husband, 
who  tenderly  loved  her,  heard  of  her  captivity,  he  was  distracted 
with  grief,  and  hastening  to  the  Adelantado,  offered  to  submit  him- 
self and  all  his  possessions  to  his  sway,  if  his  wife  might  be  restored 
to  him.  The  Adelantado  accepted  his  offer  of  allegiance,  and  re- 
leased this  Indian  beauty,  together  with  several  of  his  subjects  whom 
he  had  captured.  The  cacique  kept  his  word ;  he  became  a  firm 
and  valuable  ally  of  the  Spaniards,  cultivating  large  tracts  of  land, 
and  supplying  them  with  great  quantities  bread  and  other  pro- 
visions 2  K 


410  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OP  fBooK  XI. 

Kindness  appears  never  to  have  been  lost  upon  this  gentle  people. 
When  this  act  of  clemency  reached  the  Ciguajans,  they  came  in 
multitQiies  to  the  fortress,  bringing  presents  of  various  kinds,  pro- 
mising allegiance,  and  imploring  the  release  of  Mayobanex  and  his 
family.  The  Adelantado  granted  their  prayer  in  part,  releasing  the 
wife  and  household  of  the  cacique,  but  still  detaining  him  prisoner, 
to  ensure  the  fidelity  of  his  subjects. 

In  the  meantime,  the  unfortunate  Guarionex,  who  had  been 
hiding  in  the  wildest  part  of  the  mountains,  was  driven  by  hunger 
to  venture  down  occasionally  into  the  plain  in  quest  of  food.  The 
Ciguayans  looking  upon  him  as  the  cause  of  their  misfortunes,  and 
perhaps  hoping  by  his  sacrifice  to  procure  the  release  of  their  chief- 
tain, betrayed  his  haunts  to  the  Adelantado.  A  party  was  imme- 
diately dispatched  to  secure  him.  They  lay  in  wait  in  the  path  by 
which  he  usually  returned  to  the  mountains.  As  the  unhappy 
cacique,  after  one  of  his  solitary  and  famished  excursions,  was  re- 
turning to  his  den  among  the  cliffs,  he  was  surprised  by  the  lurking 
Spaniards,  and  brought  ni  chains  to  tort  Conception.  After  his 
repeated  insurrections,  and  tne  extraordinary  zeal  and  perseverance 
displayed  in  his  pursuit,  Guarionex  expected  nothing  less  than 
death  from  the  vengeance  of  the  Adelantado.  Don  Bartholomew, 
however,  though  stern  in  his  policy,  was  neither  vindictive  nor 
cruel  in  his  nature.  He  considered  the  tranquillity  of  the  Vega 
sufficiently  secured  by  the  captivity  of  the  cacique ;  and  he  ordered 
him  to  be  detained  a  prisoner  and  hostage  in  the  fortress.  The 
Indian  hostilities  in  this  important  part  of  the  island  being  thus 
brought  to  a  conclusion,  and  precautions  taken  to  prevent  their  re- 
currence, Don  Bartholomew  returned  to  the  city  of  San  Domingo, 
where  shortly  after  his  arrival  he  had  the  joy  of  receiving  his  bro- 
ther the  admiral,  after  nearly  two  years  and  six  months'  absence.* 

Such  was  the  active,  intrepid  and  sagacious,  but  turbulent  and 
disastrous,  administration  of  the  Adelantado;  in  which  we  find 
evidences  of  the  great  capacity,  the  mental  and  bodily  vigour,  of 
this  self-formed  and  almost  self-taught  man.  He  united  in  a  singular 
degree  the  sailor,  the  soldier,  and  the  legislator.  Like  his  brother 
the  admiral,  his  mind  and  manners  rose  immediately  to  the  level  of 
his  situation,  showing  no  arrogance  nor  ostentation,  and  exercising 
the  sway  of  sudden  and  extraordinary  powers  with  the  sobriety  and 
moderation  of  one  who  had  been  born  to  it.     He  has  been  accused 


*  The  particulars  of  this  chapter  are  chiefly  from  P.  Martyr,  Decad.  1,  Lib.  6 ; 
the  manuscript  history  of  Las  Casas,  L.  1,  C.  121 ;  andHerrera,  Hist.  Ind.  D.  1, 
L  3,  C.  8,  9. 


Chap.  VH-l  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  411 

of  severity  in  his  government,  but  no  instance  appears  of  a  cruel  or 
wanton  abuse  of  authority.  If  he  was  stern  towards  the  factious 
Spaniards,  ho  was  just ;  the  disasters  of  his  administration  were 
not  produced  by  his  own  rigour,  but  by  the  perverse  passions  of 
others  which  called  for  its  exercise;  and  the  admiral,  who  had 
more  suavity  of  manners  and  benevolence  of  heart,  was  not  more 
fortunate  in  conciliating  the  good  will  and  ensuring  the  obedience 
of  the  colonists.  The  merits  of  Don  Bartholomew  do  not  appear  to 
have  been  sufficiently  appreciated  by  the  world.  His  portrait  has 
been  suffered  to  remain  too  much  in  the  shade;  it  is  worthy  of  being 
brought  forth  into  the  light,  as  a  companion  to  that  of  his  illustrious 
brother.  Less  amiable  and  engaging  perhaps  in  its  lineaments,  and 
less  characterized  by  magnanimity,  its  traits  are  nevertheless  bold, 
generous  and  heroic,  and  stamped  with  iron  firmness. 


BND   OF  VOL.   I. 


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